gist glicaliattr-latelligtactr,.
EV FA9 r . I F E P I4II* F i I t F
OO IE, it,ll A D1C.11.15 0 IX, CO.
E .'" Coorß,
wiz: A. MOUros, ALFRED SANDERSON
TERMSTwo Dollars per trumm, payable
all cases in advance. ' -
OFFIMLBOaTIIWEST CORIUM OF CENTRE
QUAKE.
far A.ll letters on business should be ad
ressed tO COOP/tit, SAADF.B.SON & CO.
Mittraq.
The Capuchin.
[From the London Shilling Magazine.]
Many years ago there resided in a city
in Sicily a nobleman named Don Felix,
who was entirely master of himself and
of a large fortune. Immediately oppo
site to his mansion lived a professor of
the healing art, called Don Ambrosio,
who, in order to prevent his curious
neighbors from prying into his secrets,
Itept in his windows vases filled with
flowers and sweet herbs, such as parsely,
thyme, marjoram, &c. The doctor was
a man verging on sixty-five, and ex-
ceedingly avaricious
It happened one morning that Don
Felix, rising earlier than usual, caught
a glimpse of one of the loveliest faces
he ever beheld, peeping behind the
flowers. He at once felt himself deeply
in love, and could not rest until he dis
covered who the beautiful creature was,
for he knew that Don Ambrosio had
neither wife nor daughter. He made
every inquiry among his domestics and
neighbors, but no one could satisfy his
curiosity, as the doctor never admitted
any one into his house except an old
woman whoserved him as housekeeper,
and who was so surly and ill-tempered
that no information could be got from
her, as he supposed. However, one day,
watching an opportunity when she left
the house, he introduced himself to her
acquaintance by softly slipping a few
coins into her hand, when, instead of
a crabbed, disagreeable old creature, as
she had been depic.ted, he found her one
of the most complaisant and communi
cative of her sex.
He learned from her, that the young
lady was a ward, lately left to her mas
ter's charge by a deceased relative ; that
she was entitled to a considerable suns
of money when_she became of age
which she believed had more charms
for the doctor than her person, lovely
though she was, as he proposed to marry
her himself, and was continually urg
ing his suit, which was most distasteful
to her. He kept her a close prisoner
noteven allowing her to cross the thresh
old to go to mass on holidays.
To Don Felix's pressing entreaties for
an interview the old lady replied that
the doctor never stirred out, and had
even given up visiting his patients ; that
the only opportunity he would have of
seeing the young lady hearer would be
on Christmas-eve, which was then close
at hand, when Don Ambrosio had, for
a great indulgence, promised to take
her to church, that she might witness
the services customary on that occasion;
but; not to discove( the secret of his
having a ward, or to give cause for sus
picion, the jealous doctor intended to
disguise her as a Capuchin. Don Felix
then dismissed his informant with an
other present, and an impassioned mes
sage to her beautiful mistress, who
sometimes found an opportunity of
eluding the vigilance of her guardian,
and of showing herself at the windows,
giving Don Felix to understand by signs
that she teas not insensible to his 'pas
sion. Her beauty, wlAich had at first
kindled a spark in his breast, now fan
ned this into a devouring flame. The
expected evening at length arrived.
Don Felix watched carefully the doe,
tor's door, until he saw him leave the
house in company with a monk. He
lost not a moment in following, and en
tered the church close behind them;
then pretending to meet, them acciden
tally, he exclaimed, "Ha, Don Ambro-
sio, are you here ? And who is this
young friar who accompanies you?''
" Only a Capuchin novice a relation,
whom the prior has permitte 1 to pass
the evening with me," replied the dis.
ciple of Esculapius, stifling his vexation
at the unwelcome recoutre ; and, as he
spoke, he drew the hood closer over the
face of his companion, wished his ex
cellency good evening, and tried to
shuffle off into the middle of the crowd.
But Don Felix was not so easily dis
missed; he kept his post by the side of
the novice, and condescendingly ex
plained to him all that was novel, or
extraordinary in the scene, not with
out putting in a tender word at intervals
when the doctor was looking another
way, intending to snatch a favorable
opportunity of running off with his fair
companion; but the other was always
on the alert, changing from right to left,
as the agonized doctor moved the novice,
on various pretexts, from one arm to
the other. At the conclusion of the
ceremony he made another desperate
effort to get away; but his neighbor
declared that he had received so much
pleasure from the doctor's company
that he was resolved to invite him and
his young charge to supper. The alarmed
doctor tried to excuse himself, saying
that it was notbecoming in a person of
his station to sit at a table with a noble
man,.
" Pshaw !" said Don Felix ; " that
is all nonsense ; we spring from the
same flesh and blood, have the same
forefathers, and are cousins in the
thirtieth or fortieth degree at furthest.
However, if you will not sup with me,
I am dcterin in ed to do so with you.
Here," said. he to one of his domestics,
whom he recognized iu the crowd,
" order my supper to be carried over to
the house of Don Ambrosio ; we will
make a night of it."
The doctor, not knowing ,to what
length so wild a young man might carry
his frolic, chose what he esteemed the
least of two evils, and agreed to accom
pany Don Felix home, on the express
condition that they should not be detain
ed- more than an hour. "As for that,"
said his noble host, " perhaps it may
not keep you half so long."
Soon after they arrived, supper was
announced; and the prince, doctor, and
novice sat down to table. It being the
vigil of Christmas, the meal was, of
course, entirely meagre, consisting
chiefly of fish. No sooner were the cov
ers removed, than Don Felix, casting
his eye from one dish to another, and
getting into a fury, surveyed each, until
he arrived at the bottom- of the table ;
then, starting up in a rage, " What,"
he roared iu a voice like thunder, " all
without parsley? that villain of a cook
shall pay for his neglect." So saying,
he ran about like a madman, heedless
of the entreaties of Don Ambrosio ;
at length, spying his sword in a cor
ner, he seized it, and, rushing down
stairs, swore he would send his careless
cook to his mortal account.
A tremendous uproar was heard be
low, which made Ambrosio tremble for
the unlucky offender. Just then a dozen
servants hurried into the room. " Don
Ambrosio, Don Ambrosio ! are you not
ashamed to let Don Felix cut all our
throats for a little parsley, when you
have so much in your window? For
heaven's sake run'over and fetch some,
or we shall all be murdered." With
these words they laid hold of.him, one
pulling and another pushing, until they
got him fairly down attars, he calling all
. ..
..---- . - -........-............---..- . ,
_.„...._ „..,..
• ,- " r r 1. , , , ....; 1 - ...,.....-• , 1 - Z ~ ,..y, , •!, .., 01 •,;.11 • ' •••• -i- . - --!.,--: ; ! 1, 4 . ,•••••:::,•:, ".. ,: ; •2 - , • ':. ' ,.--*.i/./'O-. i.: • .)Eti:S... .;- ,', ,T . ;.: ,',:. '-- '-‘• a • ! 1.:; • . . , i.,• ., ...1:..: ', , ".... , :. ,4 .L.1...
„VlV.r . r r .i.7,- . .i!: .7 7 '.:1 ' ' ..:,Vi r q..,1 '•;•,,t7e.l;rsit.i. t': 1,. 7.: .....1 • 1,14. fi1....... ,•,, 1.: . ” '-••.. -•••''''" ' " .
..'"*- .....,:,...,:;...,. : 4,. • - .., ' : • , ..
40 . - ..
•'-' ' ` '''' .' - . ' 4 -•' '.l
'1'1 " . ,J , I. ...re :i.,..A ..: 1•r•• ::.1.11-111 , .. : . ', ..' ia3 ;., '- ' , - • , r .'': i - .: :. • ;'
..•::::. • - 1 .. --,--
~.."D I .
I
~ .... ,_, . - . •
... ..„
• .
