pi'bottr •riMiIIicESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1863:- "The printing presses shall be free to.every person who undertakes to examine the pro ceedings of the legislature or any branch of government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof. - The free commu nication of thought and opinions, is one of the Invaluable rights of men; and every Citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub- J ect; being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter 'published is proper for public informa tion, the truth thereof may be given in evi dence." To the Democracy of the City and County of Lancaster In pursuance of authority given the un dersigned by a resolution of County Com-, mittee, adopted at their meeting on Satur day, August 19, you are requested to as semble in the several wards of the city, and borOughs and townships of the county, on SATURDAY, THE 16TH DAY OF SEPTEMBER NEXT, then and there to elect not less than three, nor more than five delegates to repre sent such district in a general County Con vention to be held on WEDNESDAY, SEP TEMBER 20TH, next, at 11 o'clock A. M., at the rooms of the Young Men's Democratic Association, for the purpose of placing in nomination a ticket to be supported at the ensuing October election. The Township Committees are urged to give early notice of the time and place of meeting for the election of delegates. R. R. TSIICDY, Chairman A. J. STEIN lAN, Secretary. Can the People of Pennsylvania Endorse the Republican Platform? Perhaps it was looking for entirely too much to expect anything like theen un ciation of a wise and statesmanlike policy from the motley assemblage of fanatics and political adventurers who composed and controlled the late Republican State Convention at Harrisburg. That party has shown in all positions an utter un fitness to rule. Its real leaders from the time it first came into existence to curse and ruin this country, have been the radical fanatics of New England. Here in Pennsylvania it has been little more than an exotic, at times succeeding, by means of fraud and other improper ap pliances, to a raushroon growth of great ness, which temporarily overshadowed what was and still is the real political sentiment of our p'eople. Even here some of its most prominent leaders have been colonized New England Yankees.' Thaddeus Stevens, the impersonation of the spirit of republican intolerance, who has long openly advocated negro equality, and been looked up to t !trough all as a leader of his party in Congress, is not a native of Pennsylvania, but a New England Yankee by birth, and such in training and sentiment. It is such men as lie who should all along have been recognized as the real leaders of the Republican party of Penn sylvania. That orgabization has never been iu sympathy w. 1!: the political sentiment of the Peel le of this State. Every success which it has gained here has been attained by imposition upon the masses by means of false pretences, and a misrepresentation of its real de signs. It was never honest, and it never dared to adopt fully the policy or to avow its support of the principles of those who were its real and well recog nized leaders. It Las in every election, n which it has succeeded in earryim , the State, done so by means of the most barefaced misrepresentation of its real designs, aided in a number of instances by a system of the most gigantic and unblushing frauds upon the purity of the ballot-box. To-day the Republican party, has no firm hold upon the hearts of the people of Pennsylvania, and we believe the honest masses are s ready to put their seal of condemnation upon it at the coming State election. Its candidates may be worthy men, we will not assail them personally, but they must stand or fall with the platform upon which they have been placed by the Conven tion which put them in nomination. Can the people of Pennsylvania en dorse the Republican platform adopted at Harrisburg ? Let us look at it and see whether it has any claims upon them for support. The first resolution, without care as to what is enunciated in the third and fourth, declares that peace has been se cured, and treason against the republic rendered impossible for ever more. The second endorses President Johnson.— The [hint and fourth, disregarding what had been said in the first, and the en dorsement of A ndre w Johnson contain ed in the second, proceed to declare that peace has not yet been secured, and to arraign and condrian the method of re construction adopted by the President. The fifth is a liuncome resolution, de manding the confiscation of the estates of all property holders in the Soutl_ whose estates May t ex'ceed ?ln,uufi . The sixth demands a general increase of the tariff, and the sentli endorses the Monroe doctrine The rest have no national or political significance. It would be hard to concentrate more irreconcilable contradictions and to bundle together more glaring absurd ities in the same space. According to every reliable account which reaches us from the South, the reconstruction pol icy of the President is working admira bly, and yet it is condemned and de nounced by the Republican Convention of this State as a complete failure. Do they call this sustaining the Govern ment? In the third and fourth resolu tions is concentrated all the malignity of the most desperate radicals. They would keep up huge standing armies for years to come, complete the bankruptcy of the nation, and impose burthetH up on the people more grievous than could be borne, for the sake of carrying out their mad designs. What these designs are can be easily learned from the utter ances of those who are the real live lead ers of the Republican party. There is not one of these, from Chase, who dis graced the office of Chief Justice by his electioneering tour and his distempered harangues to promiscuous crowds of ne groes, down to the most insignificant Abolitionist of New England origin, who is not in favor of negro suffrage and negro equality. It is true that the Republican Convention, which met at Harrisburg on last Thursday, did not plant itself squarely upon that issue. It feared to do so, knowing that with such an open avowal of its belief in what is the most absolute article in the creed of the Abolition party, that it would be completely Overwhelmed before the up rising of the indignant masses of Penn sylvania. So with the usual dishonest trickery of the party, the doctrine of negro suffrage was only covertly en dorsed in the concluding clause of the third resolution. Even the Philadelphia Ledger, a moderate Republican paper, is compelled to admit that there is a designed doublemeaning on the subject of negro suffrage couched in that cau tiously worded third resolution. It says: The ambignity of the resolution is in the phrase which requires that the new constitutions of the Southern States shall secure to all men within their bor ders "their inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." This may or may not be a declaration in favor of negro suffrage. • Can any man of sense doubt for a mo ment as to what was the real intention of the framers of the resolution ? Is it not plain that an effort is thus covertly made to endorse the doctrins of negro suffrage and negro equality without openly appearing to do so? Are the people of this State ready to be thus duped and befooled ? Can they give their support to such a platform? Are they ready to vote , for negro suffrage and negro equality, and by their votes to call for the maintenance for years to come of a huge standing army to force such a condition upon the peo ple of the Routh? That is what the platform of the Republican party of Pennsylvania proposes to do. Will the white voters of the State, the honest toiling masses, who in the end must bear