WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1865 "The printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to examine the pro-. ceedings of the legislature, 'or any' branch of governmen6; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof. The free commu nication of thought and opinions is one of the Invaluable rights of men; and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub ject; being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter published is proper for public informa tion, the truth thereof - may be given in evi dence." DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET FOR AUDITOR GENERAL Vol. W. W. 11. DAVIS, of Bucks County FOR SURVEYOR GENERAL Col. JOHN P. LINTON, of Cambria Co DEMOCRATIC COUNTY TICKET ASSEMBLY. Capt. DANIEL HERR, Columbia, • Lieut. J. S. ROATH, East Donegal, Lieut. GEORGE P. DEICH LER, City, Lt. C. A. LICHTENTHAELER, Warwick DISTRICT ATTORNEY.! Col. F. S. PYFER, City. COUNTY TREASURER. Capt. J. MILLER RAUB, Provident,_ COUNTY COMMISSIONER JOHN HESS, Conestoga. PRISON INSPECTORS. Private JAMES HENRY, Columbia, WM. CARPENTER, Lancaster Twp DIRECTORS OF TEE POOR. Lieut. LEWIS ZECHER, City, GEORGE G. BRUSH, _Manor, GEORGE H. PICKEL, Bart, (1 year.) COUNTY SURVEYOR JOHN B. ERB, Warwick. At Di ro it. J. W. SHAEFFER, West Donegal The Tickets Ready The tickets are ready for distributioi Members of the County Committee wi please call, or send some reliable persoi for them on A J Steinman, 1: , ;(1:, nt h office, on West King street, this cit.) Keep These Things Before the People. Keep it before the people, that the Re publican leaders of Pennsylvania de clare that the war is not yet ended ; and that they propose to keep up a huge standing army for years to come. Keep it before thi, people, that the same party have openly declared their opposition to a speedy restoration of the Union ; and that they stand opposed to the restoration policy of President John , son. Kcip it before thi Jn.oldr, that they propose to carry out a general system of confiscation, for the benefit of a set of greedy plunderers, who are not yet sat isfied with their enormous stealings ; at the expense of humanity, law, the cus toms of civilized nations, and all the material and political interests of the people. Keep it heforc the people, that the Re publican party are irretrievably and un equivocally committed to the odious doctrine of negro suffrage and conse quent entire negro equality. Keep it &fore the people, that this hateful doctrine, so far from being de nied or repudiated, is really endorsed by the Republican platform of Penn sylvania. Keep it Ig:fore)t: people, that in their County Conventions, held in a number of the strongest lieNblican counties in this State, negro suffrage and negro equality have been openly endorsed by resolutions passed. Keep pit Wore the people, that not a single Republican newspaper in Penn sylvania has dared to oppose negro suf frage, while at least one-half of them have openly advocated it. Keep it Wore the people, that this doctrine has either been openly or tacit ]y endorsed by every Republican State Convention which has been held since the war ended. Ji - cr.p it before the pcopt , that the leading orators and newspapers of the party throughout the whole North pro nounce negro suffrage and negrcoequal ity the only live political issue of the day. Keep it before the pi , that the Re publican party are doing their best to build up a " bondocracy," who will revel in luxury without paying a cent of tax, while the poorpeople are ground to the earth by burthens. /1. - cep it lEfut( the people, that the Republican party are in favorof increas ing a tariff, which is already so high as to put many of the necessaries of life, and nearly all the luxuries, out of the reach of the poor man and his family. Keg) it before the people, that the Re publican idea of government is a cen tralized military despotism, and not the beneficent system of free institutions bequeathed to us by the fathers of the , Republic. Keep it before the people, that every vote cast on next Tuesday in favor of Hartrauft and Campbell will be a vote in favor of keeping the Southern States out of the Union ; a vote in opposition to the restoration policy of President Johnson ; a vote in favor of creating a bloated bondocracy exempt front taxation ; a vote in favor of destroying the resources of the nation by a wholesale system of con liscation,which will only benefit a horde of thieves and robbers; a vote in favor of overturning our Republican institu tions and instituting a military despot ism on its ruins; a vote in favor of in creasing the price of all manufactured goods by increasing the already oppres l sive tariff; and, to complete our degra dation as a people, a vote - in favor of vegro suffrage and negro equality. Keep it before the p(ople, that against all these things the Democratic party has resolutely set its face; that it openly denounces them, and that it seeks power only that it may restore the old order of things among us. Keep it before the people, that a full Democratic vote on next Tuesday will defeat the radicals, overthrow the power of the Republican party in Penn sylvania and throughout the whole Dountry, from thiltime, henceforth and forever, George Long Will the honest portion of the Repub lican party vote for this man, after the Grand Jury at the last Quarter Sessions found a true bill against him on a charge of bribery, as a Prison Inspector? As to the truth or falsity of the charge we do riot know ; but it is scarcely probable that a Jury, composed of nine-tenths of his own political friends, would endorse so grave an accusation if there were not sufficient grounds for it. That the management of the Prison is a disgrace to the county we have not a doubt. It has been so alleged over and over again by the Express and In quirer, two of the Republican organs in this city ; and that corruption is the or der of the day there is patent to the wholecommunity. This beingthe case, is itmot passing strange that a great party should_ countenance such conduct by electing men as its managers who are notoriously incompetent and un trustworthy ? We hope to see a partial change made in that direction on Tues day next. The Democratic candidates, Messrs. Carpenter and Henry, are gen tlemen of intelligence and undoubted integrity, and if they are elected the people will have a guarantee that the affairs of the County Prison will be managed in a different way from what . has been the case there for the last three -or four years. Labor"and Capital Alike Intereate It is riot the poor man alone who is interested in summarily crushing out the proposed scheme of conferring the right of suffrage upon the negroes. He has reason to hate the idea, because the immediate and inevitable effect of con ferring the rights of citizenship upon the negro will be to remove the princi pal barrier which now forms a well mark ed dividing line between the two races. This removed, it will be hard for the poor white man to keep the negro from encroaching upon his rights and privi leges. He has reason to abhor every attempt which would bring about a con dition of political and social equality between the races, because he would be the first, and in some respects the great est sufferer, but he would not be alone in this. The capital of the country should be alarmed at any plan which proposes to let in this vast crowd of ignorant and uneducated voters. It is impossible that the negoes should be educated to a standard of intelligence necessary to fit them to exercise intelligently the rights of suffrage. They would always form a dangerous element in the country. In some States they would outnumber the white voters, while in others, even in Pennsylvania, where the negro vote would amount to twelve or fifteen thousand, they would be found to be in numbers sufficient to decide any ordi nary political contest. Their combined influence would be Most powerful. Of course, if they