1'
,
- - -:t
' 5 .,- ;7 111 . !7 .. -..— 1 it ‘
.. •
"1.-.:-. .1
Il tit . 11 41 . ... .
,:, .: .q.., I- ;:.•',. ::'l3 -,.` :i: i -!. 'I ti It -tit ,-, ----- ~.: - - . .- '. :_i i- , - , . .. -
Y.
/ ,• • ' ' - .
• • '-• '. •-• ' . • '
4 . .
VbLUME 66.
the way for the Capuchin to follow.
" What !" they said, " are you afraid of
our eating him before you return
the parsley?"
Finding there was no remedy, the
doctor made the best of his way to his
own house, tore up the parsley .by its
roots, and was back in less than &minute.
But though short his stay, there was
quite time enough, it appears, for Don
Felix and all his household to have re
tired to rest, for the huge doors of the
palace were fast locked and barred
against his ingress. In vain did Don
Ambrosio knock and knock, shouting
and crying to the servants to open for
the love of all the saints, bawling till he
was quite hoarse that he had brought
the parsley ; but the ponderous portals
remained firm on their inexorable
hinges. Still Don Ambrosio, almostbe
side himself with rage and jealousy, con
tinued his cries and knockings.
A full hour passed in this manner.
At length the porter, asurly fellow, was
heard behind the door, asking who
dared to disturb his master at that un
reasonable hour?
"It is I, Don Ambrosio. Open, as
you hope to be saved. I have brought
the parsley."
" The parsley !" cried the other, in a
tone of wonder.
"If you don't want the parsley,"
gasped out the supplicating son of Ga
len, " at least give me my novice."
" Your novice !".repeated the porter,
in a tone of still greater surprise. "This
must be a stratagem of thieves to effect
au entrance, in order r fo plunder the
'„palace. Holloa, there! bring me my
blunderbus!"
Long did the desperate doctor besiege
the princely residence with exclarnd
tions, curses, and thundering raps at the
door, in detiance of missiles, wet and
dry. It was a plain ease: " the neigh
bors all saw that poor Don Ambrosio
had lost his senses."
- _
Finding how matters stood, the doc
tor at length thought that his best plan
would be to proceed to the Capitano de
Grustizia. Late as it was, his importu
nity procured him admission. Hearing
the strange tale of Don Ambrosio—who,
still bent on preserving hissecret, never
hinted that it was no Capuchin, but his
ward, who was thus unlawfully detain
ed—the magistrate, who is always a
nobleman, resolved himself to accom
pany the doctor to the mansion of Don
Felix, s;onceiving it to be one of his
customary frolics. The capitano hav
ing narrated the complaint of Don Am
brosio, begged the other to give the Ca
puchin back to the poor man, that he
might return to his convent.
A Capuchin," said Don Felix, in
feigned surprise, " in my house! Don
Ambrosia .has lost his wits. The whole
neighborhood can testify to the distur
bance he has this evening made at my
door. You are at liberty to search the
house from the roof
. to the cellar ; and
if you find monk or friar, Capuchin or
Carmelite, young or old, you may take
him, and welcome ; but if all this should
turn out to be the enct of Don Ambro •
sio's disordered brain, it will only be a
charity to him, and a satisfaction to me,
to lodge him in the mad-house, for fear
he should commit greater excesses--
Come, gentlemen, begin your examina
tion."
Just then, a lady, superbly attired,
and beautiful as a houri, passed through
the apartment. No sooner did the doc
tor behold her, than he said, pointing
out to her :
"There, there; that is the Capuchin !"
" Poor man !" said the capitano, cross
ing himself. • ' Mistake a lady for a
Capuchin ! he must, indeed, be looked
after."
Don Ambrosio was accordingly at
once hurried off to the:lospital, where
his vehement assertions and protesta
tions being taken for the ravings of a
deranged intellect, his professional breth
ren kindly consigned him to the
straight-waistcoat, and soon, in reality,
cupped, bled, shaved, and blistered him
out of his senses; which he would per-
haps never have recovered, had not his
fair ward—now become the wife of the
enamoured prince—considerately inter
fered in his behalf, and procured his
release.
How Milton Spent the Day
At his meals he never took much
wine, or any other fermented liquog.
Although not fastidious in his food, yet
his taste seems to have been delicate,
and refined, like hispther senses, and he
had a preference for such viands as were
of agreeable flavor. In his early years
he used to sit up late at his studies, but
in his later years he retired every night
at nine o'clock and lay till four iu sum
, mer and five in winter. If not then
disposed to rise, he had some one to sit
at his bedside and read to him. When
he rose he had a chapter of the Hebrew
Bible read for him, and then
after breakfast, studied till twelve.
He then dined, took some ex
ercise, for an hour, generally in a chair
in which he used to swing himself, and
afterwards played on the organ or bass
viol, and eithersung himself, or request
ed his ,wife to sing, who, as he said, had
a good voice but no ear.. He then re
sumed his studies until six, from which
hour till eight he conversed with all
who came to visit him. He finally took
a light supper, smoked a pipe of tobac
co, and drank a glass of water ; and af
terwards retired to rest.
Like many other poets, Milton found
the stillness, warmth and recumbency
of bed favorable to composition; and
his wife said, before rising of a morn: -
jug, he often dictated to her twenty or
thirty verses. A favorite position of
his, when dictating his verses, we ate
told, was that of sitting with oue of his
legs over an arm chair. His wife re- ,
lated that he used to compose chiefly in
winter.
Spicy Grumbling.
" What is the use of living ?" snarled
a veteran grumbler the other day. "We
are flogged for crying, when we are
babies—flogged because the master is
cross, when we are boys—obliged to toil,
sick or well, or starve when we are men
—to work still harder (and suffer some
thing worse!) when we are husbands—
and, after exhausting life and strength
in the service of other people, die, and
leave our children to quarrel about the
possession of father's watch; and our
wives—to catch somebody else."
Coleridge, in oue of the most beau
tiful of similes, illustrates the pregnant
truth that the more we know, the great
er is our thirst for knowledge, and the
more we love, the more instinctive our
sympathy: "The water-lily, in the
midst of waters, opens its leaves and
expands its petals, at the first pattering
of the showes ; and rejoices in the rain
drops with a quicker sympathy than
the parched shrub in the sandy desert."
plorgibuono.
Speech of Hon. Jeremiah 8. Black,
Delivered at Williauesport, Pa , Thurs.
day, September 28tb. 1865.
In the opening of his speech, Judge B.
gave an account of party politics before the
organization which now calls itself Repub
lican took its present name. At -that time
Democrats universally predicted, that if
ever the Abolitionists got into power, they
would destroy the harmony among the
Stites, and either cause a permanent disso
lution of the Union, or else make civil win.
necessary to prevent it; both of which we
regarded as amon ,, the worst of national
calamities. In that opinion the Whigs fully
concurred, and it was expressed by Mr.
Clay, Mr. Webster, and other public men
of that school, as strongly as by anybody
else. The Abolitionists themselves did ne
pretend to conceal their atagonigm to Me
best interests of the country, or their de
termination to break up its tranquility:—
Christianity was opposed to their schemes,
and so was the Constitution. They de
nounced both. They habitually slandered
in the most brutal manner all men. who
stood up for the principles on which the
government was based. Washington, and
the other founders of this republic, were
spoken of as knaves, and - John Brown, a
thief, a murderer and a traitor, as soon as
he made his appearance, was adopted as
their-model of every virtue. No insult was
too low for them to cast upon the funda
mental law—no blasphemy too coarse to
express their contempt for those precepts of
the Bible which required obedience to es
tablished authority.' All this was hard to
bear, and it teas made harder still by the
known fact that they were acting in con
cert with the avowed enemies of American
liberty and law on the other side of the At
lantic. o t . course no considerable number
• . _
of the American people entertained these
sentiments. The vast mass of them were
- - _
sincerely attached to their political insti
tutions. They believed their government
to be the best that could be invented for a
people in their circumstances, and were
not only willing, but determined, to save it
from subversion The Abolitionists were
look upon generally as a gang of conspira
tors against the public peace—as korai
monsters who acknowledged none of the
obligations which bind man to his fellow
man—as a set of criminals who came di
rectly within Sir Michael Foster's defini
tion of legal malice: halving hearts regard
less of social duty and fatally bent upon
doing mischief." For these reasons they
were not only opposed, be detested and
loathed. Nevertheless this nation was de
livered up into their hands, and for four
years they have been working their bloody
will upon it. how did it happen that a
small body of men so justly despised by
the masses of the people could get the gov
ernment into their hands?