all the burthens of taxation, en dorse such principles? It is for them to say. The Abolition Pow-Wow The Abolition County Convention met in the Court Room (we thought such political gatherings were excluded by the Commissioners!) on Wednesday last, and, after a stormy and protracted session, succeeded in electing Hiestand delegates to the State Convention, and placing, with one exception, a regular Stevens, Woolly-Head ticket in the field. The ticket will be fcund in our local 'columns. The affected love for the soldier, which is so flippantly avowed by the presses and orators of the Abolition party, will be found in the fact that the claims of the only real soldiers whose names were before the Convention, Col. Joseph W. Fisher and Mr. Shirk, the former for Auditor General and the latter for County Treasurer, were ignored, and their places supplied by stay-at-home patriots who neversmelled powder. ' ris true that Messrs. Atlee, Denues and Shenk were in the service for a few months, somewhere along the Penn sylvania border, and it was even said by a correspondent of one of our city papers that Major Shenk " killed a rebel I" But this is not all. It is known that Mr. Shirk, a zallant and brave soldier, was fairly nominated by acclamation, but lore for the soldier developed itself so strongly in the Convention, that, by some hocus poeus, the body got fright ened at its own action, had the nomi nation reconsidered, and then gave it to Mr. Ensminger, an old stager, who, almost from time immemorial, has been a standing candidate for that lucrative office. We shall take an early occasion to ventilate the claims of the ditlrent can didates to public favor; and, among other matters, we shall probably en quire into the record of Mr. Stehman, one of the candidates for Assembly. We have only space now to ask, whether lie is the same gentleman who azisr(pre .v, need his constituents and violated his pledge a few years ago, by voting for a repeal of the Tonnage Tax, and for which he and one of his then colleagues were left off the ticket at the ensuing election' The Convention, it is well known, was controlled by Thaddeus Stevens and Simon Cameron, and the anti-Stev ens and anti-Cameron wing of the party were left out in the cold," with the single exception of District Attorney. Poor Jake Amwake, who has been so industriously blowing the whistle for 'flid and Simon for the last two or three years, was unceremoniously laid up in lavender for some time to come, al though he, too, " played sojer " for a short spell, and swore terribly against " Copperheads" and peace men in the political campaigns of 1933 and 1564. Our quondam friend Jacob was the Stevens-Cameron candidate, but the load, it appears, was too heavy for his masters to carry, and he is now left to chew the bitter cud of disappointment at leisure. But enough for the present, as we do not wish to " pile the agony " on the disappointed candidates at the present moment. More anon. Maliciousness of the Express It seems utterly impossible for the Express to be anything unless it is un fair and malicious. It scarcely ever touches a question in which politics is concerned except to misrepresent those who are opposed to it and to make false statements. It either lacks the capacity or the disposition to dis cuss any political qaestion in open and manly style. Coward like, it never meets an opponent face to face, but always in some covert and underhand manlier. It deals in inuendoes and de lights in thus creating a false impres sion when it lacks the courage openly to make the charge it would spread abroad by base and malicious insinua tion. It is decidedly unpleasant to have to deal with such an opponent. We know how to meet and deal with a fair, manly foe, but it is very annoying to have to do with one whose attacks are made under the cover of dirty little squibs, and in.signiticant paragraphs full of sentiments whirh are as false as they are malicious. In its leading editorial of yesterday the EpIV.: does not expressly charge the IsTEbbm Esc ER with traducing and abusing the soldiers, but the whole tenor of the article would lead ally one ignorant of the truth to suppose that our chief business had been to vilify and abuse the brave men who went forth to battle at the call of their country. Now we defy the Express to find a single word in our columns derogatory to the char acter of our soldiery. We have always spoken of them in the terms of admira tion which they so justly deserved. What is true of us is also true of the Democratic press throughout the coun try. Everywhere, even here in Lan caster county, more than a fair propor tion, if not a clear majority of those who volunteered, were of the bone and sinew of the Democratic party. They went forth by thousandsand tensof thousands at the very first call to arms. It was enough for thew to Itinow that the Union was in danger, and to save that they were ready to lay clown their lives.— Multitudes of these fill the countless, unknown and unmarked graves that everywhere dot the surface'of the South. Th6se of them who have lived to return, come back true to their old political faith, with their devotion to the pure principles of the great party to which they were attached, quickened and in creased. They are not ready to degrade themselves by lowering the standard of American citizenship to the base level of negro equality, at the bidding of a party which is owned and controlled by a pestilent set of New England fanatics. The soldiers can't be cheated out of their votes this fall, and a majority of them will vote the " white man's ticket."— The soldiers are not in favor of negro equality. They are at home now, and able to read, think and vote for them selves ; and they cannot be " bam boozled" by the mock love of the Ex press and other Jacobin newspapers for the soldier. The Hamlin Family of Patriots Perhaps there is no better instance of the good care which is taken of model modern patriots by "the best Govern ment on earth" than that furnished by the Hamlin family. The late Vice Pre sident has just been appointed collector of the port of Boston, with a big salary, and a chance, under the system of mo rality,in vogue with the party in power, for an indefinite amount of stealings. Major Charles Hamlin has lived in Washington during the entire war, and draws $3,300; another son, with rank of brigadier, manages to live on $1,500; a brother of the ex-V. P. holds a sine cure of $4,000, paid in gold; a son-in law was made a paymaster as soon as he married, with the rank of lieutenant colonel, and $3,000 to support his little family on, all of which Uncle SAm pays. Verily it is a good and a profitable thing to be loyal after the modern style of pay-triotism. HON. ALEXANDER HENRY has declined being re-nominated as the Union candidate for Mayor of Philadelphia, and some of the. Union papers favor the nomination of a re-. turned soldier for the position. One com petent for the post could easily be foundon that city. • And since the Intelligeneer and otherso-called democratic papers have re cently conceived a remarkable affection.for the soldier, would it not be consistent in that paper to advocate the claims of a sol dier for the mayoralty of this city at the next charter election? What do our neigh bors say ?