had intelligence suffici ent to form any estimate of their power at the ballot-box they would employ it for the furtherance of their own inter ests. Being at the very base of the social system, as they would be even after be ing made the political equal of the white man, they would have no close connec tion with, and consequently no care for, the interests represented by the capital of the country. Any wild scheme which might promise temporary advantage to themselves would receive their support. Capital would thus be rendered insecure and great misfortunes would be the in evitable result. - Yet, despite the fact that the interest of all classes of the community are en dangered by the proposal to extend the right of suffrage to the negro, it is being urged by the Republican party with great unanimity. It will no longer do for any one to deny that it is an issue in the present campaign in this State. In the forcible language of Greeley in his rebuke to Cessna ",: negro suffrage be not ua issuc in thc prcsent campaign in Penn_ ,gtcania w< know not what is." It has been covertly endorsed by the Republi can State Convention, and a number of the most influential Republican news papers in the State who so interpreted the ambiguous language of the third reso ution. The odious doctrine has been openly endorsed by the County Conven tion of a number of strong Republi can counties, and it is advocated by almost the entire Republican newspaper press of the State. It has been nowhere denounced or con demned by any public meeting of the party, by any convention, or any Re publican newspaper throughout the State. Against the infamous proposi tion the Democratic party has at all times openly taken ground. It is an open and well defined issue therefore. It cannot be evaded, but must be squarely met at the coming election. The poor man must decide whether he will vote and work in future, side by side with the negro ; and capital must say whether it will endanger all its interests by letting in this multitude of ignorant voters with distinct and wide ly separate interests. There is no (lodg ing the issue. A Republican triumph in this State will be everywhere justly claimed to be a triumph of negro suf frage. Let no man deceive himself into any other belief. Negro Suffrage Authoritatively Declare to be the Only Issue. John Cessna, in his address put fort ley him as Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, does not at tempt to disprove the charge that his new fowd party friends are pledged to the doWine of negro suffrage. He con tents himself with the false assertion that negro suffrage and negro equality are not an issue in this State. This piti ful dodge of his, dishonest and unmanly as it is plainly seen to be, has roused the just indignation of Horace Greeley.— Horace knows what are the principles of the Republican party, and is perfect- ly aware of the objects of the existing contest. He has an editorial in yester day's Tribune entitled "Come up High er.'"fhis exhortation he addresses to the little, trimming, pettifogging rene gade John Cessna, and thus appeals to him : Conic Up Higher The Chairman of the Democratic State Committee of Pennsylvania publishes an address, in which he says that in that State the real issue is negro equality and negro suffrage. As to negro equality and every other equality, whether In dian, Esquimaux, English, Russian, Irish or negro, the laws that govern it are not written in books. If a man is a gentleman he is recognized as such, and we know of negroes who are held in high personal repute on account of their virtues and acquirements. Negro suf frage, however, is a matter belonging to the laws, and to be decided by the peo ple. It is pertinent for the people of Pennsylvania to pass upon it, and we had hoped, when we read the circular of the Democratic Chairman, that he had stated the issue plainly. The Re publican Chairman, Mr. Cessna (a con- Vert from Democracy of about two years' standing, and mentioned as a Demo cratic candidate for Senator at the time Mr. lluckalew was chosen), de nies this allegation, and says that negro suffrage is not " and could not possibly be an issue in the October contest." - We are sorry to see Mr. Cess na shirk a point so frankly and justly pressed upon him. If firgio suffrage is not ((0 issue in nnsylnania, we should like to know what is. The offices to be chosen are trivial affairs, and scarcely worth the taking. Whether Gen. Har tranft or Col. Davis becomes Auditor General makes little difference. They are both excellent men, fought gallantly until the war ended, and have high per sonal traits of eh aracter, Col. Davis being a rather bigoted Democrat, but a good sol dier. The purpose of the campaign in Pennsylvania and everywhere else, as we understand, is to advance the cause of Freedom, and preserve the discipline of the Union party for that purpose—to see that the great results of this war are not picked up and carried off by Rebels and Copperheads. 7' he only Issue re -2110 Ming (1)1011 whioh the u n i on p ar t y can concentrate and call out the enthusi • asm of the masses is this eery issue of manhood suffrage. Ire must declare that labor leadsto theballot-box,andthat they who work and create wealth shall have the power of making and executing the laws governing wealth. Is anything more necessary to prove that negro suffrage and negro equality are the real issues in the pending politi cal contest in Pennsylvania? What man can read the above article and fail to be convinced? Horace Greeley de clares it to he "the only issue remaining upon which the Union party can call out the enthusiasm of the masses." He thus confesses that it is the only real, vital political principle left to the Republi can party. How can any conservative voter hesitate a moment longer? White men of Pennsylvania, remember that every vote cast for the Republican can didates will be counted as a vote in favor of negro suffrage and negro equal ity. Are you prepared to vote to put every degraded negro on a perfect equal ity with yourselves ? If you are not you Must vote the Democratic ticket. There is . no other way of escaping from the degrading act of solemnly endorsing the doctrine of negro suffrage and negro equality. , The'llemocratle Party the Friend of the Soldiers It is surprising to see how recklessly and persistently the Republican newt paPer press of this State are indulging in bare-faced lying. If the falsehoods could be eliminated from their pages they would appear to have nothing to say on political questions, and their columns would bealmosta blank. They misrepresent every subject which they touch, and seem utterly lost to all sense of shame. It is almost useless to expose the glaring falsehoods which they so persistently repeat. They will continue to re-utter the same old lie after it has been most clearly proven to be such. It is not a pleasant task to be compelled to deal with such antagonists, but, neces sity compels the Democratic press to do all it can to expose their unmitigated mendacity. Upon no subject do they lie so con stantly and persistently as upon the conduct of the Democratic party toward the soldier's. By this means they hope to influence a large vote but that they will be disappointed in their calcula tions we verily . believe. The soldiers are at home now, and have access to Democratic newspapers, and a chance to read and to hear for themselves. They are not situated where they can be cut off from all influence except that of the dominant party, as was the case last fall. They will therefore make up an intelligent opinion and will vote as freemen should. All the Democratic party asks is a chance to be heard. This it now enjoys, and it expects to triumph in the coming election through an in telligent and unrestrained expression of the voice of the people, returned soldiers as well as others. The facts show that in Pennsylvania the Democratic party has always been the friend of the soldier. It would be strange if