Judge B. answered this question. It was
partly caused by an accidental division
among the friends of the Union, the Con
stitution and the laws, but it was mainly
brought about by fraud and false pretenses.
The motive power of the Abolitionists was
not philanthropy or benevolence or love for
the negro, but hatred for the white man of
the South. In New England it was . easy
to get this malignant passion into full oper
ation. The Yankees had their reasons to,
intense dislike not only of the people who
lived in the far South, but also of those who
had their homes in the Middle and Western
States. In the tirst place, most of them
were originally members of the old Federal
party, and how they hated the Democracy
(which they called the Virginia school) for
driving them out into a long exile from
office, may be understood by any one who
will read th, foo! ialsrlioods of their press
and the still baser lies of their pulpit against
Jefferson Madison, Jackson and others.
This was one grudge, hut not the grudge
that rankled roost deeply. The embargo
first, and afterwards the war of 1812, touched
their pockets and deprived them of the pow
er to make large fortunes at the expense of
the national honor. By this cause they
were so much exasperated that they en
gaged in a plot to dismember the Union,
and would have broken it to pieces but for
the battle of New Orleans and the peace of
Ghent. Again : they wanted a great na-
tional bank, for certain reasons which af
fected their pecuniary interests; and it was
a Southern President who pronounced such
a corporation incompatible with the public
interest and contrary to the Consti•
tution. In later times they de-
mended a protective tariff, which should be
high enough to increase the profits of their
factories two or three hundred per cent, be
yond what they could make in an open mar
ket. The South led in opposition to this
system of high duties, the West was con
verted, the tariff was reduced to a revenue
standard, and the Yankee was obliged to
to content himself with lower prices. All
this roused the natural malevolence of their
hearts and prepared them for anything
which promised the gratification at once of
hatred and rapacity. Judge_.. B. supposed
nobody was simple enough to believe that
the hard-hearted, cruel and selfish breed o
men who whipped Quaker women, hung
the Baptists and refused all aid to their suf
fering country when a foreign enemy had
it by the throat, could be started on a cru
sade of mere romantic benevolence toward
a body of strange negroes.
But by appealing to their venality wild
their malice, the Abolitionists got them
easily enough. The New England States
coming over, that gave them a vote, which,
in a Presidential election closely contested
between other parties, was a balance of
power. They could then go into the field
and bid for the politicians of the minority
party. The first live Abolitionist Judge B.
ever saw had told him that this was their
programme, and that it was certain of suc
cess, for the politicians sought nothing but
place and patronage; and therefore an offer
to give them the jobs, contracts . and offices
of the Federal Government, would make
them profess Abolition principles whether
they believed them or not,
such means the small and unprincipled
band who cursed the Constitution and blas
phemed Christianity—habitually slandered
the best men of the country—and sung
hymns of praise to the memory of a com
mon thief—became the great power of this
nation, and they have been preying upon it
fur four years past.
They--came into power, and civil war,
anarchy, spoliation and bloodshed came
along with them, as all wise men predicted
it would. Nobody doubts that if the Demo
crats had succeedvd in electing either of
their candidates in ISCio, the career of the
conntry would still have been onward and
upward, :is it was Mr seventy-four years
before. It is equally undeniable that if the
Abolitionists, or any similar party, had got
possession of the government thirty or forty
years earlier, public ruin would have been
the consegaience.
But the war has come and gone, and left
behind it certain results, besides the eman
cipation if the Southero negroes. We have
contracted a debt or tour thou,4ifid millions
of dollar:, and we have lost half a million
of our best men killed and crippled. Upon
the Southern half of our country the effects
have been infinitely more disastrous. They
have been totally cut to pieces—their towns
burnt, their fields ravaged—their whole
country covered with blood and ashes. A
revolution has been wrought among them
such as no people ever saw before—a revo
lution that has broken up the whole frame
work of society—which is felt in every
city, in every town, and on every fan:a—by
men, women and children—by all classes
and colors—for the blacks have suffered
even more than the whites:.-a million of
the former having perished in the horrible
process.
The altered condition of things imposes
new duties and raises new questions. Of
course, we look to the general welfare and
the future peace of the whole country. We
must make our re-union with the South as
useful to ourselves as we can consistently
with justice to then,. flow this shall be ac
complished is a point to which the public
attention is just now very strongly drawn.
The Democracy and the Abolitionists have
taken up their several positions and have
defined them unmistakably.
Democrats do not see how they can ren
der any positive or material aid to the
Southern people. To the question what
help shall be given them, we answer, none;
they must help themselves; they must re
habilitate their own society, reorganize their
own industry, and regenerate their own
country, for they alone can do it. And they
can not do it unless they have a govern
ment of law, which will protect life, liberty
and property, while they are about it.
What sort of a government shall they have?
Can there be two answers to that interroga
tory? Not from the lips of a Democrat.
We deal only in a government of one kind,
and that is the old Constitution, which you
have all seen with the name of George
Washington signed at the foot of it. We
would give them this because we are sworn
to administer no other to any community
within our jurisdiction, or under our power,
and any policy not sanctioned by it
must have perjury for its corner-stone.
Besides, we supposed that the restoration of
this Constitution and the laws passed in
pursuance of it to their just supremacy
throughout the whole country was the object
of the war, we know it to be the !only legit
imate object for and which such a war could
have been waged. If that be not the result
of the war, then it is a most ignominious
failure. It is something worse than a fail
ure; it is the most stupendous swindle that
ever was perpetrated. - The Abolitionists
themselves, when they called on the people
'UNCAMIt, Pk, WEDNISDAY NIORNING, OCTOBER 11, 1865.
for blood and money to prosecute the war,
declared that its purpose was to ylndicate
the constitution and laws apd compel obe
dience-to them, We were told this inevery
form, official and unofficial—in the procla
mation of the President 'when the first call
was made for seventy-five thousand men—
in solemn resolutions passed through Con
gress—in despatches and orders from the
departments—and in one of the resolutions
passed at Baltimore, when Mr. Lincoln was
nominated the last time, it was declared
that the war was to restore the paramount
authority of the Constitution in the Southern
States. If they now say that the success ac
quired in this way is to be used for other.
purposcs;and the Constitution shall not be
restored; they confess that they have obtain
ed four thousand millions of dollars and a
half million of lives, upon false_ pretenses.
If any individual would get five dollars from
his neighbor upon pretences equally false,
nothing but a perversion of law and justice
could save him-from condign punishment
its a criminal. To deny the paramount au
thority of the Constitution now, in the face
of these facts, is to break the faith which
holds the moral world together. Our theory
is very simple. We always averred, (and
so did our opponents for the )(natter of that,)
that the ordinance of secession were mere
nullities, that the States were,legally, still in
the Union—that the rebellion consisted in
the determination of individuals to resist
the execution of the Federal laws—that our
war was against these individuals and could
not be levied against the States as States,
without treating them as a foreign power,
and thus recognizing the constitutional
right of secession, and if we acknowledged
that right, we took from under our feet the
only ground we could stand on in making
any war at all. The General Government
in executing its laws acts upon individuals
'ust as a State Government does. In sup-
. _
pressing an insurrection, the one does not
make war upon a county, nor the other
upon a State.