—Evening Express. The Intelligencer has not very" re cently conceived a remarkable affection for the soldier," but is prepared at all times and under all circumstances to support the nominees of the Democratic party, whoever they may be, whether soldiers or civilians. But we would very respectfully request an explanation of the Express, which is the organ par ex cellence of the soldiers, why it refused to support Gen. Henry A. H.ambright for the office of Sheriff in the fall of 1863? Do our neighbors not suppose that he was thoroughly competent, and are they not perfectly aware that he proved his devotion to the old flag on more than one hard-fought battle field? aye, and was severely wounded, too? Again, why did they permit their par ticular pets, the members of the late Shoddy County Convention, to ignore the claims of Mr. John H. Shirk, a re turned veteran of the 79th, and nomi nate a civilian for the position of County Treasurer who never smelt gunpowder? When our neighbors satisfactorily an swer these questions, it will be time enough for them to take the Intelligencer to task for conceiving "a remarkable affection for the soldier." Shall Go ernment Bonds be Taxed? We commend the following article, which we copy from the Doylestown De/not-rat, edited by ('ol. Davis, a brave and distinguished soldier of the war, to the shoddy correspondent of the Ex press. If he cannot see the point of the argument, we would advise him to pro cure another pair of spectacles, as the glasses he wears must be exceedingly defective to cause the wearer to con found taxation and repudiation. Plain, common-sense people, who have never rubbed their rump against a college, will beapt to conclude that without tax ation, and taxation of everybody ac cording to their wealth and ability to pay, repudiation is certain to come sooner or later. This we wish to avoid by making every body pay tax accord ing to their means, but Conestoga" don't see it in that light, and therefore we call his attention to the subjoined plain statement of the case : This question will come up sooner or later before the American people at the ballot-box. The exemption of Gov ernment bonds from taxation for State, municipal and county purposes is a great wrong perpetrated upon the tax payers generally. It is building up a privileged class, and relieves hitreds of millions of dollars of the wealth of the country from bearing any of the burdens of the Government. What right Congress has to make this dis tinction in favor of persons who loan their money to the Government, instead of individuals, we have notyet discover ed. If I loan money to a farmer, and he gives nie his bond or mortgage, it is taxed fur State and county purposes. But if a neighbor lends his money to the United States, and receives a bond for its payment that bond is not liable to taxation for any purposes whatever. This is an unjust discrimi nation in favor of investments, and one which is at variance with our system of government. The Democratic doctrine is, that people should pay for the sup port of thegovernment according totheir means ; but the Abolition Congress steps in and says one class shall lie exempt from paying anything if they will only invest their money in a particular kind of securities. We ask our readers if this is just and right? We say, no ; it is class legislation that we must put an end to. It goes to build up an aristoc racy, and throws an additional weight of taxatiotiou tie farmer and the landed interest. The rich man who has 5100,000 invest ed in government bonds pays neither State, County, Borough or School tax ; while the little homestead of the hard working mechanic, not worth more than Sl,OOO, is taxed for all tfiese purposes. The latter pays for repairing the streets, lighting the lamp before the rich man's door, and the policeman who guards his property at night. So far as the capi talists are concerned they have already repudiated our State, County and Mu nicipal debt, for they bear none of the burdens. It is only necessary for Con gress to exempt the farmer, mechanic, laboring man, and merchant, when the repudiation will be complete. To tax these securities will no more prevent the government borrowing money than individuals, on bond and mortgage. There is no other country in the world where one-half of the capital is exempt from taxation. Congress has perpetrilted another wrong upon the tax-payer. Our State banks paid about half a million dollars a year tax into the State Treasury.— These institutions Congress has abol ished, and established National banks in their place, which are exempt from taxation for State purposes. Therefore, the five hundred thousand dollars tax which the State banks paid must be raised from some other source. These great banking corporations are relieved from paying their share of the publie burdens, and the real and personal prop erty of individuals are made to pay it. for them. We need not ask the ques tion whether there isi any injustice in this. The thing speaks for itself. "When Rogues Fall Out," do " When rogues fall out, honest men get their dues " is a trite but true adage, and we never knew it to be more appli cable than at the present time. We invite the attention of our readers, and more especially " loyal " people, to the scathing letter of ex-Judge and Con gressman Kelley, of Philadelphia, on Simon Cameron, published in to-day's inte/tiyencer. The occasion of the let ter was because of an attack made upon the Philadelphia " loyal " Cougressnag-n by Cameron at a serenade given to him at the Girard House, in Philadelphia, the other evening. The letter is the very best kind of reading matter for the (log days. How Simon will " wig gle-waggle" out of the position in which he is placed by the Judge we do not know, and care much less.. Left Out in the Cold. It will be seen by -reference to the proceedings of the " Shoddy " State Convention that our friend and neigh bor, Hiestand, of the Examiner, has been left out in the cold, and Gen. John F. Hartranft, of Montgomery county, nominated for Auditor General. It looks as if the power of his friends Thaddeus and Simon was waning, neither of them being able to engineer his claims through the Convention• What a pity that the claims of Jack, who obtained a lasting reputation as a military man at the first battle of Bull Run, should thus be ignored by the Shoddyites. But our neighbor has his consolation in this, that true merit is hardly ever appreciated or rewarded. WE unintentionally did injustice to John M.Stehman, one of the candidates for Assembly, in intimating that he, while in the Legislature a few years ago, voted for therepeal of the Tonnage Tax. We made the allegation on what we deemed reliable information but have since learned that our informant was mistaken. Mr. Stehman did not vote for the repeal of that tax; but he did vote (as we are informed by one of his political friends) for the Sunbury and Erie bill, by which the Common wealth lost the benefit of her first mortgage on that road—a measure almost as injurious to the State as the repeal bill. GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, it is stated,. did not vote at the recent election, in Kentvcky, on account of alleged mili tary interference at the polls. Douglas and Lincoln on Negro Suffrage. Here are the utterances of Douglas and Lincoln, as they are found in the published report of their famous debate in Illinois in 1858 : JUDGE DOUGLAS I hold a negro, is not and never ought to be a citizen of the United States. I hold that this government was made upon a white basis, by white men for the benefit of white men and their pos terity forever and should be adminis tered by white men and none other. I do not believe that the Almighty made the negro capable of selgovernment. Now, I say to you my.fellow-citizens, that in my opinion the signers of the Declaration of Independence had no reference to the negro whatever, when they declared all men created equal.