it had been anything else, when a majority of those in the ranks were Democrats. As a proof of this take the following facts, all of which can be established by reference to the Legisla tive Record. The first vote of thanks tendered to our gallant soldiers by the Pennsylvania Legislature was moved in the House of Representatives by Hon. Cyrus L. Per shing, a distinguished Democrat from Cambria. This was dune on the recep tion of the news of the fall of Fort Don alsou. The first resolution asking Congress to increase the pay of the soldiers was introduced by a prominent Democrat ; and the whole body of Democratic mem bers stood by it and sustained it; while the Republicans, who had a majority, so emasculated the resolution as to de prive it of all force. In 1861 the vote of the soldiers taken in the field elected the Democratic can didates for Sherifrand Register of Wills of Philadelphia. The Republican board of Return Judges refused to count the soldier vote, and were only induced to do so by being informed by Judge Lud low that a persistence in their infamous design would meet with deserved pun ishment. Defeated in an attempt to ac complish their designs by fraud,i he Re publicans of Philadelphia took the case to the Supreme Court of the State. It was there decided adversely to the claims of the Democratic incumbents by a Democratic bench of Judges. This abundantly proves their honesty and their uprightness as officials. The law as it stood was clearly unconstitutional, and so they were in duty bound to de clare. The amendment to the Constitution, uuder which our soldiers afterwards voted, was framed by a Democratic Committee and passed by a Democratic Legislature. We ask any soldier, is there not proof enough here or the friendship of the Democratic party for the soldiers? All the above acts of the party are of record, and can be established by reference to the Legislative Record. In the matter of nominating soldiers for office the Democratic party has done fully as well as the Republicans. Our candidates for Mate offices are as true and honorable soldiers as ever wore uniforms. Their persons bear numer ous marks which attest that they were no holiday officers. In this respect we are at least even with our opponents. How is it in regard to county nomina tions. In every strong Republican county in the State the old political stagers have crowded the returned sol diers off the ticket. It is so in Phila delphia, in Allegheny, in Dauphin, in Somerset, in Bradford, in Lancaster, everywhere in short throughout the State. Yet this party claims to be the exclusive and especial friend of the sol diers. Out upon such bare-faced, lying hypocrisy! The boys in blue cannot be fooled by such clap-trap into voting for negro suffrage and negro equality. A MAss CONVENTION of the colored men of Wisconsin is to be held at Mil waukee on the 9th of October, to con sider the best means for securing the right of suffrage. I f the Stevens party should succeed in carrying the State of Pennsylvania this fall, we may look for the holding of Conventions of colored men iu almost every county. The war has rid the country of negro slavery, but not of the negro question. Its last phase is worse than its first. Formerly the question merely was whether the negro should be a slave or a free man—now it is whether he shall be both socially and politically the equal of the white man. Encouraged by the Stevens and Sum ner radicals, the free negroes, wherever they exist in considerable numbers, are making an organized effort to secure the right of suffrage. In this Slate their movement has been delayed, under the crafty advice of Mr. Stevens, till after the October election. But let th is election go in favor of the abolitionists, and we shall soon have our colored population in full cry after "equal rights," sup ported by the Stevens party throughout the length and breadth of the common wealth. All who want the " negro question" settled at once and filially, should vote the Democratic ticket. THERE IS TROUI3LE in the Baltimore ship-yards on account of the refusal of the white caulkers to work until the negro caulkers are discharged. A num ber of ship carpenters, painters and joinersstopped work for the same reason. Negroes have always been employed in these yards, and so long as they did not aspire to equality, the white laborers made no objection to them. Now, how ever, they refuse to work on the same ground with them, and the owners of theyards will have to dispense with the negroes or lose the services of the white men. Seward's "irrepressible con flict" between free labor and slave la bor has been turned by the events of the war into an irrepressible conflict be tween the free white and the free black laborers. This conflict will result in injury to the blackman, for it will drive him from every profitable field of employment. This is the good that has been done Win by such malignant phil anthropists as Thaddeus Stevens. Speech of Captain Brockway. Read the speech of Captain Brock way in another column, if you would know how the voting was done in the army last fall. Secretary Welles, in reply to an inquiry i rom a Connecticut friend, says he is in f avor of "intelligence, not color, as the qualification for suffrage in Connecticut." Opposed to a White -Man's Government. We find the following remarkable ed itorial in the Examinerof this morning: A White Riates Gcrivenment. We (lb not kilo* whether Governor Perry,.in using the above phrase in his address to the South Carolina Conven tion, borrowed it from our Northern Copperheads, with whom it is a pet term, or whether the latter originally obtained it from their " Southern breth ren." At any rate it is a mere verbal subterfuge, contrived for theperpetua tion of gross injustice toward a class who have suffered enough already Where is the authority for calling this "a white man's Government" to be found? The ConstitutiOn certainly does not contain the word "white." We, the people of the CnitedStates," it says, " do ordain and establish this Constitu tion." And throughout the instrument the whole foundation of political power are represented as resting on the peo ple," citizens" and " free persons." Now the freedmen of the South come within all these descriptive terms. Gov. Perry says that the Dred Scott decision pronounces them to be not citizens ; but he forgets—or else, during the benight ed reign of treason at the South, he never learned—that that decision, if it ever was one, has been authoritatively overruled and discarded in the official practice of the Government. It is observable that when a setof men enter upon an unworthy course, the first thing they generally do is to invent a phras that shall divert attention from their object. " Popular sovereignty," cried the man who was willing that slavery should go into the territories in one way when all the other ways seemed to be closed up. " Let us alone," said the rebels when they meant to attack the Government, and wanted their own time for it., So now we hear men shout ing that this is " a white man'sgovern ment," when their only object is to in flame a pride of race, which shall result in keeping the negro debarred from all those rights and immunities which the Government, in its hour of danger, guaranteed to him. We do not know how far the Repub licans of Lancaster county are prepared to go in favor of negro equality ; but if they endorse the sentiments contained in the above article, they must stand prepared to abolish every vestige of dis tinction between the two races. Is not the Examiner over-bold? We know it is the organ of Thaddeus Stevens ; but is it not a little in advance of the senti ment of its own party in this county? Can it be that the Republicans of Lan caster county are prepared to repudiate the idea that this is " a white man's Government ?" Does it irritate them, as it evidently does the Examiner, to hear it called such? Have they no just pride of race? Are they ready to confer entire