In these views of the universal Democ-
- - _
racy I am glad to say that the President of
the United States does most heartily concur.
When I give you this assurance you are not
to understand me as speaking from rumor,
or report, or common fame—l know where
of I affirm. If that distinguished gentle
man were standing here he would express
the same 'opinions, only in language fur
more forcible, vigorous and clear. He has
not given up one inch of the high ground
he took when he, was a Senator, before the
war broke out. It. may reasonably he ex
pected, also, that a very large number of
the men who have heretofore called them
selves "Republicans" will find themselves
with us, since they camgot pet against 114
without grossly violating the faith which
they have often pledged.
Hut the Abolition party proper is against
us as a unit. The man who leads them in
Congress, and out of doors, as he has always
led whatever party he belonged to, expresses
his will, and they must obey his dictation.
He propounded his doctrine, the other day,
in a State Convention, and not a man was
found to resist him; he announced it else
where, and it was received by his followers
with universal applause; it has been echoed
back already by his disciples in Massachu
setts. The utterances of Mr. Stevens are
the deliverances of his party. Let us see
what they propose.
There can be no doubt that their interests
as mere partisans are wholly adverse to the
peace of the country. Their prosperity us a
political organization has alwaysdepended,
and does now depend, on the amount of
exasperation and ill blood which they can
keep up between the sections. They know
and they expressly admit that the entire
harmony and union of the States, no matter
on what terms it might be accomplished,
would be fatal to their ascendency. They
would meet any calamity rather than face
the -horrors of perfect peace; because in
time of perfect peace they could not exist as a
party any more than the functions of animal
life could go on under an exhausted receiver.
They are, therefore, very sincere and devout
when they pray God that the Union may
not be restored, and now since slavery is
abolished, they are as industrious as ever
in finding other causes of quarrel.
They propose to hold the Southern States
in absolute bondage. They would not gov
ern them at all, for government implies
law of some kind. The Southern people
are to be disposed of without the slightest
reference to the Constitution, or to any law,
State or national. They must have no voice
in the regulation of their federal duties,-or
in the administration of their local affairs.
When they laid down their arms it is to be
deemed and taken that they submitted not
, the Ciovernment of the United States, that
is to the Constitution and laws, but to the
mere will of the dominant party in the
North. Thor shall have no representation
in Congress and no vote for President.
They are not only to be denied all political
privileges, but their natural rightto life and
property, which the Declaration of Inde
pendence declares to be inalienable, will
also be taken front them. With regard to
life, Mr. Stevens says he has not yet made
up his mind how many aro to die, but when
he does come to a conclusion on that sub-
jest we may expect the slaughter to begin
What form it will take we are not told, ex.
cept that the victims are not to have a ju
dicial trial; that is scouted as a mere
absurdity. Those who are spared will be
monuments of mercy, and those who are
killed are to be killed because they have no
right to their lives. As to the right of prop
erty, that is clean entirely out of the ques
tion, and is not acknowledged fora moment.
The Chancellor of their Exchequer has ac
tually sat down and calculated how much of
their lands and goods hewill take, and what
the value of them will be. lie cyphers it
up to three - thousand millions of dollars!'
All this property is to be taken without any
reference to the personal guilt or innocence
of the individual owners. That is palpable
on the face of the proposition itself. A man
who owns two hundred acres of land, or
has personal property worth ten thousand
dollars, shall be stripped of his all, but his
neighbor, who has less, may keep what he
has, and may be guilty, and the other inno
cent, or both may be guilty, or both inno
cent, but that is not the question ; the value
of their respective estates is the only inqui
ry that is made. Why this distinction? I
declare I don't know, unless it be that one
is worth robbing, and the other is not.—
Women and children, Mr. Stevens says,
may be driven into exile. Aye! That they
may, and robbed into the bargain. An or
phan six months old, if it comes within this
rule, will not be spared—they may take the
clothes off its little body, and the spoon it is
fed with. Why? Not because the child has
committed any sin, but because it happens
to be the legal heir to property of such val
ue that the Abolitionists cannot forego the
temptation to appropriate it. Suppose a
widow to become the object of their delicate
attentions. They do not inquire into her
history, Oren so far as to ascertain what her
" afpnpathice were during the war. But
they take nn inventory of her furniture,
value her live stock, count her spoons, ex
amine her dresses, and if their value can
ho figured tip to ten thousand dollars, they
t.)ase to he hers by virtue of Abolition arith
metic. Or they send a surveyor out, with
compass and chain, to measure her land,
and if; by any means, he can run in two
hundred acres, the investigation is ended.
She may take her children and go into ex
ile, if she can manage to travel without
money ; if not, she can starve.
Of course, I do not pretend to find any
words in the English language which will
characterize the morality of this- measure.
It is simply a _proposal to organize and
maintain a band of men to violate the sixth
commandment—to plunder a defenceless
people in a time of profound pence under
the patronage of the Federal Government.
When you recollect by whom and how this
proposition is made, it becomes a melan
choly evidence of the extent to• which a
people can be demoralized by civil war. It
is advocated in public by men who are
seeking the favor of the people, and paraded
as a fundamental article in the creed of a
political party. No doubt they think they
can gain popularity and win votes by it. If
they do, they mustbelievethepublic morals
to be thoroughly debauched.
This comes of making a saint out ofJohn
Brown. President Johnson, in a speech
which he made in 1860, said in substance-(I
do not profess to give his words) that the
character of a people might be learned from
gods they adored; the Abolitionistsworship •
ped a, thief; and the worshippers would, of
necessity, be the imitators of his moral
qualities. They have got on more rapidly
than the President supposed they would.
Brown concealed his designs or cautiously
whispered them into the ear of his accom
plices ; but his present disciples unhesitat
ingly avow their intention to imitate him
on a scale so grand that his thefts seem like
mere petty larceny by comparison.
The legal theory on'which their scheme is
based, is as absurdly false as the scheme !
itself is indecent and shameless. They
do not stultify themselves by asserting
that they find any warrant for it in
the Constitution. Nor do they get it
in the war power; for that power, ac
cording to their own loose definition of it, is
grounded in military necessity and must
cease of course when the war ceases. But
they allege that the Southern States went
legally out of the Union, have been out
ever since, are out now, and must stay out
notwithstanding all that was expended in
trying to keep them in. Thel are conquer
ed aliens. The attitude of the Northern and
Southern States toward one another is in
their view no other than that of two sepa
rate countries, between whom there has
been a war; the more powerful having in
vaded the weaker and beaten its defenders.
Now admit all this to be true, (10034 follow,
as they say it does, that the . inhabitants of
the conquered territory have lost all, their
rights of private property? May they be
plutulered after The war is ever? Ye; by
the law of nattire, by the law of nations, by
the public law of the world, the private
property of the conquered people is as sa
cred as it was before; the laws that protect
it are undisturbed; and.whoso4ver steals it
commits precisely the same crime that he
would be guilty of if no war had ever been
made. It is the duty of the conquering party
to provide for the security of this right, and
it is the universal practice of all civilized
and Christian - countries to - do so ; you can
not find an example to the contrary with
out going back to the depths of barbarism.
No nation can nowmake warupon another,
subdue it and after it is disarmed and pow
erless, deliver the inhabitants up to be sack
ed and pillaged, without bringing upon the
head of the offender the execrations of the
whole earth.