— They desired to express by that phrase white men, men of European birth and European descent, and had no refer ence to the negro, savage Indians, or other inferior or degraded races. At that time every one of the thirteen colonies was a slaveholding colony, and every signer of the declaration represented a slaveholding constituency and know that no one of them emancipated his slaves, much less offered citizenship to them, when they signed the Declara tion. Judge Douglas has said to you that he has been able to get from me an answer to the qUestion whether I am in favor of negro citizenship. So far as I know the Judge never asked me that question before. He shall have no oc casion to ever ask it again, for I tell him very plainly that I am not in favor of negro citizenship. * * * * * * My opinion is that different States have the power to make a negro a citi zen under the Constitution of the United States, if they choose. The Dred Scott decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of Illinois had that power, I should be opposed to the exer cise of it. A correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial (Rep.) who signs himself " A Member of the Union State Central Committee," writes a rather sensible letter to that journal on the general sub ject of the negro and his relations to current questions. He cites the Colum bus speech of Abraham Lincoln in 1859, in which the late President said: That there is a physical difference be tween the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And insomuch as they cannot so live, while they-do so remain together, there must be the po sition of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to he white race. More "Gratitude" for the Soldiers Ac Huntingdon., on Saturday last, says the Harrisburg Patriot, the Re publicans held their delegate election.— Two setts of delegates Were in the field —one set called the Swoope delegates and the other announced to "support soldiers for all the offices any of them may be candidates for." The "Swoope" delegates received 111 and 108 votes, and the soldiers' delegates 41 and 38 votes—a majority of scucitty votes against the soldiers ! After the election a motion was made " that the delegates be instructed to vote for soldiers for all offices for which any of them may be candidates," but this motion was immediately voted down, and the delegates were instructed to vote for Swoope. • This is another notable instance of the manner in which Republican "grati tude," as professed and vaunted through their newspapers, is carried out in prac tice. This same kind of " gratitude" is exhibited in all the otherstrong Repub lican counties. Witness Blair, Alle gheny and Dauphin, [our friBlitids of the Patriot should have added Lancaster,] where the soldiers—and especially those who through necessity and wounds needed gratitude—were almost entirely forgotten. The Republican method of getting up tickets reminds us of the Sparrowgrass Cranberry Punch, which was nothing more than the same old mixture, with a handful of berries thrown upon the sur face to give it a name_ The Republican tickets are composed of the same old party hacks, with sometimes just adash . of soldier to give them a name and an air of patriotism. "Modern Improvements!" A procession of working men, with the garb of returned soldiers, paraded the streets of New York one day last week, carrying a banner wills the fol lowing- inscription : " OCR 13ST OCCUPATION WAS THE DE STRU CTLON OF THE REBELLION AND ESTABLISH3I ENT 01." THE UNION. W IT II ALL TIER MOD ERN IMPROVEMENTS!" The-New York Buy Book thus epi - 6 tomises these improvements : 5_,% , 1•• A debt of three or four thousand mil- _ lions of dollars ! ,„7:--'.l!ax.es upon everything we eat, drink, taste, or smell! Three or four millions of lazy, idle, non-producing negroes ! ^..zr?' - Cotton shirtings, fifty cents per yard ! .7":.1"- Coffee, liny cents per 1)1)011(1! .ASP Sugar, twenty to twenty-live cents per lb.!' j~r'l'ea, one dollar and fifty cents per lb.! Butter, twenty-live and thirty cents ' per lb.! '-if" - -Beef, twenty-five cents per lb.! 300,000 untaxed Nobility ! grindingtho life out of workingmen that they may roll in luxury! Swarms of tax- gatherers, more numer ous than the lice of Egypt, prying into every man's business, and eating out the substance of the people! ;Zei' Provost-Marshals, dressed in a little brief authority, turning their inexorable wheel of death, while the poor wife and terror-stricken children stand trembling ; ly by ! Military Commissions, with their ret- Mete of pimps, spies, informers and per jurers ! I"•._*, - Elections carried at the point of the bayonet! .'<' - .3?!- Ballot-Boxes overthrown ! .7A5 - Shoulder-Straps in the Judge's Bench! Inrzi- Arbitrary arrests ! Suppression of Newspapers! ?~• Denial of free speech! All these, and many "more of the samesort" are "modern improvements;" and, finally, i working men parad ing the streets with banners, begging for work, is another " modern improve ment!" Would that we had back the old Union without any of these additions which a four years' war hm+ left us. We would willingly dispense with all these "mod ern improvements " brought upon the country by the present dominant party. LEXINGTON, Ky.,was thrown into con siderable excitement on Monday eve ning, by the killing of a member of the 49th Indiana by a negro soldier. Ought not such black scoundrels to be placed on an equality with white citizens? It is such that the Abolitionists of this State prate so much about. To the negro soldier they say belongs the honor and credit of terminating the rebellion, and therefore he should be made a citizen. We do not believe that the white soldiers of Pennsylvania endorse such doctrine. It is repulsive to those who believe that this nation was created by white men for white men_ Notwithstanding the fact that the negroes are daily committing terri ble outrages upon white men and white women, the Abolitionists still cry their pretended claims through the land and stoutly insist that the ballot shall be gi ven to them. We believe that the great majority of the returned Pennsyl vania soldiers will never disgrace their S tate by supporting a party that advo cates negro ea uality. A Besidenee for General Sherman at St. The project of presenting General .Sherman a residence, as a well-merited testimonial from his fellow-citizens in St. Louis, has so far succeeded that the sum of thirty thousand dollars has been raised for the worthy object by the committee having the matter in charge. Finding some difficulty in the selection of a residence at present, the committee has, says the Democrat, deposited the amount to the credit of Gen. SherzPart. The Soldiers vs. Black Republicanism. Let all those who are not confirmed in the Abolition faith ; those whothave been in the " red heat of battle" strugs gling for the preservation of liberty, and those who do not believe that "amid the gallantry, the patience, the heroism of this War, the NEGRO BEARS. Salt. Perm'," read the following sharp and pungent article from the Syracuse Union : "It would be very amusing, were it not so productive of the worst sort of mischief, to observe and note the gross ignorance of facts displayed by the Afri can journals of the North in their treat ment of the negro question of the South. Cant is rampant and all-absorbent with them. "Am-I-not-a-friend-and-broth er?" protrudes with grinning ivory from every other newspaper item. Nay, more than this—the whites are pro nounced to be the really debased caste of the South, the Pariahs ; while Sam bo is represented as intellectu ally and industrially the patrician. And yet their philanthropy does not propose to aid and elevate the class which they assert most need charity, but all their sympathy continues to be expended upon the noble and sable sons of Ham. Niggers themselves at heart, it is not surprising that these venal and servile pharisees should have a " fellow feeling" for an alien race, which has never yet, in the world's history, risen above the condition of helotry. But our returned soldiers do not view the negro question in the Black Repub lican light. They have been among the negroes of the South—have been com pelled to come into close and unsavory contact with them—have observed their manners, intellectual and moralstamina by intimate acquaintance have become qualified to judge understand ingly of the negro question. Almost to a man, they assert that the " can't see the point" of the mock philanthropy of these Black Republicans ; and they feel indignant and disgusted at the flood of falsehood and ignorance which is daily poured out by these foul Sewers, to de lude the really benevolent but unad vised, as to the condition and character of the Southern negroes. A good illus tration of this feeling among the return ed soldiers we were witness to a few days since. A blatant Abolitionist, iu the course of a discussion, appealed for confirma tion of some assertion he had made, to a soldier who had entered the room.