political and social equality upon the whole negro population of the coun try ? We do not, we cannot believe it. We cannot help thinking there are very many conservative Republicans even in Lancaster county who will repu diate with honest scorn and deep indignation the infamous doctrines in culcated by the Examiner in the above artice. We know what an effiut it requires for men to break loose from party ties which have long bound them. But, it is the bounden duty of every citizen to do so, whenever he can no longer endorse the political doctrines advocated by the party to which he has been attached. There are multitudes of honest Republicans in this county who cannot fail to be completely dis gusted with the sentiments put forth by the Examinee. But that paper is not one step in advance of the real leaders of its party. Indeed it is yet far behind many of the more influential ht ong them. How will conservative Republi cans find it possible for them to support the nominees of the party at the com ing election? Every vote cast for them will be a vote against "a white man's government," and in favor of negro stiffrage and negro equality. There can be no dodging of the question any longer. The issue is plainly made up by the Examiner. Every vote cast for Hartranft and Campbell is a direct vote against "a white man's government," and in favor of negro suffrage and negro equality. The Examiner says so, and it ought to be regarded as good authority. Democratic Soldiers Cannot Vote the How any soldier of Democratic ante cedents can vote the Republican ticket is more than we can see. While they were in the army all their friends at home were insulted, vilified and abused without stint by the insolent stay-at home cowards who professed to be the only loyal men in the land. No term of insult was too vile to be applied to the Democratic father who had sent his sons to the army. They were constant ly reviled by the Republican press, and were proscribed in business, insulted on the street, and scoffed at everywhere by a set of fanatics who seemed lost to all sense of decency. Now that the sons of Democratic sires are at home these same miserable proscriptionists would dearly love to wheedle them into voting the Republican ticket. We do not think that many of the thousands of returned Democratic soldiers can be seduced into committing any such gross folly. He who would do so must be very much blinded or completely lost to all sense of sel f-respect. Democratic soldiers will gladly support the gallant Democratic soldiers, Davis and Linton. DESERTERS CANNOT VOTE.—The law passed by Congress and approved by Presi dent Lincoln, March 3, 1863, relaWie to the crime of desertion from the naval or mili tary service of the United States, will be rigidly enforced in this State. In addition to other lawful penalties of the crime of desertion, it provides that all persons who did not report to the Provost Marshal with in sixty days after the President's procla mation for a draft, are deemed to have voluntarily retiquished and forfeited their citizenship and all the rights pertaining to it, and are forever hereafter deemed incapa ble of holding any office of trust or profit under the United States, or exercising any rights of citizenship. We clip the above from the Harris burg Telegraph of yesterday. It is all " bosh." The qualification of voters in Pennsylvania are fixed by the Consti tution of the State, and neither the President, nor Congress, nor even the State Legislature, has power to alter them. - We know that Pennsylvania has fallen very low under the Governorship of Andrew G. Curtin, but still we trust her election boards will have indepen dence enough to maintain her Constitu tion against any Congressional law or Presidential proclamation that may be held-up as a scarecrow to legal voters.— Though anxious to carry the election, we do not wish to see the Lancaster county Abolitionists who- evaded the draft deprived of the right of suffrage, contrary to the fundamental law of the State. GEN. D. N. COUCH has been nomi nated for Governor by the Democrats of Massachusetts. He fought with con spicuous gallantry in some of the hard est battles of the war, starting in at the beginning and holding on till the end. But this will not prevent the Massa chusetts Abolitionists from voting against him. If he had backed down in the face of the foe, as Butler did at Fort Fisher; if he had let his subordi nate officer lead his forces to the front, as Col. Campbell did Lieut. Col. Lin ton ; or if, like Hartranft, the hangman of Mrs. Surratt, he had proved himself a General in whose hand the rope was mightier than the sword, he might have had some claim to the support of the superlatively loyal Abolitionists of the Old Bay State. But aslie fought hard and stole nothing, they will vote against him; and because he did not open his ears to cowardly informers who had private grievances to redress against Democratic neighbors, while he was stationed in the Cumberland Valley, there are not a few Abolitionists in this State who will be glad to see him de feated. Letter from Alexander 11. Stephens. To the Editor of The World: • I have read with great, interest the re marks of the Louisville Journal and The World concerning the long im prisonment of Mr. 'A. EL - Stephens. I happen to be able to bear testimony to the efforts made by him in the autumn of 1860 to prevent a disruption of the Union. After reading the very able and courageous speech which he had made to dissuade the Legislature of Georgia from calling a convention of the State, I wrote to him from Boston, where I then resided, expressing my sympathy in his efforts, and my desire to do everything in my power to assist him. His answer I now publish, being unwilling longer to keep priate a letter which does him so much credit, al though it painfully reminds me of the vain:exertions made in the North and in the South to save the country from the disasters prepared for it by the ex tremists of both sections. Yours respectfully, GEO. T. CURTIS NEW YORK, Sept. 28. CRAWFORDSVILLE, Ga., Nov. 30, '6O. MY DEAR SIR: Your kind and es teemed favor of the 23d instant is before me. I was truly glad to receive it, and to know that the general line of policy indicated in the speech made by me be fore our Legislature met your approval. The times are indeed periithis, and nothing but the prompt and most ener getic action on the part of the patriots in all sections of the country can save the republic. Of this I am confident; but lam not confident or even san guine in my hopes that even this can do it. Still the effort should be made. South Carolina, I suppose, will certain ly go out of the Union forthwith—just as soon as her convention meets and can act. My apprehension is that Georgia, Alabama, Florida, and Mississippi will go, too. I f South Carolina would wait to see whether the offending States North would change their position and resume their constitutional obligations, I have but 'little doubt that Georgia would also. But when South Carolina takes the lead, I have but little hope of either of the other named states holding back. This I assure you may be looked for. What sort of an adjustment can after wards be made to restore union or effect reconciliation, I do not know. lam certain, however, that nothing short of what was indicated in my speech, to which you refer, can. Should the seced ing states be let alone, no forced used against them, perhaps an amicable un derstanding and settlement of the matters in controversy might be made at no distant day. But if resort to arms is once had, all prospect of peace and union, in my judgment, will be gone forever. I write freely and frankly to you. What I say is intended for your self only, and not for the public, in any sense of the word. When I tell you what I apprehend will be the course of the Georgia convention, it is only to ap prise you of the real stateof things here. There are a large number of our peo ple who will sustain my