Even in time of open and flagrant war,
private property is held to be sacred. One
belligerent party make take the public
property of the other, to cripple the corn
merce of an enemy; private property may
also be taken as alawful prize, if found on
the high „seas. But no such prizes can be
made on land, the goods or lands of the peo-
ple found within the invaded territory are
not to•.be taken for the mere purpose of
gain. This rule is often violated on one ex-
Cuss or another, such as the necessity of
taking supplies, the difficulty of restnrin-
ing . troops, or the right of retaliation. But
the very fact that apologies are made, proves
what the sense of the world is concerning
the rule. If it be true that private property
cannot be taken when war is raging, it
would surely he a_ most unpardonable
atrocity to take it afterwards.
There are but two instances in modern
history where a government has in time of
war deliberately ordered the destruction or
capture of . private property throughout a
large district,one was theorder given by Lou
vois, the French Minister under Louis
XIV., to devastate the Palatinate ; the other
was the case of our own government, when
General Sheridan was directed to make the
valley of the Shenandoah a desert waste.
The excase giyen for both these acts was
that the governments committing them
gained thereby certain military advantages
which otherwise they could not have had.
I do not believe it will be accepted by either
God or man, though Bina) , be some pallia
tion of the horrible cruelty inflicted. But
the Abolitionists propose to issue their or
der without a military reason of any kind,
in a time of profound peace, to organize a
regular system of pillage over a country
nearly as large as all Europe. if it were
carried out as proposed, the blackest na
tional crime that history has yet recorded
would look beside this one like an act of
white-robed innocence.
But apart from all moral cmisiderations,
what does it promise us a mere matter of
policy? What will we gain by it in money
to compensate for the loss of national char
acter? The amount to be plundered is
hree thousand millions of dollars
maintain the necessary number of agents
and an army large enough to back them
would probably cost about one thousand
millions per annum. Mr. Stevens does not
propose to reduce the public expenses below
rive hundred millions. Even according to
his own account the sum received will be
spent in six years. But the expenses would
really be twice as great, and the returns of
plunder would be little or nothing. You
can easily see how cheating would be done
both ways. The property of the Southern
people could not be handed over to the
Treasury in kind. The lands and horses and
cattle and other goods must he sold and
converted into money or greenbacks.—
What man 'is silly enough to believe
that this would be honestly done? Only
two days ago a case came to my knowl
edge in vihich a plantation in Louisi
ana had been sold on account of the
United States for nine thousand dollars ; it
was known to be worth three hundred and
tiny thousand as well as one dollar is worth
another. About two-and-a-half per cent.
of its value went to the public use and the
balan,:e into the pockets of the agents that
managed the affair. You all know how an
Abolition general took sixty thousand dol
lars in gold and pretended that he had taken
it for the United States—but the Treasury
never saw a rent of it. That seine general
is a violent nod noisy supporter of Mr.
Stevens' plan and would probably be em.
ployed in carrying it out. I could not
enumerate, and none of us can conceive,
the ten thousand devices that would be em
ployed to put this property into the posses
sion of private parties, without cost to them.
Who would bid for it? Not Southern men;
for they are to be impoverished utterly, and
even if they could command the means of
purchasing back their own property, they
equld not hold it, for those who took it the
first time might take it again. The greedy
speculators would flock there like vultures
and make themselves a close corporation.
If the agents of the Government were as
honest as Aristides, they could not gel a
market for their wares. But would not the
agents send home the watches, jewelry,
paintings, pianos, and other portable prop
erty without accounting for it ? And would
they not be in partnership with the bidders,
and in combination with one another to
reduce the price of everything that was sold ?
Would not general corruption and dishon
esty be the necessary outgrowth of the prin
ciple which lies at the foundation of the
whole measure? When one party employs
another to rob A third one, how can the
agent be expected to understand the moral
difference between keeping the proe,eeds
himself and handing them over to his prin
cipal? There is no difference. When the
property is once taken from the true owner,
one man has as good a right to it as another.
Of the three thousand millions which Mr.
Stephens proposes to take nobpdy but a
simpleton would expect to see five per cent.
conic into the Treasury. In a single year,
an honest and fair and equal system of
taxation would get twice that amount out
of the Southern States, and the goose which
lays the golden egg would still be alive.
'But we must give the South the benefit of
a legal government for another reason, far
more 'weighty than any consideration of
mere pueuniary interest. If j usti ce accord
ing to law, be not administered to them, we
cannot have it either. If they are to be mere
slaves, we can not possibly be free. Mr.
Seward and Mr. Lincoln, in the canvass of
180, and before it, repeatedly said that
African slavery most be abolished in the
Sou th,or established in the North—the States
must all be slave or all free ; they could not
be half slave and half free. This was said
concerning the local institutions of separate
States, and doubtless it was a gross fallacy,
as a long experience had proved plainly
enough. But it is undoubtedly true when
applied to the direct action of the General
Government upon the white people of the
Union. We cannot have one government,
common to all the States and Territories,
exercising despotic power in one-half the
country, and, at the same time, Carefully
protecting the other, in the enjoyment of
liberty and law. The hand that wields the
unlimited authority of an Asiatic King over
the South will not be, and cannot be, tied up
by constitutional restrictions in the North.
No my friends, if it is Poland for them, it
must be Russia for us, and Siberia for both
of us, whenever it shall please our Abolition
masters to send us there. We must be all
slaves or all freemen.
Let me not be misunderstood. lam not
objecting to any amount of severity within
the law which the Federal authority may
see fit to inflict upon those individuals
who have offended the law. It is uot mercy
to the criminal, but justice to the innocent
that we are asking. •
A word now on negro suffrage. The
Democracy opposg, it now, as in all past
time. If the while race is to be humiliated
by sneaking behind the negro and getting
him to govern us, it shall not be said that
we consented to , it. The Abolitionists, on
the contrary, are fully for it, and though
some of Meta heSitate to avow it, there can
be no question that it is one of their most
cherished projects.
They propose to accomplish their purpose
by using the power of the General Govern
ment to force it upon the States where the
people oppose it and the laws forbid it.—
Now we know and they know and every
body else knows, that the Federal Govern
ment has no power, authority or jurisdic
tion whatever over the subject, and that no
Federal officer could take a single step in
their direction without violating the Con
stitution which be is sworn to support.—
This, in the mind of a Democrat. is conclu
sive; but such an argument is literally
thrown away upon the Abolitionists. Per
haps, indeed, they like the thing all the bet
ter for being unconstitutional. Let us con
sider the other reasons.
We oppose negro suuffrage, not from any
predjudice or ill-feeling against them, for
we have none, and will have none, as long
as they remain in the places to which na
ture and the laws of the country have as
signed them. But this government was
made by our ancestors, the white' men of
the country, and transmitted to us in regu
lar course of descent. When the negro de
mands possession of it, whether in whole
or part, it is the right and duty of every
white man to answer him as Ahab was an
swered when he wanted Naboth's vineyard
for a garden of herbs: "God forbid that I
should give the inheritance of my fathers
unto thee."
We refuse to give up this inheritance, not
merely begause it is ours, 'oat because we
know that if we gave it to negroes it would
be utterly spoiled. Not many races of men
have shownthewlVes fit for the high du
ties of governing a greatrottntry, and it is
vain to dotty that the negro has less of that
capacity than any other that ever wore the
human shape. Equality, political or social,
would not.elevate him; it would only drag
us down. To invest him will:tour rights
would make him no richer, for he could not
use them; but it would make us poor in
deed.
But the Abolitionists' insist that every
human being has a national right to vote,
merely be-inse he is a human being, and
irrespective of all other considerations ;
therefore tho right must be conceded to the
negroes without asking whether they are
fit to exercise it or not. This is their axio
matic principle. It is about as true as the
profound remark of Dogberry, that 'reading
and writing comes by nature, but to be
well favored is a gift of fortune." . .
No man has a 'Tatum/ right to participate
in the public affairs of a State, whether asa
voter or an officer. It is a conventional
privilege provided in the organization of the
Government. "The divine right of kings
to govern wrongly" is a doctrine long ago
exploded; but here we have it revived by
the Abolitionists for the benefit of the negro.