— " No," said the soldier. " Did you not," continued the Abolitionist, "go to the war to liberate slaves?" "No—l went to save the Union ; and we wanted to let the niggers alone, where they were well enough." The discussion grew warmer, and in a minute or two about a dozen soldiers had been drawn to gether by the dispute. They began to get angry at being assimilated with negroes, and made to appear, against the truth and their will, to have been engaged in a great abolition crusade, instead of a holy and patrtotic war for the preservation of the national unity. The Abolitionist had soon to make him self "scarce" to preserve his saintly body from harm. This attempt of Black Republican politicians to identify the soldiers with their negro policy, is one of the grossest frauds that even that party, with all its notorious effrontery, ever attempted; and the idea of " negro suffrage "appears to our soldiers so monstrous as to be simply ludicrous. How many soldiers could have been raised for the war, had they been told that the object was not only to free the negroes, but to endow them immediately with all the privi leges of citizenship? Not a corporal's guard! As to the propriety and justice of this measure, which are the best au thority—these embrowned veterans, who have lived and battled for years ; amid the very camps of the negroes, or the valiant knights of the quill in the Black Republican home-guard, who never saw a cotton-plant, and never smelt a nigger on his own dunghill ?" Tobacco We have received from our oldest and most reliable houses in the trade, says the Baltimore Price Current, the annex ed interesting statement or estimate of the receipts and growth of tobacco for the year 1865. The figures will be re garded by some as an over-estimate in reference to the crop to arrive within the present year, and also of the crop now growing, but the object of the writer was to make the most liberal al lowance in these particulars. The re sult compared with aggregate crops in the United States prior to the war, fall short in this estimate more than one half : TOBACCO STATEMENT. Receipts at New York in 1565 Receipts at Baltimore in 1561 Total ESTIMATE of — rll6: CROP TO ARRIVE IN 10.5, At New York, of Kentucky 70,000 Baltimore, of Md. and Ohio 'lO,OOO Stock in Virginia 10,000 Excess of stock of 1865 over !Sift in counting markets Europe and S.-1,000-15-1,000 Deficiency in 1865, as compared Irith 1.061 ESTI mATE Or THE CROP GROWING IN 1865, Kentucky COOO Maryland and Uhio 15,000 Virginia 10,000-11:3,000 The crop of the Pullet! States in either of the years 1410,'50 or '6O, in round figures amounted to say of Virginia__ Kentucky Maryland and Ohio From the above figures, it is shown that the crops of the United States, prior to the war, for a single year, were more than double the estimate of growth for 1865 and nearly as great as the crops of both 1864 and 1865 together, including the Virginia stock, and the excess in counting markets of Europe and the United States. The estimate of receipts of Kentucky for 18(35 was made early in the year, and it is now asserted that they will fall considerably short. The estimates for both Maryland and Ohio are likewise believed to be much too large. " Want to see Grant mighty bad, do you?" said a blue-coated veteran to the people crowding aboard the cars the other morning, on their way to get a squint at our famous General. " W a-a 11, why in thunder didn't you come down to the front when he wanted to see you, hey .."' Let the Abolition-shrieking Home Guard answer this interrogatory. Well do we remember how they boiled over with patriotism during the war, and how, when Democrats offered to enlist in the army if their Abolition friends would do so, the latter simmered down and piteously pleaded as an excuse large families dependent on them for support, or large crops of bunions that needed their care. Their patriotism could not stand powder and shot, or hard tack. How They Talk An exchange says that at the late Boston Abolition League meeting, ex- Judge Kelly, of Philadelphia, said: "Give notice that the black troops will accept no other terms than that they, their wives and children, should be on an equality with the whites, and would not lay down their arms and let the country violate every doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, and every principle that underlies American institution." He declared "that there shall be no political peace until it can he made on such terms as will place the negro on an equality with the whit e man." Judge Kelly who uttered this lan guage, is a leading Republican of Phil adelphia, representing that party in Congress. THE New York Commercial, an ad ministration paper, insists that there should not be, as there is, on the part of many of our Generals, any further in citement to bloodshed, even in regard to Mexico. With 600,000 of our sons buried beneath the sod, one-half of our territorydesolated and impoverished and a debt of three thousand millions of dol lars imposed upon one section alone of the country, the American people have no desire to engage in further conflicts, and our aspiring Generals would do well to understand this. If, still burning with martial ardor, ou r Generals sigh for the bugle's note and cannon's roar, let them send in those resignations anxiously looked for by the public, and shouldering the musket be off after the Indians. When Winnebago Meets. Hiekapoo, Then Comes the Tug of War. FIX-JUDGE AND CONGRESSMAN KELLY ON THE "WAR PATH." His Opinion, Pore and Simple of the Great Winnebago ChieL lb the 17nion Men of the Fourth Congres sional District: A long and successful career in crime emboldens the guilty. A recent illus- tration of this law of human nature im pels me to violate my life-long rule of conduct, and for once to notice a politi cal slanderer. I do not, however, ad dress you for the purpose of repelling his inuendoes or falsehoods. My life has been passed among you, and if its record, familiar to you all, does not re pel them, I have lived in vain. My purpose is simply to pierce the mail of ill-gotten gold in which the slanderer has clothed himself, and give you a glimpse at the loathsome object it pro tects. ' The papers of Friday announce that Simon Cameron, of Dauphin county, was serenaded by his friends on the pre ceding evening at the Girard House, in this city, and availed himself of the oc casion to villify my colleagues and my self, "the Congressmen of Philadel phia," in a speech to the assemblage. I was but a youth when I first heard the name of Simon Cameron, and it was as the perpetrator of a great crime. He had been made the agent of the Govern ment to carry a large amount of money, due theria to the Winnebago Indians, and had taken advantage of their ignor ance: and helplessness to enrich him self. Those of you who had then at tained to manhood, though you may not, after the lapse of so many years, revive the burning. indignation with which you