position, but I feel that the odds are against us. We will do all that we can, and should any decided demonstration be made in Mas sachusetts, or other Northern States, on the part of any leading Republican sto right the wrongs of which our people so justly complain, it would greatly aid us in our patriotic endeavors to save the Constitution and the Union under it. This is my earnest desire. Thanking you again for your letter, and hoping to hear from you again as to the prospect in Massachusetts, I remain, Yours truly, ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. George T. Curtis, Boston, Mass. Cessna in IS6I John Cessna, of Bedford, is the Chair man of .the Republican State Central Committee. He was formerly a Demo crat, but failing to receive our nomina tion for Governor in 1563, he turned his coat, covered it with pitch and wool, and is now working like a beaver to secure the success of the principles he once thought all that was despicable and dangerous in politics. To show his present allies what he thought iu 1861, we copy a resolution offered by him at a meeting in Bedford that year: Resolved, That the civil war by which ,air country is ‘Eistracted is the natfiral ofl'- springoftnisguided sectionalism, engender ed by fanatical agitators, North as well as South, and that the Democratic party have equally opposed the extremists of both sec tions, and having, at all times, zealously contended for the administration of the Gen eral Government, within its constitutional limits, that party is in no way responsible for calamities that have resulted front a Ae parture from its doctrines and a disregard of its warnings and advice. How any man can deliberately swal low his words, and appear in public af ter the operation, as Cessna has done, is one of the wonders in human nature which we have never seen adequately explained. Will not some one of these cast-away Democrats write a book de scriptive of the modus operandi and physical and natural ellbuts of the oper ation? If it were given some such at tractive title as " Conscience thrown to the Dogs, or the Renegade's Career"— suggestive of its contents—we would warrant it a large sale, and a lucrative remuneration to the author.—Eric Ob- Serrer. Working Man I How do you like the practical work ing of Abolitionism? Here is one lea from the book: Four hundred and fifty thousand ne groes in dirt, lice, idleness and licen tiousness. Four hundred and fifty thou sand negroes you must now support, who once helped to support you. Four hundred and fifty thousand taken from the producing fields, and with their wives and children calling on you through the Government for support. Four hundred and fifty thousand acres of rich land multiplied by ten, grow ing weeds where once grew cotton, sugar and rice. Nigger on the fence, white man in the weeds. Nigger ex empt, white man bowed down with taxation. Rich men hold bonds—hold offices. Poor men pay taxes, clothe and feed the rich men—clothe and feed the negro—clothe and feed office-holders— clothe and feed the army—clothe and teed themselves, if anything is left! Working men how do you like it? Old man with bending back and hands hardenee with toil, how do you like it? Old woman, as you labor and skimp along, how do you like it? Young man, for a life time your earnings must go to pay for this freak of abolition generosity. How do you like it? Less ,pleasure— fewer buildings—more taxes—harder work. Is not the doctrine of Aboltion ism a good one? When the tax gath erer comes around, stop and think of these little things, brother working man.—La Crosse, Down :rut. Shocking Disloyalty: Had Conduct of Returned Ohio Soldiers At Ashland, Ohio, we learn from an exchange, on Sunday afternoon last, a train on the Atlantic and Great West ern Railway passed through for the West, containing about seven hundred soldiers returning to their homes, chief ly in Ohio. The approach of the train and the character of its passengers, had been announced by telegraph, and a crowd of loyal citizens gathered to min gle political congratulations with the veterans. Conspicuous among Mese was the Internal Tax Assessos, who availed himself of the earliest moment after the stoppage of the train to make eager in quiries concerning the political state of mind of " the boys." 'Without an in stant's hesitation, those whom he ad dressed, sent to the ear of the astonished Assessor, a deafening response for "Mor gan ,the White Man's candidate l"—and the terrific shout was taken up and re peated again and again, without a dis cordant sound, along the whole line of cars. " Hufrah for Morgan, the white man's candidate, and down with the Nigger Equality party !"—C leveland Plaindealtr The Election in Connecticut The result of the election in Connec ticut yesterday was significant. While it shows that the great body of the Re publican party of that State were ready to vote to strike the word white from the Constitution of the State, it also showed that there were some Republi cans, even in Connecticut, who were ready to join with the Democracy in opposition to Negro suffrage and Negro equality. In Connecticut the question is settled. Let it be settled the same way in Pennsylvania on Titesday next. Remember, Horace Greeley says, "if negro suffrage is not an issue in Penn sylvania in the present contest he knows not what is." A triumph of the Repub lican-.party here will be claimed as a triumph of the doctrine of Negro suf frage. Remember that when you go to vote. Dui Green on President Lincoln and the Bogus Wadsworth Letter. ' WASRLNGTON, Sept. 26. To the Editor of the World : In your paper of to-day is a comment on what purports to be an extract from a letter of the late President Lincoln to -Gen. Wadsworth, in which letter, it is said, he pledged himself to require a qualified negro suffrage as a condition ofgeneralamnestr After Mr. Lincoln's firstelection, in 1860, having ascertained that Messrs. Davis and Toombs, of the Senate committee of thirteen to whom the subject was referred, had agreed to accept Mr. Crittenden's resolutions as an adjustment of the issue between the North and the South, if offered in good faith by the North, and that proposition had been rejected,:after consulting with the then President Buchanan and others, I went to Springfield to induce Mr. Lin coln to come to Washington, by his in fluence with his friends secure its adop tion, and thereby prevent disunion. Mr. Buchanan authorized me to say to Mr. Lincoln that if he would do so he would be received with all the respect due to him as the President elect. Mr. Lin coln declined going to Washington, but wrote, as he told me, to one of the sena tors from Illinois giving his assent. After the fall of Richmond I saw Presi dent Lincoln there. He told me that he came to Washington resolved to carry out in good faith, the pledges that he gave to me at Springfield, viz. : that, as President, he would favor no measure of which the South would have cause to complain ; and that it was upon his recommendation that the constitutional amendment, proposed by Mr. Corwin as a substitute for the one offered by Mr. Adams, of Massacnusetts, was adopted by his friends in Congress as follows: That no amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give Congress power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic in stitutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or servitude by the laws of said State. In reply to an appeal which I made to him for peace, President Lincoln's words were, in substance, as follows : " If you want peace, conic hack into the Union. It' you wish to keep your slaves, come in and vote, as States, against the Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery. I cannot recall my proclamations. It will' he for the courts to decide whether they are law or not. Of that you must judge. But I have the pardoning power, and will use it freely." This conversation was in the presence of General Weitzel, Judge Campbell, late of the