In some countries the supreme power of
the State is placed in the hands of a single
person. In others a small number isselect
ed from the mass, and all authority confided
to them. In a republic like ours, we are
said to be governed by the many, and it is
many when compared to the governing
classes elsewhere ; but still very few when
considered with reference to:the whole pop
ulation. :Those whe vote here have the
power, not by any law of nature, but be
cause the founders of our govermnent be
lieved, as we believe, that it is safer in the
hands that hold it than it would be if the
number was either smaller or greater. A
government where every human being has
a right to vote would be such a monstrous
absurdity that nobody outside of a mad
house ever thought of it.
Herein Pennsylvania the right ofsuffrage
goes about as far as anywhere else; and yet
not one-sixth of the population are electors.
We exclude not only negroes but all tbreign
ers, all persons under the age of twenty
one, all paupers, and all who have not paid
taxes. Fivo-sixths of the population are
kept away from the ballot-box as incompe
tent; and of the other sixth a bare majority,
or one-twelfth, controls all the political in
terests or the other eleven-twelfths. Before
it can be shown that the excluded classes
ought to be admitted, it must be proved that
womon_ and children, and convicts and
negroes,; and lunatics and paupers, and un
naturalized foreigners, would govern us
more wisely and honestly than we aro now
governei.
The advocates of the divine right of 12 egroes
to
• govern wrongly do not pretend that their
.
special favorites are at all competent, men,
tally or morally, to decide the great ques
tions which in this country are often settled
by the votes of the primary electors. Chief
Justice Chase, after his tour to the South,
made . a speech at Dartmouth College, in
which he is reported to have said that the
negroes were ignorant of the difference be
tween meuaand team. Such was the con
dition of their morality. As to intellectual
capacity, the utmost he claimed for them
was not that they could give a reason for
their votes, or even tell one ticket from an
other, but if a ticket was put in their hands
they could carry it to the polling place and
put it in. Mr. Winter Davis, who is also a
burning and a shining light in the same po
litical church, answered the Objection to the
negro's incapacity by saying, at Chicago:
" It is not intelligence we want; it is num
bers." This reduces the whole measure in
to a new plan for stuffing the ballot boxes.
Why not ask for a law to authorize the stuf
fing without using the hands of the unfor
tunate negroes?
I hope you have the "charity which be
lieveth all things, endureth all things, and
thinketh no evil." But do you not find if
difficult, with all your Christian virtues, to
resist the conviction that the Abolitionists
are playing the hypocrite when they pre
tend to think that the right of suffrage is
such a sacred thing it never ought to be
withheld from any human being? Their
whole history contradicts them. If they
were sincere, they certainly would not de
prive white mon of the privilege; for they
have not yet got so far along as to deny
that white man is a human being. But
when have they omitted the opportunity to
trample upon a white man's right of suf
frage, guarded though it be by the Consti
tution and the laws? When did they make
an apportionment bill in this State that was
not marked all over with their fraudulent
disregard of popular right? Takethe pres
ent apportionment and to simplify the L....15e
still further, take two c,: s 4uties lying
'side by side, in the same Senatorial dis
trict—Chester and Montgomery. The latter
has eighteen thousand taxable inhabitants,
and the firmer only sixteen thensand. Five
representatives were divided between them,
by giving three to the smaller county and
two to the larger one, in flat defiance of the
Constitution. In Maryland they have Laken
tile State goverturient entirely out of the
hands of the people by means of brute force.
In Kentucky, if a white human being goes
to an election he finds the ptacesurroundiA
by A bolition officers, with compan ice of
armed soldiers under their command; as
soon as they ascertain that he does not in
tend to vote their ticket, they order him off
the ground, and if he refuses to go, he is
stabbed or shot. And this is fully approved
by all that set of politicians who profess to
believe that voting is a sacred, natural,
God-given right.
Sometimes negro suffrage is advocated on
the score of Christian benevolence and phi
lanthropy. This is the special whine of the
Abolition priesthood. But every word and
act which spring from their real impulses
prove them to be remorseless and cruel in
the last degree. When you see one of them
standing up in the pulpit to gloat over the
sufferings of women and children—denying
the peaceful doctrineS of " the Lord that
bought him," and proclaiming John Brown
a saint, a martyr—calling aloud for more
military commissions and more plunder—
and then when he suddenly stops his howl
for blood, turns up the white of his eyes
and protests that his piety and humanity is
terribly wounded because uegroes ; cannot
vote—what is all this but the mere :atilt all
disgusting and shameless hypocrisy?
Gems of Thought.
Man is the subject of sympathy, and
not the slave of self-love.
Punctually.—A punctual man is very
rarely a poor man, and never a man of
doubtful credit.
Wisdom and folly.—He is not thor
oughly wise who can't play the fool on
occasions.
Noble Act.—The greatest cunning is to
have none at all
Siaoll Debts.—Small debts neglected
ruin credit, and when a man has lost
that, he will find himself at the bottom
of a hill he cannot ascend.
Dissirmilation.--Dissimulation in
youth is the forerunner of perfidy in old
age; its appearance is the fatal omen of
growing depravity and future shame.
Gratitude and Generosity.—Whenev
er you find a great deal of gratitude in a
poor man, take it for granted that there
would be as much generosity if he were
a rich one.
As DEACON A , on an extreme
ly cold morning in old times, was riding
by the house of neighbor B , the
latter was chopping wood. The usual
salutations were exchanged, the severity
of the weather briefly discussed, and the
horseman made demonstrations of pass_
ing on, when his neighbor detained him
with—
" Don't be in a hurry, Deacon.
Wouldn't you like a glass of old Jamaica,
this morning?".
" Thank you, kindly," said the old
gentleman, at the same time beginning
to dismount, with all the deliberation
becoming a deacon, " I don't care if I
do."
" Ah, don't trouble yourself to get off,
Deacon," said the neighbor, " I merely
asked for information. We haven't a
drop in the house."
Agninst the Current
A waggish chap, whose vixen wife,
by drowning lost her precious life called
out his neighbors all around, and told
'em that his spouse was drowned, and,
in spite of search could not be found.
He knew, he said, the very nook, where
she had tumbled - in the brook, and he
had dragged along the shore, above the
place a mile or more.
" Above the place?" the people cried;
"why what dy'e mean ?" •
The man replied—
"Of course you don't suppose I'd go
and waste the time to look below ? I've
known the woman quite a spell, and
learnt her fashions tor ble well; alive
or dead she'd go, I swow,. against the
current anyhow 1"
NUMBER 40.
Speech of Major-General Slocum at Syra-
His Views of the War and of Some of the
Generals—Emphatic Approval of Pres
ident Johnson's Polley as the Only
Pritetleal Course to be Adopted.
Alter alluding to the great events of the
war General Slocum said :
The only impediment has now been re
moved which has heretofore prevented us
from having a true Union—one of interest
and feelin.g as well as of law. I believe the
Union is now permanently established, and
that as a people we are soon to enter upon
a brilliant career. Whether this career is
to commence at once, orbe deferred twenty
or thirty years, depends very much upon
the course pursued by the general govern
ment towards the Southern States. If the
-- -
general government is to assume powers
which it has never before claimed to pos
sess, and is to attempt to decide who shall
be entitled to the elective franchise in cer
tain States—if it is to continue to interfere
in the domestic affairs of the Southern
States, keeping military officers in the midst
of their people, to act as judges in all cases
of dispute between different classes of citi
zens—then the dawn of peace and prosperi
ty is yet fur in the distance. The issue in
the recent war was on the right of secession
—the Southern States contending for that
right, and declaring coercion upon the part
of the general government to be a violation
of their legal aild constitutional rights. The
general government, on the other hand, as
sumed that no such right existed, and treat
ed the pretended secession as a revolt of a
portion of the citizens of those States. The
triumph of the government has decided the
question, and it will never again be made
an issue unless we now voluntarily reverse
the decree. If we now say to the seceding
States, you have been out of the Union and
thereby lost your Constitutional rights as
States,we certainly recognize the very princi
ple for which the South has been contending.