regarded the infamous swindler of the poor Indians, will doubtless remem ber that instead of paying them the specie which the Government confided to him for that purpose, he retained it, and gave them the notes of the Mid dletown Bank, of which he was an owner. At their encampment in the remote wilderness these notes were ut terly worthless. The Indians could not use them for any purpose there, nor carry them to Middletown for redemp tion. But what was that to Simon Cameron ? Was not their loss his gain, and was he not so much the richer by every note that failed to come home for redemption, though they did suffer and starve? And those of you who are not old enough to remember all this, now know why this bold, bad man is sometimes spoken of by your seniors as the "great Winnebago," and sometimes as " Old Kickapoo." For more than thirty years I have watched the tortuous career of this man, and have never seen a reason to abandon my first impression of his character. Whether acting with the Democratic, the Know Noth ing, or the Republican party—for he has in turn disgraced them all—he has never been false to his criminal in stincts. He has endeavored to turn them all to profitable account. His am bition is sordid and panders to his avarice, and he measures honors by the perquisites they expose to his grasp. His has no confidence in the people, and is aware that they distrust him. His speech of Thursday evening was not characteristic of him, for he is prone to the use of instruments. His habit is to point the stiletto, but to employ another hand to drive ithome. Though an active participant in the politics of his county and State for niore than half a century, during wide'. ,long period lie has pur sued the profits of office, of jobs, of con tracts, with eager and ceaseless assiduity, he has never dared to permit his name to be presented to the people of his county or State as a candidate for an elective office. He crawls to the feet of the appointing power. He cares not who may be King, so that he may "still be Vicar of Bray ;" and to that end he chaffers with and corrupts weak and needy members of Conventions and the Legislature of both parties. I need not recite the disgraceful facts attending his several canvasses for the United States Senate. Their nauseous odor lingers in your nostrils to this hour. In the first he bought the votes of three Democratic members, and in the last bid twenty thousand dollars for the one vote which would have elected him. This last transaction was so fla grant that the Legislature was com pelled to take cognizance of it, and, if justice be not lame as well as blind, the law and honor of our State will yet be vindicated. The evil report of his deeds pervades the country as a reproach to our State. Yes, unhappily for Pennsylvania and her great interests, the buzzard-winged fame of Simon Cameron is national. By months of abjectsolicitation•and cor rupt bargaining he procured a mass of letters, certificates and recantations, that imposed him upon President Lin coln as the representative man of the Keystone State. That was an evil hour for Pennsylvania. You all remember how he organized the Navy Agency in this city, and feel the ineffable reproach he thus brought on our Navy Yard and commercial and other business men. In the course of his impudent and ill-judged harangue he said : "In the olden time a member of Congress from Philadelphia would have had sufficient influence to have carried his point (the establishment of a Naval station at League Island) with out a dissenting voice." Is that the as sertion of a sober man? and did he who made it forget that our Congressmen in the olden time in proposing to locate a Government workshop at Philadelphia, had not the terrible reputation of Simon Cameron, the Fagan of the Harrisburg lobby and ex-Secretary of War, to con tend with, and, therefore, had some chance for success? My colleagues and I were less happy than they in this re spect. As I have said, he begged and bar gained for the influence which induced Mr. Lincoln to invite him to a seat in his Cabinet. It was now fondly hoped, by those who had not sounded the depths of his depravity, that, being old and rich, he would take advantage of so distinguished an opportunity to prove that lie could be honest, and could ad minister a trust without turning it to hisown profit, orhanding the fundsover to his creatures, to be used on joint ac count. How sadly these hopes were disappointed is attested by the brevity of his term of office, and the circum stances under which it closed. In less than one year from the day on which Simon Cameron was installed as Secretary of War, Congress—though at that early day it had before it but partial evidence of his crimes—indignantly drove him from that high office. Two thirds of the members of the Lower House were friends of the Administra tion, and would gladly have sustained each member of it as they did its dis tinguished head. You can imagine how painful it must have been to them to find themselves constrained by duty to proclaim the fact that the first man the head of their party had been induced to appoint as the successor of John B. Floyd had ex hibited greater aptitude than he for his worst tricks. But it became inevitable, for this old man, notwithstanding his boasted and reputed millions, believes that one of his nameisneverrichenough until he has a little more, and, to save their party and the country, the friends of the Administration in the House had to proclaim his infamy and de nounce his crimes. Nor was the vote by which they did it a meagre one. His friends and those who would most glad ly have averted this disgrace from our State, could rally but about one-third of the House against the resolution of con demnation. The vote was about two to one against him, though I, as a Penn sylvanian, not willing to bear witness against the representative of our State, but too well satisfied of his guilt to vote against the resolution, failed to record my vote. In this fact, gentlemen, you have the secret of " this distinguished states man's " hostility to me and my friends. Mr. Walborn, the Postmaster of Phila delphia, and otherof his creatures, have offered me his friendship and support if I would endeavor to have that resolu tion expunged. My reply has invaria bly been that to stir foul matter would be to produce a stench. I have never in this or aught else endeavored to pro pitiate him or his creatures. No stone may mark the spot where my poor re mains may finally rest; but I mean that my children shall be able to vindi cate my name by pointing to the fact that Simon Cameron and his confiden tial friends were ever hostile to me. With grateful regards, yours, very truly, WM. D. KELLEY. hllds. 