Supreme Court, one of Gen eral Weitzel's aids, and several others; and I was told, and believe, that in consequence of the conversations held with Judge Campbell and myself, and the pledges then given to President Lincoln, in a letter addressed to General Weitzel, authorized the meeting of the Virginia Legislature, according to the notice subsequently inserted in the Rich mond papers. a General Sherman's comment on the proceedings of the Secretary of War justifies the belief that Mr. Lincoln's in structions to him, relative to the termi nation of the war, were given in the same spirit ; and the disavowal of the arrangements first made between Gener als Sherman and Johnston indicates that the surrender of General Lee having in tervened, the government at Washing • were then unwilling to make peace on the terms suggested by Mr. Lincoln at Richmond. I make no comment. The facts are as stated. DUFF GREEN. Letter fro-1 Montgomery Blair Mon tgemery Blair has published an elaborate letter in reply to the recent letter ofJ udge Holt, in which hecharges that the latter was an original and ac tive secessionist, and mainly instrumen tal in bringing about the rebellion. He cites from letters and speeches of Judge Holt to maintain this position. The letter has the following headings: " The Rebellion ; Where the Guilt Lies. This subject further considered, and the answers of Mr. Holt for himself, and of Messrs. Seward and Stanton, by Mr. Weed and General Meigs, to his Clarksville Speech, reviewed by Hon. Montgomery Blair." In the course of this letter he men tions the following circumstance: "Let me observe here: It was the fall of Sumter that produced on the instant the ordinance of secession, and tilled Virginia with troops from the Gulf States to carry it before the people. Its effect upon ordinary men may be con ceived by the influence it extended over General Lee. My father was authorized by the President and Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, to converse with Gen. Lee and ascertain whether he would ac cept the command of our army in the field. The latter was written for and he met my father at my house, where they conversed for an hour or more. It was a few days before the ordinance was pass ed. Gen. Leeconcluded theconversation by saying: secession was anarchy, and added, if he owned the 4,000,000 slaves in the South he would cheerfully sacrifice them to the Union; but he did not know how he could draw his sword on his native State. He said he would see Gen. Scott on the subject, before he de cided. A committee from the Virginia convention, while the general and my father conversed, were hunting for him through the city. They met on his leaving the house. He repaired with with them, to consult with the conven tion, as I have since learned, about some mode of settlement. The fall of Sumter settled the question for him and the convention." Gen. Hartranft---The Republican Can didate for Auditor General With Major General Hartranft, the Republican candidate for Auditor General, we have been on intimate personal terms for sixteen years past— almost from his boyhood—and against personal characteror his military record, we have not one word to say. There is one act of his, however, that we cannot reconcile with the acts of his past life— and that is, his so perintending the hang ing ofa woman—Mrs. Surratt• His offi ciation in the capacity of chief hangman, a business which, Gen. Sherman very appropriately says, belongs to sheriffli and not to soldiers, might not be con sidered a wrong, were it not for the fact that in this case lie publicly declared, over his own signature, that he. Gclicred thr3 rictim innocent. How a man with his high sense of duty and exalted rank in the army could so degrade himself as - - to assist in hanging a woman for acrime of which he says he believed her inno cent, we cannot imagine. Had this Proposition been presented to him be fore he became contaminated with the influences of the shoddy party and its doctrine of negro equality, we are sure he would have resented it with indig nity, and would have resigned a thou sand commissions, did he possess them, rather than do that which he believed to be wrong. But such is the result of his political affiliations, and we leave him to settle matters with his own con science. Reader, is a man who will hang a woman, who he befit:reel to he in nOoent , a fit person to receive your votes for a high and responsible civil posi tion? We ask the question, from you must come the answer.—Eastoit Senti nel. "That's What's the Matter." Stanton is essaying to make himself "master of the elections" in New Jersey, and for this purpose be is keeping a large retinue of Major Generals and Brigadier Generals, in service for which he has no legitimate employment.— * * If there is no emplomeut for these men in the field, why are they not mustered out of service and thus relieve the tax payers from supporting them ? These men all desire the suc cess of the Republican party, so they can continue to live upon the fat of the land, and draw from the hard earnings of the people the snug little sum of SlO, 000 per year, for delivering a few stump speeches, directing them how to vote. Military despotism overthrew the liber ties of ancient Rome, and it is the duty of the Democratic party, at the ballot box, to see to it that we are not wrecked on the same rock.—Belviderc Journal. DUFF GREEN'S LETTER to the editor of the World, which we publish in an other column, adds to the evidence heretofore given to the public, that the late President Lincoln was disposed to deal mercifully with the conquered reb els. It also contains some interesting statements in relation to Mr. Lincoln, dating back to a period immediately preceding the outbreak of the rebellion. Col. Bell, counsel of the rebel steam boat burners on trial at St. Louis, has had an interview witq the president. It is thought that the object of the interview which was to„secare the attendance of Dav is, Mallory inid Seddon as witnesses,was at. tabled. A Soldier's Sentiments. Extracts from the Speech 'of Captain Charles B. Brockway,-at the Great Nob Mountain Meeting., Columbia County, on Wednesday, August 30;1866. The following is the concluding part of Captain Brockway's speech, which has excited so much attention. It will be read with great interest we have no doubt: FELLOW-CITIZENS: The war being oyer, the question recurs how shall we secure the objects for which we fought? . In the first place we should return to trial by jury. The time for courts martial and military commissions-, I apprehend, is over, or at .least; should be. Those of us who have been iu the service know something about their constitution and powers. While in the army I was several times a member of a court-martial and once a judge advo cate, and I know that as Senator Hale declared, " they are organized to con vict." Woe be to the civilian who comes before them. They are allowed no counsel, save at the discretion of the court, in general are ignorant of the charges against them, and have no means of procuring witnesses. The ac cuser also selects the judges of the crime, and then has the approval of the sentence. There inu.sl be a return to civil law, not only because the Consti tution prohibits any other means of trial than by jury, but even military writers agree that civilians are notsubjeet to mil itary rule. We have assumed the garb of citizens, and let us maintain our rights. Let us emulate the example of Wash ington, the first commander in-chief of our armies, who, though possessed of boundless power, was the first to curb the military power and make it subor dinate to the civil. I would also have you emulate that beau ideal of Democ racy, Andrew Jackson. Look at him at New Orleans, when he had achieved that memorable victory over a veteran English army. Millions were rejoicing, and he was the hero of the day. In this hour of triumph, he was arrested by civil processs for alleged violations of the municipal