But I am opposed to all these measures for
interference in the domestic affairs of those
States, not only because I believe we have
no constitutional right to interfere, but be
cause I believe it will be unwise, impolitic
and unjust to do so—leading-to far greater
evils than we would correct. One of the
results of the recent war has been the sud-
den emancipation of four millions ofslaves
Of these at least one and a half millions are
either children without parents upon whom
they can depend for support, or old and in-
firm people, having no children upon whom
they can lean. Of the remaining two and
half millions not one in a thousand can read;
none of them possess land. All have here
tofore labored only by compulsion, and, of
course, have not aequired habits of industry
or economy. They are now in a land which
had just been desolated by civil war. The
policy to be adopted towards them is a
question which should engage the best
minds in the country. In the solution of the
question differences of opinion must, of
course, be anticipated. The plan of coloni
zation has been proposed, and has many ad
vocates. I believe it to be impracticable
and unwise. In their present state of ignor
anceand indolence their condition as a colony
would be infinitely worse than that from
which they have just been removed. They
need the example and aid of the white race,
and the States where they now are, need
their labor. The two races will remain as-
soeiated, and the great mass of the negroes
will remain in the Southern States
States now come forward and accept the
total abolition of slavery as one of the re-
sults of• the war. In their State constitu
tions, which are now being remodelled,
every State will acknowledge this fact, and
will insert an article prohibiting slavery
henceforth and forever. Having done this,
they claim all the rights guaranteed to them
by the constitution—the right of deciding
who among their own citizens shall be en
titled to - the elective franchise, and the right
of controlling their own domestic affairs.—
Shall they be allowed these privileges, or
shall the general government, in violation
of repeated declarations as to its purposes
in prosecuting the war, assume control of
these matters? This is now almost the only
living issue between the great political par
ties of the day. The democratic party,
with entire unanimity, declares in favor
of allowing to every State the exercise
of all powers not delegated by it to
the General Government. Now that
the freedom of the slave is universally
acknowledged, this party is willing
that the States where the freedmen reside
shall pass such laws as they may deem pro
per for their education and support. A large
portion of the opposite party favors having
the general government assume control of
these matters, burthening our people with
the support of a million paupers, and com
plicating us in the settlement of questions
with which we have no constitutional right
to meddle. The arguments used to con:
vines Northern people that it is the duty o.
the general government to assume this great
responsibility, while the States are willing
and desirous of relieving thegovernment
from it, are based, first, upon the assump
tion that as soon as the government with
draws its protection great cruelties will be
inflicted upon the blacks, and secondly, that
the States will at once pass laws reducing
the race again to a condition but little bet
ter than a state of slavery. I have never
believed that all the humane and kindly
impulses, implanted by nature in the heart
Of man were confined to a particular section
of country. I firmly believe that the sight
of human suffering calls forth as much sym
pathy in one section of our country as in
another, and I do not fear that a course of
systematic cruelty will ever be practised in
any section of this country towards any of
God's creatures. That it will be found ne
cessary to pass laws for the government of
the blacks I do not doubt. Laws must
be passed to provide for the mainte
nance of the old and infirm and Tor the
support and education of the young.—
That isolated cases of injustice in the treat
ment 4 of the blacks will occur, I do not
doubt; that some unwise laws may be
passed is not improbable; but I am confi
dent less injustice will be done the blacks,
as well as the whites, if thrmatter is left in
the hands of those most deeply interested.
Tho labor of the black man is an absolute
necessity in every Southern State. Now that
he is free, self-interest will prompt the men
of the South to endeavor to make him a
cheerful and willing laborer. Having ac
knowledged his freedom, humanity, pa
triotism and self-interest will combine to
induce the statesmen of the South to adopt
such laws with reference to the negro as
will be best calculated to promote his in
terest and the interests of society. But sup
pose that, distrusting the Southern people,
we take into our own bands the appalling
task of regulating the relations between the
employer and employee—the task of pro
viding for the indigent,educating the young,
and compelling all to labor who are able
but indisposed to do so. Aside from the
heavy burdens it will impose upon us—
aside from the contentions and bitterness
to which it will give rise in Congress and
among our people—shall we not be likely
to commit as many errors—to perpetrate as
many acts of injustice—as would be per
petrated under the State authorities? Look
at the working of tile institution now in
operation for regulating the affairs of the
freedmen. You often read accounts in the
newspapers as to the condition of affairs
in certain localities. You are inform
ed about the prosperous condition of a
few schools established for the benefit of
negro children—of the readiness with which
they learn their letters, and of the ardor
with which they sing patriotic airs. Accor
ding to some of these accounts the negro
children are far superior to your own ; they
mutter the alphabet in their sleep and spend
most of their waking hours in invoking
blessings on the head of Gen. Saxton and
other distinguished public men. To many
I presume this is pleasant reading mutter,
and it may serve' to convince some people
the great problem is already solved—that
through the efforts of Saxton and his co-la
borers four millions of ignorant and degrad
ed beings are to be suddenly elevated, and
to become educated, refined and patriotic
members of society. You seldom hear of
the numerous cases where the freedmen
have laid claims to the lands of their former
masters, and have quietly informed them
that they hold title under" the United States
government, and have persistently refused
to do anything but eat, loiter and sleep.
They fail to tell you of the cases where just
as the harvest was to commence, every hand
has suddenly disappeared from the place,
leaving the laborers of a year decay in the
field. They fail to tell you of great bands
of colored people who leave their for
mer homes and congratulate in the
cities and villages, or settle on a plantation
without permission from the owner, seek
ing only food, and utterly careless of the
future. On the very day thati left Vicks
burg a poor woman came to me with a
complaint that at least fifty negroes, not
one of whom she had ever before Seen, had
settled on her farm and were eating the few
stores she had laid aside for winter use.—
Our sympathies are due to white as well as
to the black race, though we have no con
stitutional right to control either. The diffi
culties surrounding this question can only
be met and overcome by practical men. It
is an easy matter to theorize on the subject;
to point out the evils likely to result from
the policy adopted by the President; .but it
will be found far more difficult to suggest
any other method not likely to result in
still greater evils. General lloward, who
stands at the head of the Freedmen's
Bureau, is-a man of great purity of charac
ter'
- and will never sustain a system which
he does not think productive of good ; and
yet, after carefully observing the operations
of that bnrean t I am convinced that more
BUSIMIS AD 4% 112 a year per
feactionte is
square urr thosse toil psueenktiloescserne
RsaLf,..z
east - • ;.1.4
Esrsra, scales's:err, and 01:20-
silacr-Anesereeritc, r'Oenta a lbw_ for-the - -
flestysnd cents trir each subsequent -19 - ,
Pswarr Bizoinistas and other advert; byre
One ooltunn, 1
Hall ecluen94 00
Thad onumn, 1 • 40
ass Cssnli,ift74 anew, ;
one year . ....„. 10
l •
Business iltards,tive Linea at less, oue '
LEGALyear, n — oriirn NO•FiCaii- - - -
Executors' notices.. 2.00 '
Admlntstrators' -.
ZOO •
Asslgnees' notices,_....- .... . . ZOO
Anoltere'—.l.s6
Other "Notices ," ten lines, ;Flees,
three times,
evil than good will result flipt% perpetuating
it after the States have adopted con-
stitutions prohibiting slavery. Each
State is placed in charge .of an as
sistant commissioner. It is made the
duty of the department commander to de
tail such officers and soldiers as these as-
sistant commissioners May , require in the
discharge of their duties. All questions be
tween whites and blacks are to be adjudi
cated by an officer or agent of the bureau.
This, of course, requires that one officer or
agent shall be stationed in each county, or
at least that they .hall be so distributed be-
tween the races as to be accessible to all the
inhabitants. These gentle - men who are to
act as judges in matters of difference be
tween the race.sare usually lieutenanitce
looted from the regiments on duty the
State. Each judge, lieutenant or ages s
you may please to term him, has hisguard,
and each guard its commissary establish
ment. The news of his arrival in any sec
tion of the country spreads with wonderful
rapidity. A negro has a grievance against
his employer or some'other white person ;
he enters his complaint, and the judge or
lieutenant orders the white man or white
lady to appear before him and confront his
or her accuser. The usual forms adopted
in our courts of justice to ascertain the
facts in the case aro discarded
cases the accused is at once released; in
others he is tined twenty, fifty or a hundred
dollars. The judge collects the fine and
usually forwards it to his superior, to be
used in defraying the expenses of the insti
tution. The negro goes home, stopping at
each plantation and detailing the particu
lars of the case to other freedmen. Halfthe
negroes in that section are at once seized
with a desire to see the Yankee military
judge, and to see how their old masters or
mistresses would act on being brought be
fore him. Complaints are made againsttho
kindest and liZst people in the country. The
immediate result is despondency and aner
on the part of the whites, discontent and in
solence on the part of the blacks. Here is a
young man from a Northern State, not ed
ucated as a judicial officer and often not
possessing a single qualification for the dis
charge of such duties, upon whom devolve
greater responsibilities than devolve upon
the Justices of our Supreme Courts; for he
not only acts asjudge, but also as sheriff
and clerk ; and. from his decision it
is seldom an appeal can be made. In
my remarks upon this bureau I do not
wish to reflect upon any of the of
ficers connected with it. Generally they
are earnest and sincere men, and are doing
all in their power to make it successful. It
is of the system I speak. I contend that it
is so utterly foreign to the principles by
which our people have been governed that
it cannot continue. And yet it appears to
be the only method that can he devised for
regulating these matters, providing the
task of regulating them is to devolve upon
the general government. During the past
few months I have enjoyed good opportuni
ties for studying the character and disposi
tion of the freedmen and of the workings of
the organization designed to protect them.
I have become fully convinced that the
policy adopted by the President of leaving
to the respective States the-entire control of
their local affairs is the only saffipqlicy that
can be adopted. You have been toldlay ono
of the journals of this city that I was much
annoyed at the action of the President with
regard to the organization of the Mississippi
militia, and this was one of the causes that
induced me to resign my commission in the
a rmy,and accept a nomination for civil office.
As my letter consenting to accept such a
nomination was written prior to the action
of the President on that question, and as
one of the conditions of my acceptance was
the endorsement of the policy of the Presi
dent, this statement seems now unworthy
of notice. Regarding my position in the
army—as I have always done—simply as
that of a soldier bound to obey all orders
received from superiors, and to carry out
in good faith the policy of the government I
I can conceive of no good reason why
should feel annoyed by any order received
by me. In response to an application for
instructions as to the jurisdiction of military
tribunals, I 'Teri veil from, the IV'ar Depart
ment a com m unication informing me that the
Government regarded the State of Mississippi'
as still in a state of rebellion. Immediately
after the receipt of these instructions the
Provisional Governor proposed to organize
and arm the militia of the State. Acting
under my orders, I would not permit it.
Subsequently the President, taking a view
of the condition of the State differing some
what from that taken by the War Depart-.
meat, resolved to withdraw the United States
troops from the Slate, which, of
course, removed all objectioh to
the organization of the miltia. So far
from feeling annoyed at the result - of this
matter, I most heartily approve the remov
al of the troops from that State, and I most
earnestly hope that within thirty days every
soldier now on duty there-will be mustered
out of service, and that all attempts to in
terfere with her local affairs will cease.—
Now that the State has adopted a constitu
tion which does not recognize slavery, r
would confide to her the settlement of all
questions likely to arise -as to the means
of supporting and controlling the freedmen.
I believe that people will regard the. inter
est of the State as closely identified with
that of the freedmen, and that such laws
will be passed as will be best calculated to
promote the interest of all. I am also Charg
ed by the same journal with having sacri
ficed my reputation as a public man for
the sake of obtaining a position with my
political " opponents." During the war
which has just closed I haVe had but little
to do with politics : I have made no poliitcal
speeches—written no political letters. I
have found the responsibilities devolving
upon me from my position in the army
quite sufficient to occupy all my time and
attention. Having now returned to civil
life I intend to support such measures as I.
deem best calculated to promote the inter
ests of our country and the prosperity and
happiness of our people. I find one party
united in the support of*, such measures, the
other party divided upon them, and in sev‘
eral States strongly denouncing them.—
Conld I hesitate as to my course? Earnest-
ly endorsing and approving every resolu
tion adopted by the Democratic Convention,
I supposed, in accepting a nomination from
that Convention, that I was entering the
house of my political friends rather than
that of my " opponents." The tornado
which swept slavery from the land swept
with it every platform ever adopted by the
republican party prior to the war. I. can
call to mind but one resolution adopted by
that party before the close of the war which
has any bearing on the issues now before
the people. On the 22d July, 1861, the repre
sentatives of that party in Congress assem
bled, without a dissenting voice, declared
" the war is waged to defend and maintain
the supremacy of the constitution and to pre
serve the Union, with all the dignity, equal
ity and rights of the several States unim
paired." To the principles thus solemly
declared I still adhere, and I regret to see a
large portion of the Republican party di
verging from them. At the time of the pas
sage of this resolution there were many men
at the South who had opposed secession,
and who were unwilling to aid _their States
in making war upon our government. The
resolution was a solemn pledge that class as
to the treatment they should receive in case
their States should again be brought under
control of the general government. It was
a solemn declaration to every officer and
soldier of the Union armies as to the'princi
pies for which they were contending. It
was made at a period of gloom and despon
dency—on the darkest day ever known
in the capital of our country. The clouds
that then hovered over us have been dis
pelled. Not an armed foe is now to be
found within ourborders. Is it not humili
ating, to witness on the part of a large por
tion of the party which has controlled the
destiny of the nation for five years,a dispo
sition to repudiate in We hour of triumph
solemn pledges made in the hour of danger?
When the devil was sick,
The devil a monk would be,
When the devil wag well,
A devil of a monk was he.
I have had the honor of serving with most
of did soldiers presented by both political
parties for the support of the people at the
ensuing election. It affords me much pleas
ure to be able to unite with their political
supporters in bearing evidence as to their'
high character as soldiers, and as to
their personal worth ' and fitness for
the positions for which they have been
nominated; but I cannot wish those on
the republican ticket success at the polls, for
we are informed by one of the most prom
inent leaders of their party that the plat
form on which they stand is "timid and
wordy," and that but for lack of adhesion
and discipline among the radicals a res,fiu
lion would probably have been adopted vir
tually condemning the policy of the Presi
dent. Ido not think that the triumph of
that party will tend to strengthen the Pres
ident in his determination to adhere to the
wise measures whichhave thus far charac
terized his administration. On the other
hand, the triumph of the democratic party
will be a clear, unmistakable endorsement
of his policy—an unequivocal declaration
on the part of the people of this great State
in favor of "the subordination of military
to civil rule, the restorationof the authority
of the courts, and the recognition of the
equality of the States."
—Never apologize forwhat you set_
before your friends. If it is bad taste
for a host to praise the dinner on his
table, it is still more inconsistent an&
ridiculous for him to make excuses for
it. It is taken for granted, as - a matter
of course, that you give the very best at
your command and within your meaus ;
In some