132,000 52,000 55,000 95,000 65,0(10-215,000 PRENTICE says, war has "smoothed his wrinkled front," but the country has contracted wrinkles in the last four years that can't be smoothed out in twenty. The Gold Forgers. Sketch of Younglietehilm—His Style of Forgery —How the Forgeries Were First Discovered. ~ ( Froin the N. Y. World of Thursday.' Picture a full-faced, light-complex- young man of _twenty-five, five feet seven inches high, without whis kers, hut wearing rt.thin mustache, and of body slight but:suppli3,----. His manners are prudent beyond his years, and his habits are known to be free from all youthfulness, whether of deed or display. He is reticent, modest, quietly attired, and ever the same in temperament, flushed by no successes, showing no signs of care in the most vivid moments of anticipation, and in all formal essentials a close applicant to business, steady as a town clock in his methods, and never vaunting, even when the whole " stress " cheers him. At the board he is cool and watchful, but never anxious' his address is bet ter than his father's, which is brusque and straightforward ; but Edward is never headlong nor hurried ; his excel lent home, at Thirty-second street and Madison avenue, is rich, but soberly maintained. He indulges in no finer carriages, nor do his family adopt finer attire, even in the topmost pitch of prosperity. No man ever knew him to gamble ; his probity with regard to, woman was as good as that of any man who is never found, and we have found nobody who ever heard it .even inti mated. He was temperate, pleasant, unostentatious ; and other sons of other men, carrying as many years as young Edward Ketchum, looked upon him as if he could never grow to his maturity. But one vice—and that a rare one in these profligate times—had fastened upon young Edward Ketchum. It was that terrible greed, that unutterable avarice, which is insatiable and un quenchable. Had he won a hundred millions he would have held to his busi ness and made a hundred millions more. This was his vice, and it comprehended all the rest—the robbery of his father, forgery upon the public, the ruin of his friends, the dishonor of his craft. FROM THEFT TO FORGERY. He resolved to forge for the money, and win upon his ventures, and pay up the cash before the forgeries were made manifest. This movement cost him no more ostensible wrestle than the chess player exhibits in moving a pawn. He was already an embezzler ; a new crime might repair the old one. DESCRIPTION OF THE BANK CHECKS OF WHICH EDWARD KETCHUM AVAILED HIMSELF. There is an old and reliable institution in the city, convenient to all the brokers' offices, called the " New York Bank." When gold became a leading article of traffic, and everybody was perpetually buying and selling it the brokers found the necessity of some place of deposit for the parcels of gold they were con stantly obliged to be carrying to and fro. As long as they kept this gold in their several offices it was liable to be mis counted ; mixed with foreign coins and base metal ; pieces of it abstracted ; and other liabilities which made the labor of working in it a perpetual source of loss and irritation. It was resolved, therefore, to give to the New York Bank the manipulation of this gold coin, the brokers to make their transfers of it, by checks. For the privilege of deposit ing his gold in the New York Bank each broker paid a thousand dollars per annnm, and was presented with a book of blank checks. Each book contained five hundred checks, but the subscriber could obtain a new book whenever lie chose, no further charge being made than the original thousand dollars. And each blank check was most carefully guarded by every subscriber. It was upon this check that Edward Ketchum resolved to commit forgery. HOW THE CHECKS ARE PREPARED. This check is one of the most beauti fully engraved things of the kind ever gotten up. The word " gold" is printed in golden letters half as broad as the en tire check, and the line " Bank of New York," in florid-blue lettering, runs through the golden letters in such a manner as to complicate the work of counterfeiting. The number of the check is stamped upon the blank space in the upper left corner prepared for it in red letters, and three separate forger ies are all essential, and in certain cases four forgeries, to make one of these checks current. I. The signature of the bank register. 2. The signature of the bank teller. 3. The signature of the drawer of the check. 4. (Perhaps) the signature of the in dorser. KETCHUM A NOVICE AT FORGERY. Imagine, therefore thatyoung Edward Ketchum has paid a thousand dollars over to the Bank of New York, and ob tained a book of these golden checks. It is by the number of these checks that we are able to compute the extreme limit of his forgeries ; for, as the great est amount can be drawn for upon a single check is five thousand dollars, and as he probably drew, in almost every case, the full amount, and as he obtained only one book of checks, we fix two and a half million of dollars as the amount of his forgeries. In no other possible way could forgeries have been successfully made upon these checks than by the means Ketchum adopted. KETCHUM'S METHOD OF FORGING. It is a mooted point as to whether Ketchum's crime can technically be called forgery. He misspelled in every case the name of the individual or firm in whose name lie drew the checks. For example, the name of a certain firm in Exchange is " Kamlah, Sauer & Co." Mr. Ketchum's forged check would be signed Kaniter, Sauer & Co. This was doubtless done to avoid the penalty of the high crime of forgery; but if it be not considered forgery in fact, forgery it was in motive, and young Edward Ketchum must occupy the place award ed to forgers in public opinion. AN EXAMPLE OF HOW KETCHUM AP PEARED. Suppose, for example, that he,,bought $lOO,OOO in gold, when gold stood at 40 premium, making $140,000. Upon this sum he would give three or four forged checks of $5,000 a piece, as collateral se curity, or margin, making altogether, say $24,000. For the remaining $120,- 000 he would give genuine securities, and in no case yet made out has it tran spired that he forged the entire amount of his purchase, but only gold checks for the small margin upon his purchase. HOW KETCHUM THOUGHT TO STAVE OFF DETECTION. His ventures in this last desperate es say were grand and daring, as they had ever been ; he was known to be im mense in his line, and thought little of negotiating for 1.000 shares of stock, amounting to $lOO,OOO, on which he gave, as before, $20,000 on delivery, in forged gold checks. But, lest these checks should be promptly presented at the bank and pronounced forgeries, Ketchum paid the acceptors of them an extra " shave " for the condition that they would not be used until the original loan should be due. His borrowings were for sixty or ninety days ; and this was the narrow period he had to run a desperate race, and win back his riches, or reach irre parable and terrible disgrace. THE FORGER'S BATTLE WITH TWO LIT TLE MONTHS. Let us note now the crisis of young Edward Ketchum's venture. The street was filled with his five hundred forgeries ; they were clumsy,and readily recognizable, and the paltriest accident would bring upon his shoulders the hard grasp of a detective policeman. He walk ed like a wayfarer. down aisles ofsleeping murderers. His way was one long gauntlet. Every face which smiled in his would change to hate if it knew his late commission. Let but one man, sud denly tightened for means, take his check to the bank, and Wall street would be filled with wolves. Let but one garrulous and communicative fel low speak the name of a signer of the check he held, and the son of a million aire would step into the deepness of a jail. Letany oneof those forged checks, passing as they did from hand to hand, fall into the grasp of any eye cognizant of the real signature they counterfeited, and the press would be filled within an hour with long placarded columns to rouse the nation, and fling him into utter and hopeless despair. To any sensitive, timid heart, the lat ter days of this young gentleman should have been dreadful as the hunted mur derer's, the flying slave's, who treads upon the coiled moccasin to save his back from the lash ' • the somnambule's down among the sheeted ghosts. He had no friends, but upon the probation of a whisper; no home, but upon a condition of a miracle ; no country, but upon the thread of a felon's undeserving hope. And yet he walked in and out, up and down, the same quiet, unob strusive, reticent young gentleman, whittling no more, and little more com panionable, but changed in no single line of his sedate face, flippant in no quiver of his finger, no flutter of his nostril. He held down his heart with a thought, and painted his eye with a colorless chance, and looked up like