law. He appeared. A crowd of citizens and soldiers gathered around, and when Judge Hall an nounced that the General had broken the laws, a murmur of indignation:pass ed through the crowd. The Judge hesitated to pronounce the sentence. "Fear not," said the General, "the same arm which repelled the enemy will protect the deliberations of the court." He paid his fine, and would not permit the citizens to reimburse him. Would that some of our shoulder strapped gentry would show the same respect to the law of the land. We would also demand the restora tion of the writ of habeas corpus, so that, men can be no longer sent to hos tiles without due process of law. In that indictment against English tyran ny, known as the Declaration of Inde pendence, appear the following counts: "He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of oth cers to harass our people, and eat out their substance." "He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies without the con sent of our Legislatures." " He has affected to render the mili tary independent of, and superior to, the civil power." " For imposing taxes on us without our consent:" and "For depriving us in many cases of the benefits of trial by jury." 11 addition to the above we could bring other equally strong charges against the party in power, and the principal one would be the suspension of the great writ of right, against law, in sovereigh States in profound peace, and refusing - to restore it when there is no war or appearance of it iin the land. We would also support President Johnson in his endeavors to bring back the Southern States to their loyalty.— We want Virginia, South Carolina, and the rest, all back in the Union, not as territories, but as free Southern States, as they were when Washington gave them to us. We would call to the mem ory of President Johnson the declaration made in 15th in the United States Sen ate, when he said : " When the time comes, if it ever does come, which God forbid, I intend to place my feet upon that Constitution which I havesworn tosup portand to stand there and to battle for all its guarantees ,• and if this Constitution is to be violated or this Union broken, it shall be done by those who arestealthily and insidiously making encroachilitnts upon its very foundation." In this reor ganization we would also ask that some mercy be shown the people lately in re bellion. True, when they opposed us with arms in their hands, we could in flict the usual punishments ; but when they grounded their arms, when they submitted to the laws in good faith, we should not oppress them. The man is oolertta who would insult our late foes, who would wreak vengeance on un armed men, upon women and children. Shakspeare truly said : " The equality of mercy is not strained ; It droppeth as the gentle rain from Heaven Upon the place beneath; It is twice blessed; It blesseth him that g yes and him that takes: 'Tis mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes The thorned monarch better t hall his crown ; Ills sceptre shows I he three of temporal power, I'lle attribute to awe and majesty, Wherein Both set at the dread and tear °things ; But mercy is above his scent red sway, It is enthrdhed in the hearts of kings, It is an attribute , to God Maisel ; And earthly power cloth then show like God's When mercy seasons justice." Thank God, none but the political clergy prate of vengeance, a class of men who did inure to cause the war and less to aid it than any other body of men. But we regard it as unsoldierly, unmanly, to strike a fallen foe. We, through our general, told them that if they would lay down their arms and return to their homes they would not be molested by the United States au thorities. The pledged word of a sol dier must be kept ; and however much stay-at-home patriots may urge the hanging of General Lee and the men under him, the true soldier is opposed to it. In short, we want the Southern States and the Southern people back in the Union. We want:no more internal dissensions, but let us present a united front to the world, and in a few years our people will be as good friends, nay better than we ever were before. We also insist that elections shall be free and equal; that men shall vote as theirjudgments . dictate. Theobjectof the war was not to do awaywith vested rights but to assure them to ourselves and our descendants. We want our legislators to be representatives of the people, and not the selections of department gen erals, operating through squads of sol diers. Had I the time I would tell you how my "interference" in an election gave me a pleasure trip to the Missis sippi. [" Let's hear it—tell it."] Last fall, about the time of the Columbia county invasion, and soon after the Petersburg mine explosion, I was sent to Annapolis hospital, sick with a fever. The Oetober election coming on, in or der to see how things were managed, I secured an appointment as clerk of the election board. A captain from Philadelphia was made judge, and a portion of the board consisted of officers of negro troops, who were not and never had been citizens of Pennsylvania.— They concluded it was necessary to swear the board, according to law, be cause were they not officers, and was not their word sufficient? I protested in vain, because I was alone. They at once, in conjunction with some chap lains, commenced electioneering and circulating Abolition ballots. Not a De mocratic vote was to be had. As squad after squad of men came in I proposed asking if they were citizens of the Uni ted States or of Pennsylvania ; whether they were of age, or had paid tax with in two years. But I was asked if I was not ashamed to press Hach matters; these men were solclier.s., and was I opposed to letting soldiers vote? I had to submit. At Camp Parole, where we had about 8,000 paroled prisoners, the same pro cess was carried on, and the men were shifted from one point to another. Af ter we had closed the polls, a sergeant brought in a squad of about 50 men, whose votes where admitted for fear they had not been taken elsewhere; We then commenced counting off, but the judge declared it was late, he was tired, and we would adjourn until the next day ; whereupon he put the ballots into his coat tail pocket, and I did not see him any more that day. I kept the tally-list, however, and I have it at home now. We met the next day, but he had more ballots in his pocket than I had names on the tally-list; by some bogus process they had increased. Here was a quandary ; but it was soon settled. They remarked the thing was very simple ; the Democratic ballots, save nine, had been cast by mistake, and they would take out enough of them to make the ballots and tally-list corres pond. I then entered a formal protest against the whole proceedings, and refused to make up the necessary returns. That afternoon I received a telegraphic despatch from the Secretary of War, ordering me to report at once at Crook's Island, 111. Of course I had to go at once, and without making up the election returns. I went to Chicago, thinking that Crook's Island might be in the lake, but could find out nothing as to the place. After some fruitless search ing, I concluded to stop at Rock Island City, it being a pleasant locality on the Mississippi, and report my whereabouts to the Adjutant-General. As there was nothing for me to do in the shape of military duty, I spent a feW weeks in hunting, fishing, and killing time gen erally at Uncle Sam's expense. At this time, in view of the approaching:.F'resi ' deutial election, the Republicans made a grand parade, marching some colored soldiers in front of a Pennsylvania regi ment, in spite of their protests. At the same time, General Hooker, command ing the department, General Logan, and other military gentlemen, were making speeches through the State in behalf of the Republican party. Fol lowing the example thus set me, I acted as Marshal in a Democratic procession, and also made a speech. Twenty-four hours after, I