a phcenix when his feet were hardening into manacles. How like a jibe must now have been every compliment to his grand 'sue ceslcs ; every intimation thatit should be his destiny to make the speculation and direction of the whole humming market his single will. He saw men's hats in the air, and a skeleton grinding at his knee. tip to the hour of his discovery, this young gentleman was ascoolasastalag mite. THE THUNDERBOLT. It so happened, on Sunday night last, that two or three microscopic German bankers were sipping champagne, and talking the theology of shaving notes in a splendid cafe u town. "By the way," says one of them, " Kellermann, you don't know how to spell your own name. I have here a check of yours that is signed with your firm, title, and there is only one 'l' in • ~ Kellermann (or whoever we mean him to represent) gravely asks for the check, and puts on his spectacles. " Dis sheque," he says, " I pronounce a forgery." all the edifice of young Mr. Ketchum, is crushed beneath that Ger man's spectacles. THE FIRST DAY OF THE WEEK. On Monday morning the board of brokers is notified that gold checks have been forged. The detected check is quietly acknowledged by the house of Graham & Co., who know it to be a forgery, but say not a word, in order to save their credit, and they make it good with a genuine check. The bad news flies, however; other forged checks rush in; the house of Graham & Co.; they cannot replace all of them with genuine ones. So it puts up its shutters, and there is first a murmur, and then a shout, and then a shriek, and all the afternoon papers, at half-past two o'clock on Monday, spread far and wide the vague impeachment. Men rush up and down ; kook-keepers are bedeviled, and everybody examines his drafts. Old partners look askant and in doubt at each other. The clock stops in the hall of the board of brokers. Then comes the hue and cry, "Stop hief!" Who is lie? What low-bred fellow, with a shabby quill has passed the sill of the honorable door? Who is it that miss-spells so intelli gently, and whose checks with nobody's signature throw everybody affright? A pause, like a throttle, falls into the fury, and then the thunder grows faint as a child's reply. " Young Edward Ketchum!" The world grows knock-kneed ; does the sky stand fast? " Ketchum ?" And all this time, with three hours' start, the prospective leader of the mar ket, with his carpet bag of greenbacks is leaving blue distance between him self and Wall street, while an old man sits reading an etchy letter in his be sieged banking-house, and a little fami ly up-tol.vi has lost a husband and a father. M=E! The reticent young gentleman has gone; theke are many deaf-and-dumb looking people, as reticent as himself, looking him up. He carries in his va lise the opportunity, if not the motive of his crime—that yellow-fever parcel of the moral and financial world—the greenback. There is somewhere a picture of an Israelite, whose wife was false and had debauched all the ten tribes, carrying away her head as a testimony against them. Young Edward Ketchum has it in his carpet-hag. Birth places of the Radicals A correspondent of the Hartford Times gives the following list of birth-places of leading agitators: Blaine, then, claims as her own native son, Hannibal Hamlin—if there ever should be any dispute about that. Charles Suinner was born where he hails from—Boston, Jan. 5, 1811. Henry Wilson was born 1812, in New Hampshire; "was brought up on a farm, and when twenty-one went to Natick, Mass., where," says the record, "he learned to make shoes"—a fact more honorable to him than some of his later doings. "He was the candidate of the Freesoil party for Congress in 1852, and was beaten by only ninety-two votes, although his party was in a minority of more than seven thousand." In 1853 and 1854 Wilson was the Freesoil can didate for Governor. John P. Hale—Born in New Hamp shire in 1808; Freesoil candidate for Vice President in 1852. Salmon P. Chase—Born in Cornish, N• H., January 13, 1808; a graduate of Darmouth College in 1828; studied law with Win. Wirt, in Washington. "In 1845 he projected what was called a Liberty Convention." "What was called," says the record—that is "so called ;" which, considering the intent and spirit of the movement, reminds one of the "so called Confederacy." Horace Greeley is, I suspect, regard ed as a native of Vermont; he was, however, born at Amherst, New Hamp shire, February 3, 1811, and removed to Vermont with his family at the age of fourteen. Benjamin F. Wade; born "in Feeding Hills Parish, Massachusetts, in 1800 ; receiving a limited education, and com menced active life by teaching school [as did many of our public men,] and attending to agricultural pursuits, in Ohio," whither he removed at the age of twenty-one. Among other " public positions" held by him, is chat of "Jus tice of the Peace," whether in Feeding Hills or in Ohio, it is not said. Zachariah Chandler—not "guilt less of his country's blood." See his " blood-letting" letter. What State has the honor of his birth ? "Born in Bed ford, New Hampshire, December 10, 1813." Would that he, and as he, had been born a hundred years earlier, or a hundred years later, than he was ; and anywhere but in New England. Owen Loveyjoy. ne mortuis nisi bonum. Let him and John Brown, twin-brothers in the violence of their zeal, rest together, in a common fame. Born in Kenehec county, Maine, in 1811. Thaddeus Stevens. I did hope that he, at least, was not of New England origin. But he was, and there is no help for it. " Born in Caledonia coun ty, Vermont, April 4, 1793. The Moral Influence of a Redundant Paper Currency The New York Herald of last Satur day, in its money article, has the fol lowing reflections, which we commend to the attention of those interested in moral science: Both the Phenix Bank and the Ketch um defalcations can be traced to the de moralizing influences of our paper money system. With a redundant cur rency, fluctuating daily in value, a mor bid desire to speculate seized upon men both in and out of Wall street, and to gratify their craving for sudden wealth they hesitated not to commit grave crimes. Such an event as that coupled with the name of Ketchum never before occurred in the history of Wall street. But this may be only one of a series. The tide of paper money inflation is still rising, and every day presents new temptations to dishonesty, and other men remain in Wall street who would neither shrink from embezzlement nor forgery if a favorable opportunity to commit either presented itself. The legal tender act has heaped up corrup tion not only in Wall street, but to some extent in nearly every branch of busi ness and social life. It has fosterea ava rice with extravagance, discouraged the pursuit of honest labor, and made us, to a great extent, a nation of gamblers; and the evil examples it has entailed have not yet had time to produce their worst fruits. The feverish dream of speculation has led hundreds of thou sands to ruin in other countries when, like ourselves, reduced to a paper money basis; but such is the fascination of the pursuit of wealth by speculation to many persons that they will sacrifice health, honor and the noblest attributes of man in the insane struggle. The Evening Exchange in this city nightly presents a melancholy spectacle, upon which the historian of modern civiliza tion might dilate to advantage. But this is only in keeping with the rest, and such slaves are most persons to Mammon that they willingly sacrifice their lives at its shrine. —The 88th anniversary of the battle of Bennington was celebrated on Wednesday at that town. Counterfeit one dollar greenbackshave• recently been presented "for redemption" at the Treasurer's office in Washington,
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