received another despatch, stating that I was "honorably mustered out by reason of expiration of tefm of service," though that had occurred seven months before, at the time of the dis charge of the Pennsylvania Reserves. But, fellow-citizens, I must enter a special protest against the doctrines of negro equality. On this question the soldier feels the most sensitive, and is the most earnest in repudiating it. Al though Wendell Phillips and his Re publican coadjutors maintain that in all the desperate deeds of the war "the llegrO bears the palm," we resent the insult, and boldly declare that a more cowardly . crew were never drawn up in line of battle. It 'lour boast that not a regiment of them ever belonged to the Army of the Potomac. At the opening of the campaign of ltiG-1, Burn side brought one division of them into the army under Gen. Ferrero, a French dancing master, who, during the Peters burg mine explosion, was safely hid in a bomb-proof. During that terrible contest in the Wilderness, when Han cock's gallant corps had advanced be yond its support, and being outflanked on the left, this division, instead of ad vancing to the rescue, was withdrawn towards the Rapidan. Gen. Grant when informed of it by an aid, said, " tell General Burnside if he can not tight his corps, to turn it over to General Hancock, who can."— Again, during that terrible tight at Spottsylvania, when our gallant men were falling by thousands, 1.6,000 having fallen on the 1 •'th of May, these govern ment pets were kept well to the rear, ready to turn at the first signal. And so it was at the North Anna, Tolootamy and Cool Harbor. Biddy Smith's corps —the eighteenth—by taking transports reached Petersburg the day before us. It \ Vas garrisoned by about 500 citizens andVinvalids, who held a line of about six miles long. On arriving the batter ies were placed in position, and the corps consisting of two white and one colored division, about eighteen thousand men, charged. Of course the main line was taken with scarcely any loss, and this as sault against almost empty works was heralded to the world as a victory gain ed by the negroes. They were careful not to advance into the city, though had they done so it would have saved the long and weary siege which follow ed. You remember the Petersburg mine explosion, where Burnside determined to show the world how much braver the blacks were than the whites. You all know the result—how they broke under the first fire, and threw the white troops behind into eon fusion. And, soldiers, do you not remember how you were sacrificed this spring while the negroes were kept in reserve until the enemy were defeated, and to them was given the honor of first entering and capturing Richmond. But who are the advocates of this new crusade against the established princi ples of our government'2_ Besides New England abolitionists and disunionists, we have British emissaries, delegates from Exeter 'Hall, brought here to teach Americans the true principles of liber ty—men "With golden bribe and treacherous smile, Sow the vile seeds of vile pollut ion; And with their reptile slime defile The temple of our (A institution." They demand, as the price of their favor, that we give the right of suffrage to our ignorant negroes, while, accord ing to John Bright's statement, out of 7,000,000 full grown Englishmen a thor ough canvass would show only 1,000,- 000 of voters—a disfranchisement of 0,000,000. We want no teaching or teach ers from abroad. Now that we have conquered our enemy they make prof fers of friendship, yet while the contest was doubtful they supplied him with arms, money and ships. These aristo crats who prate of equality refuse to as sociate with their own white operatives, 'and would make the negrothe equal of the poor white man, while themselves despis ing the latter. Look at the Abolition States, where the negro has the right of suffrage, of holding office, and the like. In order to force an unnatural equality they have passed laws imposing heavy penalties on railroads, theatres, hotels, and the like, which make any discrim ination as to color. But observe the un fairness of these miscreants in endeavor ing to fasten their doctrines upon the people of other States. They well know that the mass of the negro race would avoid their bleak shores. In Vermont, in 1860, there were only eighty colored voters, and in New Hampshire 1110. But how is. it in Pennsylvania'? The en tire colored population North in 1860 was 226,000, of which Pennsylvania had 57,000, over one-fourth of the entire number. Of course, since the war this number has greatly increased, because, according to Kennedy, Superintendent of the Census Bureau, the increase is greater in Pennsylvania than any other free State. Now let us compare our white and black populations in locali ties where they enjoy equal advantages. The census shows that where out of ten thousand whites there would be one convict, outof the same number of blacks there would be nineteen. In Pennsyl vania the black are but one fiftieth of our population, yet one third of our convicts are blacks. In this State we have an average of 1 white convict in every 4,243 whites, and 1 black convict in 260 blacks. In Massachgsetts, their land of piety and godliness, they have only 1 black in 128 persons, yet have 1 black convict in 0. Notwithstanding this terrible record, we have a party in our midst who would Africanize the whole South who would place the ballot in the hands of men far more ignorant and debased than the Northern negro. They would place their own race under the dominivation of all inferior one against their consent. Let us glance again at the statistics. In isso the negroes had a majority in 2.53 counties—nearly one-thirdof the South, which number is now increased by the loss of the Southerners in battle and by exclusion in municipal affinrs for having engaged in the rebellion. They liaveasmall majority in Louisiana; of 33,0)0 in Mississippi, and one of 121,- (001 in South Carolina. This would give them (3 United States Senators, about 15 Congressmen, and place the white race in many other localities completely un der their control. Besides their politi cal elevation, they would wreak venge ance upon their former masters, incited to it by fanatics of the North ; and the terrible scenes of San Domingo would be renacted in our own midst. Look at the example in Mexico, in South Ameii ca, where the doctrine of negro equality is in full blast—where they have negro soldiers to domininate ove; the whites and support tyrannical rulers in their offices. Now, fellow-citizens, let. us try no rash experiments with the people of the South. Let us not adopt such a course as will justify rebellion in their eyes, or that of their descendants. Further more, let us insist that no preference hereafter be shown to the negro. If he is as good as the white man let him take the same chances. How is it now ? A Freedman's Bureau is erected especially for the care of negroes, and homes, farms„ schools and the like furnished them at our expense. Nay, New England, in her love for them, sends school teachers, money, Sze., while she sells the poor crippled soldier who happens to become a township charge to the lowest bidder. Why do these men adopt these negroes as their brethren? They want their votes ! Horace Greeley says emancipa tion will add 800,000 votes to the. Republican party, and Henry Win-. ter Davis, of Maryland, an other, high authority, says : " It is. votes, numbers, not intelligence, we. want." There can be no doubt that this party is pledged to negro equality.. They have adopted it wherever they have had power. Their conventions. endorse it. Leading men in their party and their principal papers openly pro, claim it, and unless we at once crush that party they will fasten it not only ; upon the South but upon us. Chief . Justice Chase. quotes . Tacitus. and . . preaphes equality to these freettna en„
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers