pi'bottr
•riMiIIicESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1863:-
"The printing presses shall be free to.every
person who undertakes to examine the pro
ceedings of the legislature or any branch of
government; and no law shall ever be made
to restrain the right thereof. - The free commu
nication of thought and opinions, is one of the
Invaluable rights of men; and every Citizen
may freely speak, write and print on any sub-
J ect; being responsible for the abuse of that
liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of
papers investigating the official conduct of offi
cers, or men in public capacities, or where the
matter 'published is proper for public informa
tion, the truth thereof may be given in evi
dence."
To the Democracy of the City and County
of Lancaster
In pursuance of authority given the un
dersigned by a resolution of County Com-,
mittee, adopted at their meeting on Satur
day, August 19, you are requested to as
semble in the several wards of the city, and
borOughs and townships of the county, on
SATURDAY, THE 16TH DAY OF SEPTEMBER
NEXT, then and there to elect not less than
three, nor more than five delegates to repre
sent such district in a general County Con
vention to be held on WEDNESDAY, SEP
TEMBER 20TH, next, at 11 o'clock A. M., at
the rooms of the Young Men's Democratic
Association, for the purpose of placing in
nomination a ticket to be supported at the
ensuing October election.
The Township Committees are urged to
give early notice of the time and place of
meeting for the election of delegates.
R. R. TSIICDY, Chairman
A. J. STEIN lAN, Secretary.
Can the People of Pennsylvania Endorse
the Republican Platform?
Perhaps it was looking for entirely too
much to expect anything like theen un
ciation of a wise and statesmanlike policy
from the motley assemblage of fanatics
and political adventurers who composed
and controlled the late Republican State
Convention at Harrisburg. That party
has shown in all positions an utter un
fitness to rule. Its real leaders from the
time it first came into existence to curse
and ruin this country, have been the
radical fanatics of New England. Here
in Pennsylvania it has been little more
than an exotic, at times succeeding, by
means of fraud and other improper ap
pliances, to a raushroon growth of great
ness, which temporarily overshadowed
what was and still is the real political
sentiment of our p'eople. Even here
some of its most prominent leaders have
been colonized New England Yankees.'
Thaddeus Stevens, the impersonation
of the spirit of republican intolerance,
who has long openly advocated negro
equality, and been looked up to t !trough
all as a leader of his party in Congress,
is not a native of Pennsylvania, but a
New England Yankee by birth, and
such in training and sentiment.
It is such men as lie who should all
along have been recognized as the real
leaders of the Republican party of Penn
sylvania. That orgabization has never
been iu sympathy w. 1!: the political
sentiment of the Peel le of this State.
Every success which it has gained here
has been attained by imposition upon
the masses by means of false pretences,
and a misrepresentation of its real de
signs. It was never honest, and it never
dared to adopt fully the policy or to
avow its support of the principles of
those who were its real and well recog
nized leaders. It Las in every election,
n which it has succeeded in earryim ,
the State, done so by means of the most
barefaced misrepresentation of its real
designs, aided in a number of instances
by a system of the most gigantic and
unblushing frauds upon the purity of
the ballot-box.
To-day the Republican party, has no
firm hold upon the hearts of the people
of Pennsylvania, and we believe the
honest masses are s ready to put their
seal of condemnation upon it at the
coming State election. Its candidates
may be worthy men, we will not assail
them personally, but they must stand
or fall with the platform upon which
they have been placed by the Conven
tion which put them in nomination.
Can the people of Pennsylvania en
dorse the Republican platform adopted
at Harrisburg ? Let us look at it and
see whether it has any claims upon
them for support.
The first resolution, without care as
to what is enunciated in the third and
fourth, declares that peace has been se
cured, and treason against the republic
rendered impossible for ever more. The
second endorses President Johnson.—
The [hint and fourth, disregarding what
had been said in the first, and the en
dorsement of A ndre w Johnson contain
ed in the second, proceed to declare that
peace has not yet been secured, and to
arraign and condrian the method of re
construction adopted by the President.
The fifth is a liuncome resolution, de
manding the confiscation of the estates
of all property holders in the Soutl_
whose estates May t ex'ceed ?ln,uufi . The
sixth demands a general increase of the
tariff, and the sentli endorses the
Monroe doctrine The rest have no
national or political significance.
It would be hard to concentrate more
irreconcilable contradictions and to
bundle together more glaring absurd
ities in the same space. According to
every reliable account which reaches us
from the South, the reconstruction pol
icy of the President is working admira
bly, and yet it is condemned and de
nounced by the Republican Convention
of this State as a complete failure. Do
they call this sustaining the Govern
ment? In the third and fourth resolu
tions is concentrated all the malignity
of the most desperate radicals. They
would keep up huge standing armies for
years to come, complete the bankruptcy
of the nation, and impose burthetH up
on the people more grievous than could
be borne, for the sake of carrying out
their mad designs. What these designs
are can be easily learned from the utter
ances of those who are the real live lead
ers of the Republican party. There is
not one of these, from Chase, who dis
graced the office of Chief Justice by his
electioneering tour and his distempered
harangues to promiscuous crowds of ne
groes, down to the most insignificant
Abolitionist of New England origin,
who is not in favor of negro suffrage
and negro equality. It is true that the
Republican Convention, which met at
Harrisburg on last Thursday, did not
plant itself squarely upon that issue. It
feared to do so, knowing that with such
an open avowal of its belief in what is
the most absolute article in the creed of
the Abolition party, that it would be
completely Overwhelmed before the up
rising of the indignant masses of Penn
sylvania. So with the usual dishonest
trickery of the party, the doctrine of
negro suffrage was only covertly en
dorsed in the concluding clause of the
third resolution. Even the Philadelphia
Ledger, a moderate Republican paper,
is compelled to admit that there is a
designed doublemeaning on the subject
of negro suffrage couched in that cau
tiously worded third resolution. It
says:
The ambignity of the resolution is in
the phrase which requires that the new
constitutions of the Southern States
shall secure to all men within their bor
ders "their inalienable rights to life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
This may or may not be a declaration in
favor of negro suffrage.
• Can any man of sense doubt for a mo
ment as to what was the real intention
of the framers of the resolution ? Is it
not plain that an effort is thus covertly
made to endorse the doctrins of negro
suffrage and negro equality without
openly appearing to do so?
Are the people of this State ready to
be thus duped and befooled ? Can they
give their support to such a platform?
Are they ready to vote , for negro suffrage
and negro equality, and by their votes
to call for the maintenance for
years to come of a huge standing army
to force such a condition upon the peo
ple of the Routh? That is what the
platform of the Republican party of
Pennsylvania proposes to do. Will the
white voters of the State, the honest
toiling masses, who in the end must
bear all the burthens of taxation, en
dorse such principles? It is for them
to say.
The Abolition Pow-Wow
The Abolition County Convention
met in the Court Room (we thought
such political gatherings were excluded
by the Commissioners!) on Wednesday
last, and, after a stormy and protracted
session, succeeded in electing Hiestand
delegates to the State Convention, and
placing, with one exception, a regular
Stevens, Woolly-Head ticket in the
field. The ticket will be fcund in our
local 'columns.
The affected love for the soldier, which
is so flippantly avowed by the presses
and orators of the Abolition party, will
be found in the fact that the claims of
the only real soldiers whose names were
before the Convention, Col. Joseph W.
Fisher and Mr. Shirk, the former for
Auditor General and the latter for
County Treasurer, were ignored, and
their places supplied by stay-at-home
patriots who neversmelled powder. ' ris
true that Messrs. Atlee, Denues and
Shenk were in the service for a few
months, somewhere along the Penn
sylvania border, and it was even said by
a correspondent of one of our city papers
that Major Shenk " killed a rebel I"
But this is not all. It is known that
Mr. Shirk, a zallant and brave soldier,
was fairly nominated by acclamation,
but lore for the soldier developed itself
so strongly in the Convention, that, by
some hocus poeus, the body got fright
ened at its own action, had the nomi
nation reconsidered, and then gave it
to Mr. Ensminger, an old stager, who,
almost from time immemorial, has been
a standing candidate for that lucrative
office.
We shall take an early occasion to
ventilate the claims of the ditlrent can
didates to public favor; and, among
other matters, we shall probably en
quire into the record of Mr. Stehman,
one of the candidates for Assembly.
We have only space now to ask, whether
lie is the same gentleman who azisr(pre
.v, need his constituents and violated his
pledge a few years ago, by voting for a
repeal of the Tonnage Tax, and for
which he and one of his then colleagues
were left off the ticket at the ensuing
election'
The Convention, it is well known,
was controlled by Thaddeus Stevens
and Simon Cameron, and the anti-Stev
ens and anti-Cameron wing of the party
were left out in the cold," with the
single exception of District Attorney.
Poor Jake Amwake, who has been so
industriously blowing the whistle for
'flid and Simon for the last two or three
years, was unceremoniously laid up in
lavender for some time to come, al
though he, too, " played sojer " for a
short spell, and swore terribly against
" Copperheads" and peace men in the
political campaigns of 1933 and 1564.
Our quondam friend Jacob was the
Stevens-Cameron candidate, but the
load, it appears, was too heavy for his
masters to carry, and he is now left to
chew the bitter cud of disappointment
at leisure. But enough for the present,
as we do not wish to " pile the agony "
on the disappointed candidates at the
present moment. More anon.
Maliciousness of the Express
It seems utterly impossible for the
Express to be anything unless it is un
fair and malicious. It scarcely ever
touches a question in which politics
is concerned except to misrepresent
those who are opposed to it and to
make false statements. It either lacks
the capacity or the disposition to dis
cuss any political qaestion in open and
manly style. Coward like, it never
meets an opponent face to face, but
always in some covert and underhand
manlier. It deals in inuendoes and de
lights in thus creating a false impres
sion when it lacks the courage openly
to make the charge it would spread
abroad by base and malicious insinua
tion. It is decidedly unpleasant to have
to deal with such an opponent. We
know how to meet and deal with a fair,
manly foe, but it is very annoying to
have to do with one whose attacks are
made under the cover of dirty little
squibs, and in.signiticant paragraphs full
of sentiments whirh are as false as they
are malicious.
In its leading editorial of yesterday
the EpIV.: does not expressly charge
the IsTEbbm Esc ER with traducing and
abusing the soldiers, but the whole
tenor of the article would lead ally one
ignorant of the truth to suppose that
our chief business had been to vilify and
abuse the brave men who went forth to
battle at the call of their country. Now
we defy the Express to find a single word
in our columns derogatory to the char
acter of our soldiery. We have always
spoken of them in the terms of admira
tion which they so justly deserved.
What is true of us is also true of the
Democratic press throughout the coun
try. Everywhere, even here in Lan
caster county, more than a fair propor
tion, if not a clear majority of those who
volunteered, were of the bone and sinew
of the Democratic party. They went
forth by thousandsand tensof thousands
at the very first call to arms. It was
enough for thew to Itinow that the Union
was in danger, and to save that they
were ready to lay clown their lives.—
Multitudes of these fill the countless,
unknown and unmarked graves that
everywhere dot the surface'of the South.
Th6se of them who have lived to return,
come back true to their old political
faith, with their devotion to the pure
principles of the great party to which
they were attached, quickened and in
creased. They are not ready to degrade
themselves by lowering the standard of
American citizenship to the base level
of negro equality, at the bidding of a
party which is owned and controlled by
a pestilent set of New England fanatics.
The soldiers can't be cheated out of their
votes this fall, and a majority of them
will vote the " white man's ticket."—
The soldiers are not in favor of negro
equality. They are at home now, and
able to read, think and vote for them
selves ; and they cannot be " bam
boozled" by the mock love of the Ex
press and other Jacobin newspapers for
the soldier.
The Hamlin Family of Patriots
Perhaps there is no better instance of
the good care which is taken of model
modern patriots by "the best Govern
ment on earth" than that furnished by
the Hamlin family. The late Vice Pre
sident has just been appointed collector
of the port of Boston, with a big salary,
and a chance, under the system of mo
rality,in vogue with the party in power,
for an indefinite amount of stealings.
Major Charles Hamlin has lived in
Washington during the entire war, and
draws $3,300; another son, with rank
of brigadier, manages to live on $1,500;
a brother of the ex-V. P. holds a sine
cure of $4,000, paid in gold; a son-in
law was made a paymaster as soon as
he married, with the rank of lieutenant
colonel, and $3,000 to support his little
family on, all of which Uncle SAm
pays.
Verily it is a good and a profitable
thing to be loyal after the modern style
of pay-triotism.
HON. ALEXANDER HENRY has declined
being re-nominated as the Union candidate
for Mayor of Philadelphia, and some of the.
Union papers favor the nomination of a re-.
turned soldier for the position. One com
petent for the post could easily be foundon
that city. • And since the Intelligeneer and
otherso-called democratic papers have re
cently conceived a remarkable affection.for
the soldier, would it not be consistent in
that paper to advocate the claims of a sol
dier for the mayoralty of this city at the
next charter election? What do our neigh
bors say ?—Evening Express.
The Intelligencer has not very" re
cently conceived a remarkable affection
for the soldier," but is prepared at all
times and under all circumstances to
support the nominees of the Democratic
party, whoever they may be, whether
soldiers or civilians. But we would very
respectfully request an explanation of
the Express, which is the organ par ex
cellence of the soldiers, why it refused
to support Gen. Henry A. H.ambright
for the office of Sheriff in the fall of
1863? Do our neighbors not suppose
that he was thoroughly competent, and
are they not perfectly aware that he
proved his devotion to the old flag on
more than one hard-fought battle field?
aye, and was severely wounded, too?
Again, why did they permit their par
ticular pets, the members of the late
Shoddy County Convention, to ignore
the claims of Mr. John H. Shirk, a re
turned veteran of the 79th, and nomi
nate a civilian for the position of County
Treasurer who never smelt gunpowder?
When our neighbors satisfactorily an
swer these questions, it will be time
enough for them to take the Intelligencer
to task for conceiving "a remarkable
affection for the soldier."
Shall Go ernment Bonds be Taxed?
We commend the following article,
which we copy from the Doylestown
De/not-rat, edited by ('ol. Davis, a brave
and distinguished soldier of the war, to
the shoddy correspondent of the Ex
press. If he cannot see the point of the
argument, we would advise him to pro
cure another pair of spectacles, as the
glasses he wears must be exceedingly
defective to cause the wearer to con
found taxation and repudiation. Plain,
common-sense people, who have never
rubbed their rump against a college,
will beapt to conclude that without tax
ation, and taxation of everybody ac
cording to their wealth and ability to
pay, repudiation is certain to come
sooner or later. This we wish to avoid
by making every body pay tax accord
ing to their means, but Conestoga"
don't see it in that light, and therefore
we call his attention to the subjoined
plain statement of the case :
This question will come up sooner
or later before the American people at
the ballot-box. The exemption of Gov
ernment bonds from taxation for State,
municipal and county purposes is a
great wrong perpetrated upon the tax
payers generally. It is building up a
privileged class, and relieves hitreds
of millions of dollars of the wealth of
the country from bearing any of the
burdens of the Government. What
right Congress has to make this dis
tinction in favor of persons who loan
their money to the Government, instead
of individuals, we have notyet discover
ed. If I loan money to a farmer, and
he gives nie his bond or mortgage, it is
taxed fur State and county purposes.
But if a neighbor lends his money to
the United States, and receives a bond
for its payment that bond is not
liable to taxation for any purposes
whatever. This is an unjust discrimi
nation in favor of investments, and one
which is at variance with our system of
government. The Democratic doctrine
is, that people should pay for the sup
port of thegovernment according totheir
means ; but the Abolition Congress steps
in and says one class shall lie exempt
from paying anything if they will only
invest their money in a particular kind
of securities. We ask our readers if this
is just and right? We say, no ; it is
class legislation that we must put an
end to. It goes to build up an aristoc
racy, and throws an additional weight
of taxatiotiou tie farmer and the landed
interest.
The rich man who has 5100,000 invest
ed in government bonds pays neither
State, County, Borough or School tax ;
while the little homestead of the hard
working mechanic, not worth more than
Sl,OOO, is taxed for all tfiese purposes.
The latter pays for repairing the streets,
lighting the lamp before the rich man's
door, and the policeman who guards his
property at night. So far as the capi
talists are concerned they have already
repudiated our State, County and Mu
nicipal debt, for they bear none of the
burdens. It is only necessary for Con
gress to exempt the farmer, mechanic,
laboring man, and merchant, when the
repudiation will be complete. To tax
these securities will no more prevent
the government borrowing money than
individuals, on bond and mortgage.
There is no other country in the world
where one-half of the capital is exempt
from taxation.
Congress has perpetrilted another
wrong upon the tax-payer. Our State
banks paid about half a million dollars
a year tax into the State Treasury.—
These institutions Congress has abol
ished, and established National banks
in their place, which are exempt from
taxation for State purposes. Therefore,
the five hundred thousand dollars tax
which the State banks paid must be
raised from some other source. These
great banking corporations are relieved
from paying their share of the publie
burdens, and the real and personal prop
erty of individuals are made to pay it.
for them. We need not ask the ques
tion whether there isi any injustice in
this. The thing speaks for itself.
"When Rogues Fall Out," do
" When rogues fall out, honest men
get their dues " is a trite but true adage,
and we never knew it to be more appli
cable than at the present time. We
invite the attention of our readers, and
more especially " loyal " people, to the
scathing letter of ex-Judge and Con
gressman Kelley, of Philadelphia, on
Simon Cameron, published in to-day's
inte/tiyencer. The occasion of the let
ter was because of an attack made upon
the Philadelphia " loyal " Cougressnag-n
by Cameron at a serenade given to him
at the Girard House, in Philadelphia,
the other evening. The letter is the
very best kind of reading matter for
the (log days. How Simon will " wig
gle-waggle" out of the position in which
he is placed by the Judge we do not
know, and care much less..
Left Out in the Cold.
It will be seen by -reference to the
proceedings of the " Shoddy " State
Convention that our friend and neigh
bor, Hiestand, of the Examiner, has
been left out in the cold, and Gen.
John F. Hartranft, of Montgomery
county, nominated for Auditor General.
It looks as if the power of his friends
Thaddeus and Simon was waning,
neither of them being able to engineer
his claims through the Convention•
What a pity that the claims of Jack,
who obtained a lasting reputation as
a military man at the first battle of Bull
Run, should thus be ignored by the
Shoddyites. But our neighbor has his
consolation in this, that true merit is
hardly ever appreciated or rewarded.
WE unintentionally did injustice to
John M.Stehman, one of the candidates
for Assembly, in intimating that he,
while in the Legislature a few years
ago, voted for therepeal of the Tonnage
Tax. We made the allegation on what
we deemed reliable information but
have since learned that our informant
was mistaken. Mr. Stehman did not
vote for the repeal of that tax; but he
did vote (as we are informed by one of
his political friends) for the Sunbury
and Erie bill, by which the Common
wealth lost the benefit of her first
mortgage on that road—a measure
almost as injurious to the State as the
repeal bill.
GOVERNOR BRAMLETTE, it is stated,.
did not vote at the recent election, in
Kentvcky, on account of alleged mili
tary interference at the polls.
Douglas and Lincoln on Negro Suffrage.
Here are the utterances of Douglas
and Lincoln, as they are found in the
published report of their famous debate
in Illinois in 1858 :
JUDGE DOUGLAS
I hold a negro, is not and never ought
to be a citizen of the United States. I
hold that this government was made
upon a white basis, by white men for
the benefit of white men and their pos
terity forever and should be adminis
tered by white men and none other. I
do not believe that the Almighty made
the negro capable of selgovernment.
Now, I say to you my.fellow-citizens,
that in my opinion the signers of the
Declaration of Independence had no
reference to the negro whatever, when
they declared all men created equal.—
They desired to express by that phrase
white men, men of European birth and
European descent, and had no refer
ence to the negro, savage Indians, or
other inferior or degraded races. At that
time every one of the thirteen colonies
was a slaveholding colony, and every
signer of the declaration represented a
slaveholding constituency and know
that no one of them emancipated his
slaves, much less offered citizenship to
them, when they signed the Declara
tion.
Judge Douglas has said to you that
he has been able to get from me an
answer to the qUestion whether I am in
favor of negro citizenship. So far as I
know the Judge never asked me that
question before. He shall have no oc
casion to ever ask it again, for I tell
him very plainly that I am not in favor
of negro citizenship.
* * * * * *
My opinion is that different States
have the power to make a negro a citi
zen under the Constitution of the United
States, if they choose. The Dred Scott
decision decides that they have not that
power. If the State of Illinois had that
power, I should be opposed to the exer
cise of it.
A correspondent of the Cincinnati
Commercial (Rep.) who signs himself
" A Member of the Union State Central
Committee," writes a rather sensible
letter to that journal on the general sub
ject of the negro and his relations to
current questions. He cites the Colum
bus speech of Abraham Lincoln in 1859,
in which the late President said:
That there is a physical difference be
tween the white and black races which
I believe will forever forbid the two
races living together on terms of social
and political equality. And insomuch
as they cannot so live, while they-do so
remain together, there must be the po
sition of superior and inferior, and I as
much as any other man, am in favor of
having the superior position assigned to
he white race.
More "Gratitude" for the Soldiers
Ac Huntingdon., on Saturday last,
says the Harrisburg Patriot, the Re
publicans held their delegate election.—
Two setts of delegates Were in the field
—one set called the Swoope delegates
and the other announced to "support
soldiers for all the offices any of them
may be candidates for." The "Swoope"
delegates received 111 and 108 votes, and
the soldiers' delegates 41 and 38 votes—a
majority of scucitty votes against the
soldiers !
After the election a motion was made
" that the delegates be instructed to
vote for soldiers for all offices for which
any of them may be candidates," but
this motion was immediately voted down,
and the delegates were instructed to
vote for Swoope. •
This is another notable instance of the
manner in which Republican "grati
tude," as professed and vaunted through
their newspapers, is carried out in prac
tice. This same kind of " gratitude" is
exhibited in all the otherstrong Repub
lican counties. Witness Blair, Alle
gheny and Dauphin, [our friBlitids of the
Patriot should have added Lancaster,]
where the soldiers—and especially those
who through necessity and wounds
needed gratitude—were almost entirely
forgotten.
The Republican method of getting up
tickets reminds us of the Sparrowgrass
Cranberry Punch, which was nothing
more than the same old mixture, with a
handful of berries thrown upon the sur
face to give it a name_ The Republican
tickets are composed of the same old
party hacks, with sometimes just adash .
of soldier to give them a name and an
air of patriotism.
"Modern Improvements!"
A procession of working men, with
the garb of returned soldiers, paraded
the streets of New York one day last
week, carrying a banner wills the fol
lowing- inscription :
" OCR 13ST OCCUPATION WAS THE DE
STRU CTLON OF THE REBELLION AND
ESTABLISH3I ENT 01." THE
UNION. W IT II ALL TIER MOD
ERN IMPROVEMENTS!"
The-New York Buy Book thus epi - 6
tomises these improvements :
5_,% , 1•• A debt of three or four thousand mil-
_
lions of dollars !
,„7:--'.l!ax.es upon everything we eat, drink,
taste, or smell!
Three or four millions of lazy, idle,
non-producing negroes !
^..zr?' - Cotton shirtings, fifty cents per yard !
.7":.1"- Coffee, liny cents per 1)1)011(1!
.ASP Sugar, twenty to twenty-live cents per
lb.!'
j~r'l'ea, one dollar and fifty cents per lb.!
Butter, twenty-live and thirty cents
' per lb.!
'-if" - -Beef, twenty-five cents per lb.!
300,000 untaxed Nobility ! grindingtho
life out of workingmen that they may roll
in luxury!
Swarms of tax- gatherers, more numer
ous than the lice of Egypt, prying into
every man's business, and eating out the
substance of the people!
;Zei' Provost-Marshals, dressed in a little
brief authority, turning their inexorable
wheel of death, while the poor wife and
terror-stricken children stand trembling
; ly by !
Military Commissions, with their ret-
Mete of pimps, spies, informers and per
jurers !
I"•._*, - Elections carried at the point of the
bayonet!
.'<' - .3?!- Ballot-Boxes overthrown !
.7A5 - Shoulder-Straps in the Judge's Bench!
Inrzi- Arbitrary arrests !
Suppression of Newspapers!
?~• Denial of free speech!
All these, and many "more of the
samesort" are "modern improvements;"
and, finally, i working men parad
ing the streets with banners, begging for
work, is another " modern improve
ment!"
Would that we had back the old Union
without any of these additions which a
four years' war hm+ left us. We would
willingly dispense with all these "mod
ern improvements " brought upon the
country by the present dominant party.
LEXINGTON, Ky.,was thrown into con
siderable excitement on Monday eve
ning, by the killing of a member of the
49th Indiana by a negro soldier.
Ought not such black scoundrels to be
placed on an equality with white
citizens? It is such that the Abolitionists
of this State prate so much about. To
the negro soldier they say belongs the
honor and credit of terminating the
rebellion, and therefore he should be
made a citizen. We do not believe
that the white soldiers of Pennsylvania
endorse such doctrine. It is repulsive
to those who believe that this nation
was created by white men for white
men_ Notwithstanding the fact that
the negroes are daily committing terri
ble outrages upon white men and white
women, the Abolitionists still cry their
pretended claims through the land and
stoutly insist that the ballot shall be
gi ven to them. We believe that the
great majority of the returned Pennsyl
vania soldiers will never disgrace their
S tate by supporting a party that advo
cates negro ea uality.
A Besidenee for General Sherman at St.
The project of presenting General
.Sherman a residence, as a well-merited
testimonial from his fellow-citizens in
St. Louis, has so far succeeded that the
sum of thirty thousand dollars has been
raised for the worthy object by the
committee having the matter in charge.
Finding some difficulty in the selection
of a residence at present, the committee
has, says the Democrat, deposited the
amount to the credit of Gen. SherzPart.
The Soldiers vs. Black Republicanism.
Let all those who are not confirmed
in the Abolition faith ; those whothave
been in the " red heat of battle" strugs
gling for the preservation of liberty, and
those who do not believe that "amid
the gallantry, the patience, the heroism
of this War, the NEGRO BEARS. Salt.
Perm'," read the following sharp and
pungent article from the Syracuse
Union :
"It would be very amusing, were it
not so productive of the worst sort of
mischief, to observe and note the gross
ignorance of facts displayed by the Afri
can journals of the North in their treat
ment of the negro question of the South.
Cant is rampant and all-absorbent with
them. "Am-I-not-a-friend-and-broth
er?" protrudes with grinning ivory from
every other newspaper item. Nay,
more than this—the whites are pro
nounced to be the really debased caste
of the South, the Pariahs ; while Sam
bo is represented as intellectu
ally and industrially the patrician.
And yet their philanthropy does not
propose to aid and elevate the class
which they assert most need charity,
but all their sympathy continues to be
expended upon the noble and sable sons
of Ham. Niggers themselves at heart,
it is not surprising that these venal and
servile pharisees should have a " fellow
feeling" for an alien race, which has
never yet, in the world's history, risen
above the condition of helotry.
But our returned soldiers do not view
the negro question in the Black Repub
lican light. They have been among the
negroes of the South—have been com
pelled to come into close and unsavory
contact with them—have observed their
manners, intellectual and moralstamina
by intimate acquaintance have
become qualified to judge understand
ingly of the negro question. Almost to
a man, they assert that the " can't see
the point" of the mock philanthropy of
these Black Republicans ; and they feel
indignant and disgusted at the flood of
falsehood and ignorance which is daily
poured out by these foul Sewers, to de
lude the really benevolent but unad
vised, as to the condition and character
of the Southern negroes. A good illus
tration of this feeling among the return
ed soldiers we were witness to a few
days since.
A blatant Abolitionist, iu the course
of a discussion, appealed for confirma
tion of some assertion he had made, to
a soldier who had entered the room.—
" No," said the soldier. " Did you not,"
continued the Abolitionist, "go to the
war to liberate slaves?" "No—l went
to save the Union ; and we wanted to
let the niggers alone, where they were
well enough." The discussion grew
warmer, and in a minute or two about
a dozen soldiers had been drawn to
gether by the dispute. They began to
get angry at being assimilated with
negroes, and made to appear, against
the truth and their will, to have been
engaged in a great abolition crusade,
instead of a holy and patrtotic war for
the preservation of the national unity.
The Abolitionist had soon to make him
self "scarce" to preserve his saintly
body from harm.
This attempt of Black Republican
politicians to identify the soldiers with
their negro policy, is one of the grossest
frauds that even that party, with all its
notorious effrontery, ever attempted;
and the idea of " negro suffrage "appears
to our soldiers so monstrous as to be
simply ludicrous. How many soldiers
could have been raised for the war, had
they been told that the object was not
only to free the negroes, but to endow
them immediately with all the privi
leges of citizenship? Not a corporal's
guard! As to the propriety and justice
of this measure, which are the best au
thority—these embrowned veterans,
who have lived and battled for years
; amid the very camps of the negroes, or
the valiant knights of the quill in the
Black Republican home-guard, who
never saw a cotton-plant, and never
smelt a nigger on his own dunghill ?"
Tobacco
We have received from our oldest and
most reliable houses in the trade, says
the Baltimore Price Current, the annex
ed interesting statement or estimate of
the receipts and growth of tobacco for
the year 1865. The figures will be re
garded by some as an over-estimate in
reference to the crop to arrive within
the present year, and also of the crop
now growing, but the object of the
writer was to make the most liberal al
lowance in these particulars. The re
sult compared with aggregate crops in
the United States prior to the war, fall
short in this estimate more than one
half :
TOBACCO STATEMENT.
Receipts at New York in 1565
Receipts at Baltimore in 1561
Total
ESTIMATE of — rll6: CROP TO ARRIVE IN 10.5,
At New York, of Kentucky 70,000
Baltimore, of Md. and Ohio 'lO,OOO
Stock in Virginia 10,000
Excess of stock of 1865 over !Sift in
counting markets Europe and
S.-1,000-15-1,000
Deficiency in 1865, as compared
Irith 1.061
ESTI mATE Or THE CROP GROWING IN 1865,
Kentucky COOO
Maryland and Uhio 15,000
Virginia 10,000-11:3,000
The crop of the Pullet! States in
either of the years 1410,'50 or '6O,
in round figures amounted to
say of Virginia__
Kentucky
Maryland and Ohio
From the above figures, it is shown
that the crops of the United States, prior
to the war, for a single year, were more
than double the estimate of growth for
1865 and nearly as great as the crops of
both 1864 and 1865 together, including
the Virginia stock, and the excess in
counting markets of Europe and the
United States. The estimate of receipts
of Kentucky for 18(35 was made early in
the year, and it is now asserted that
they will fall considerably short. The
estimates for both Maryland and Ohio
are likewise believed to be much too
large.
" Want to see Grant mighty bad, do
you?" said a blue-coated veteran to the
people crowding aboard the cars the
other morning, on their way to get a
squint at our famous General. " W a-a 11,
why in thunder didn't you come down
to the front when he wanted to see you,
hey .."'
Let the Abolition-shrieking Home
Guard answer this interrogatory. Well
do we remember how they boiled over
with patriotism during the war, and
how, when Democrats offered to enlist
in the army if their Abolition friends
would do so, the latter simmered down
and piteously pleaded as an excuse large
families dependent on them for support,
or large crops of bunions that needed
their care. Their patriotism could not
stand powder and shot, or hard tack.
How They Talk
An exchange says that at the late
Boston Abolition League meeting, ex-
Judge Kelly, of Philadelphia, said:
"Give notice that the black troops
will accept no other terms than that they,
their wives and children, should be on
an equality with the whites, and would
not lay down their arms and let the
country violate every doctrine of the
Declaration of Independence, and every
principle that underlies American
institution." He declared "that there
shall be no political peace until it can
he made on such terms as will place the
negro on an equality with the whit e
man."
Judge Kelly who uttered this lan
guage, is a leading Republican of Phil
adelphia, representing that party in
Congress.
THE New York Commercial, an ad
ministration paper, insists that there
should not be, as there is, on the part of
many of our Generals, any further in
citement to bloodshed, even in regard
to Mexico. With 600,000 of our sons
buried beneath the sod, one-half of our
territorydesolated and impoverished and
a debt of three thousand millions of dol
lars imposed upon one section alone of
the country, the American people have
no desire to engage in further conflicts,
and our aspiring Generals would do well
to understand this.
If, still burning with martial ardor, ou r
Generals sigh for the bugle's note and
cannon's roar, let them send in those
resignations anxiously looked for by the
public, and shouldering the musket be
off after the Indians.
When Winnebago Meets. Hiekapoo, Then
Comes the Tug of War.
FIX-JUDGE AND CONGRESSMAN KELLY
ON THE "WAR PATH."
His Opinion, Pore and Simple of the
Great Winnebago ChieL
lb the 17nion Men of the Fourth Congres
sional District:
A long and successful career in crime
emboldens the guilty. A recent illus-
tration of this law of human nature im
pels me to violate my life-long rule of
conduct, and for once to notice a politi
cal slanderer. I do not, however, ad
dress you for the purpose of repelling
his inuendoes or falsehoods. My life
has been passed among you, and if its
record, familiar to you all, does not re
pel them, I have lived in vain. My
purpose is simply to pierce the mail of
ill-gotten gold in which the slanderer
has clothed himself, and give you a
glimpse at the loathsome object it pro
tects. '
The papers of Friday announce that
Simon Cameron, of Dauphin county,
was serenaded by his friends on the pre
ceding evening at the Girard House, in
this city, and availed himself of the oc
casion to villify my colleagues and my
self, "the Congressmen of Philadel
phia," in a speech to the assemblage.
I was but a youth when I first heard
the name of Simon Cameron, and it was
as the perpetrator of a great crime. He
had been made the agent of the Govern
ment to carry a large amount of money,
due theria to the Winnebago Indians,
and had taken advantage of their ignor
ance: and helplessness to enrich him
self. Those of you who had then at
tained to manhood, though you may not,
after the lapse of so many years, revive
the burning. indignation with which
you regarded the infamous swindler of
the poor Indians, will doubtless remem
ber that instead of paying them the
specie which the Government confided
to him for that purpose, he retained it,
and gave them the notes of the Mid
dletown Bank, of which he was an
owner. At their encampment in the
remote wilderness these notes were ut
terly worthless. The Indians could not
use them for any purpose there, nor
carry them to Middletown for redemp
tion. But what was that to Simon
Cameron ? Was not their loss his gain,
and was he not so much the richer by
every note that failed to come home for
redemption, though they did suffer and
starve? And those of you who are not
old enough to remember all this,
now know why this bold, bad man is
sometimes spoken of by your seniors as
the "great Winnebago," and sometimes
as " Old Kickapoo."
For more than thirty years I have
watched the tortuous career of this
man, and have never seen a reason
to abandon my first impression of
his character. Whether acting with
the Democratic, the Know Noth
ing, or the Republican party—for he
has in turn disgraced them all—he has
never been false to his criminal in
stincts. He has endeavored to turn
them all to profitable account. His am
bition is sordid and panders to his
avarice, and he measures honors by the
perquisites they expose to his grasp. His
has no confidence in the people, and is
aware that they distrust him. His
speech of Thursday evening was not
characteristic of him, for he is prone to
the use of instruments. His habit is to
point the stiletto, but to employ another
hand to drive ithome. Though an active
participant in the politics of his county
and State for niore than half a century,
during wide'. ,long period lie has pur
sued the profits of office, of jobs, of con
tracts, with eager and ceaseless assiduity,
he has never dared to permit his name
to be presented to the people of his
county or State as a candidate for an
elective office. He crawls to the feet of
the appointing power. He cares not
who may be King, so that he may
"still be Vicar of Bray ;" and to that
end he chaffers with and corrupts weak
and needy members of Conventions and
the Legislature of both parties.
I need not recite the disgraceful facts
attending his several canvasses for the
United States Senate. Their nauseous
odor lingers in your nostrils to this
hour. In the first he bought the votes
of three Democratic members, and in
the last bid twenty thousand dollars for
the one vote which would have elected
him. This last transaction was so fla
grant that the Legislature was com
pelled to take cognizance of it, and, if
justice be not lame as well as blind, the
law and honor of our State will yet be
vindicated.
The evil report of his deeds pervades
the country as a reproach to our State.
Yes, unhappily for Pennsylvania and
her great interests, the buzzard-winged
fame of Simon Cameron is national.
By months of abjectsolicitation•and cor
rupt bargaining he procured a mass of
letters, certificates and recantations,
that imposed him upon President Lin
coln as the representative man of the
Keystone State. That was an evil hour
for Pennsylvania. You all remember
how he organized the Navy Agency in
this city, and feel the ineffable
reproach he thus brought on
our Navy Yard and commercial and
other business men. In the course of
his impudent and ill-judged harangue
he said : "In the olden time a member
of Congress from Philadelphia would
have had sufficient influence to have
carried his point (the establishment of
a Naval station at League Island) with
out a dissenting voice." Is that the as
sertion of a sober man? and did he who
made it forget that our Congressmen in
the olden time in proposing to locate a
Government workshop at Philadelphia,
had not the terrible reputation of Simon
Cameron, the Fagan of the Harrisburg
lobby and ex-Secretary of War, to con
tend with, and, therefore, had some
chance for success? My colleagues and
I were less happy than they in this re
spect.
As I have said, he begged and bar
gained for the influence which induced
Mr. Lincoln to invite him to a seat in
his Cabinet. It was now fondly hoped,
by those who had not sounded the
depths of his depravity, that, being old
and rich, he would take advantage of so
distinguished an opportunity to prove
that lie could be honest, and could ad
minister a trust without turning it to
hisown profit, orhanding the fundsover
to his creatures, to be used on joint ac
count. How sadly these hopes were
disappointed is attested by the brevity
of his term of office, and the circum
stances under which it closed.
In less than one year from the day on
which Simon Cameron was installed as
Secretary of War, Congress—though at
that early day it had before it but partial
evidence of his crimes—indignantly
drove him from that high office. Two
thirds of the members of the Lower
House were friends of the Administra
tion, and would gladly have sustained
each member of it as they did its dis
tinguished head.
You can imagine how painful it must
have been to them to find themselves
constrained by duty to proclaim the fact
that the first man the head of their
party had been induced to appoint as
the successor of John B. Floyd had ex
hibited greater aptitude than he for his
worst tricks. But it became inevitable,
for this old man, notwithstanding his
boasted and reputed millions, believes
that one of his nameisneverrichenough
until he has a little more, and, to save
their party and the country, the friends
of the Administration in the House
had to proclaim his infamy and de
nounce his crimes. Nor was the vote
by which they did it a meagre one. His
friends and those who would most glad
ly have averted this disgrace from our
State, could rally but about one-third of
the House against the resolution of con
demnation. The vote was about two to
one against him, though I, as a Penn
sylvanian, not willing to bear witness
against the representative of our State,
but too well satisfied of his guilt to vote
against the resolution, failed to record
my vote.
In this fact, gentlemen, you have the
secret of " this distinguished states
man's " hostility to me and my friends.
Mr. Walborn, the Postmaster of Phila
delphia, and otherof his creatures, have
offered me his friendship and support if
I would endeavor to have that resolu
tion expunged. My reply has invaria
bly been that to stir foul matter would
be to produce a stench. I have never
in this or aught else endeavored to pro
pitiate him or his creatures. No stone
may mark the spot where my poor re
mains may finally rest; but I mean
that my children shall be able to vindi
cate my name by pointing to the fact
that Simon Cameron and his confiden
tial friends were ever hostile to me.
With grateful regards, yours, very
truly, WM. D. KELLEY.
hllds. 132,000
52,000
55,000
95,000
65,0(10-215,000
PRENTICE says, war has "smoothed
his wrinkled front," but the country
has contracted wrinkles in the last four
years that can't be smoothed out in
twenty.
The Gold Forgers.
Sketch of Younglietehilm—His Style of
Forgery —How the Forgeries Were
First Discovered.
~ ( Froin the N. Y. World of Thursday.'
Picture a full-faced, light-complex-
young man of
_twenty-five, five
feet seven inches high, without whis
kers, hut wearing rt.thin mustache, and
of body slight but:suppli3,----.
His manners are prudent beyond his
years, and his habits are known to be
free from all youthfulness, whether of
deed or display. He is reticent, modest,
quietly attired, and ever the same in
temperament, flushed by no successes,
showing no signs of care in the most
vivid moments of anticipation, and in
all formal essentials a close applicant to
business, steady as a town clock in his
methods, and never vaunting, even
when the whole " stress " cheers him.
At the board he is cool and watchful,
but never anxious' his address is bet
ter than his father's, which is brusque
and straightforward ; but Edward is
never headlong nor hurried ; his excel
lent home, at Thirty-second street and
Madison avenue, is rich, but soberly
maintained. He indulges in no finer
carriages, nor do his family adopt finer
attire, even in the topmost pitch of
prosperity. No man ever knew him to
gamble ; his probity with regard to,
woman was as good as that of any man
who is never found, and we have found
nobody who ever heard it .even inti
mated. He was temperate, pleasant,
unostentatious ; and other sons of other
men, carrying as many years as young
Edward Ketchum, looked upon him as
if he could never grow to his maturity.
But one vice—and that a rare one in
these profligate times—had fastened
upon young Edward Ketchum. It was
that terrible greed, that unutterable
avarice, which is insatiable and un
quenchable. Had he won a hundred
millions he would have held to his busi
ness and made a hundred millions more.
This was his vice, and it comprehended
all the rest—the robbery of his father,
forgery upon the public, the ruin of his
friends, the dishonor of his craft.
FROM THEFT TO FORGERY.
He resolved to forge for the money,
and win upon his ventures, and pay up
the cash before the forgeries were made
manifest. This movement cost him no
more ostensible wrestle than the chess
player exhibits in moving a pawn. He
was already an embezzler ; a new crime
might repair the old one.
DESCRIPTION OF THE BANK CHECKS OF
WHICH EDWARD KETCHUM AVAILED
HIMSELF.
There is an old and reliable institution
in the city, convenient to all the brokers'
offices, called the " New York Bank."
When gold became a leading article of
traffic, and everybody was perpetually
buying and selling it the brokers found
the necessity of some place of deposit
for the parcels of gold they were con
stantly obliged to be carrying to and fro.
As long as they kept this gold in their
several offices it was liable to be mis
counted ; mixed with foreign coins and
base metal ; pieces of it abstracted ; and
other liabilities which made the labor
of working in it a perpetual source of
loss and irritation. It was resolved,
therefore, to give to the New York
Bank the manipulation of this gold coin,
the brokers to make their transfers of it,
by checks. For the privilege of deposit
ing his gold in the New York Bank
each broker paid a thousand dollars per
annnm, and was presented with a book
of blank checks. Each book contained
five hundred checks, but the subscriber
could obtain a new book whenever lie
chose, no further charge being made
than the original thousand dollars. And
each blank check was most carefully
guarded by every subscriber. It was
upon this check that Edward Ketchum
resolved to commit forgery.
HOW THE CHECKS ARE PREPARED.
This check is one of the most beauti
fully engraved things of the kind ever
gotten up. The word " gold" is printed
in golden letters half as broad as the en
tire check, and the line " Bank of New
York," in florid-blue lettering, runs
through the golden letters in such a
manner as to complicate the work of
counterfeiting. The number of the
check is stamped upon the blank space
in the upper left corner prepared for it
in red letters, and three separate forger
ies are all essential, and in certain cases
four forgeries, to make one of these
checks current.
I. The signature of the bank register.
2. The signature of the bank teller.
3. The signature of the drawer of the
check.
4. (Perhaps) the signature of the in
dorser.
KETCHUM A NOVICE AT FORGERY.
Imagine, therefore thatyoung Edward
Ketchum has paid a thousand dollars
over to the Bank of New York, and ob
tained a book of these golden checks.
It is by the number of these checks that
we are able to compute the extreme
limit of his forgeries ; for, as the great
est amount can be drawn for upon a
single check is five thousand dollars,
and as he probably drew, in almost
every case, the full amount, and as he
obtained only one book of checks, we
fix two and a half million of dollars as
the amount of his forgeries. In no other
possible way could forgeries have been
successfully made upon these checks
than by the means Ketchum adopted.
KETCHUM'S METHOD OF FORGING.
It is a mooted point as to whether
Ketchum's crime can technically be
called forgery. He misspelled in every
case the name of the individual or firm
in whose name lie drew the checks. For
example, the name of a certain firm in
Exchange is " Kamlah, Sauer & Co."
Mr. Ketchum's forged check would be
signed Kaniter, Sauer & Co. This was
doubtless done to avoid the penalty of
the high crime of forgery; but if it be
not considered forgery in fact, forgery
it was in motive, and young Edward
Ketchum must occupy the place award
ed to forgers in public opinion.
AN EXAMPLE OF HOW KETCHUM AP
PEARED.
Suppose, for example, that he,,bought
$lOO,OOO in gold, when gold stood at 40
premium, making $140,000. Upon this
sum he would give three or four forged
checks of $5,000 a piece, as collateral se
curity, or margin, making altogether,
say $24,000. For the remaining $120,-
000 he would give genuine securities,
and in no case yet made out has it tran
spired that he forged the entire amount
of his purchase, but only gold checks
for the small margin upon his purchase.
HOW KETCHUM THOUGHT TO STAVE OFF
DETECTION.
His ventures in this last desperate es
say were grand and daring, as they had
ever been ; he was known to be im
mense in his line, and thought little of
negotiating for 1.000 shares of stock,
amounting to $lOO,OOO, on which he
gave, as before, $20,000 on delivery, in
forged gold checks.
But, lest these checks should be
promptly presented at the bank and
pronounced forgeries, Ketchum paid the
acceptors of them an extra " shave " for
the condition that they would not be
used until the original loan should be
due. His borrowings were for sixty or
ninety days ; and this was the narrow
period he had to run a desperate race,
and win back his riches, or reach irre
parable and terrible disgrace.
THE FORGER'S BATTLE WITH TWO LIT
TLE MONTHS.
Let us note now the crisis of young
Edward Ketchum's venture. The
street was filled with his five hundred
forgeries ; they were clumsy,and readily
recognizable, and the paltriest accident
would bring upon his shoulders the hard
grasp of a detective policeman. He walk
ed like a wayfarer. down aisles ofsleeping
murderers. His way was one long
gauntlet. Every face which smiled in
his would change to hate if it knew his
late commission. Let but one man, sud
denly tightened for means, take his
check to the bank, and Wall street
would be filled with wolves. Let but
one garrulous and communicative fel
low speak the name of a signer of the
check he held, and the son of a million
aire would step into the deepness of a
jail. Letany oneof those forged checks,
passing as they did from hand to hand,
fall into the grasp of any eye cognizant
of the real signature they counterfeited,
and the press would be filled within an
hour with long placarded columns to
rouse the nation, and fling him into
utter and hopeless despair.
To any sensitive, timid heart, the lat
ter days of this young gentleman should
have been dreadful as the hunted mur
derer's, the flying slave's, who treads
upon the coiled moccasin to save his
back from the lash ' • the somnambule's
down among the sheeted ghosts. He
had no friends, but upon the probation
of a whisper; no home, but upon a
condition of a miracle ; no country, but
upon the thread of a felon's undeserving
hope. And yet he walked in and out,
up and down, the same quiet, unob
strusive, reticent young gentleman,
whittling no more, and little more com
panionable, but changed in no single
line of his sedate face, flippant in no
quiver of his finger, no flutter of his
nostril. He held down his heart with
a thought, and painted his eye with a
colorless chance, and looked up like a
phcenix when his feet were hardening
into manacles.
How like a jibe must now have been
every compliment to his grand 'sue
ceslcs ; every intimation thatit should be
his destiny to make the speculation and
direction of the whole humming market
his single will. He saw men's hats in
the air, and a skeleton grinding at his
knee.
tip to the hour of his discovery, this
young gentleman was ascoolasastalag
mite.
THE THUNDERBOLT.
It so happened, on Sunday night last,
that two or three microscopic German
bankers were sipping champagne, and
talking the theology of shaving notes in
a splendid cafe u town.
"By the way," says one of them,
" Kellermann, you don't know how to
spell your own name. I have here a
check of yours that is signed with your
firm, title, and there is only one 'l' in
• ~
Kellermann (or whoever we mean
him to represent) gravely asks for the
check, and puts on his spectacles.
" Dis sheque," he says, " I pronounce
a forgery."
all the edifice of young Mr.
Ketchum, is crushed beneath that Ger
man's spectacles.
THE FIRST DAY OF THE WEEK.
On Monday morning the board of
brokers is notified that gold checks
have been forged. The detected check
is quietly acknowledged by the house
of Graham & Co., who know it to be a
forgery, but say not a word, in order to
save their credit, and they make it good
with a genuine check. The bad news
flies, however; other forged checks rush
in; the house of Graham & Co.; they
cannot replace all of them with genuine
ones. So it puts up its shutters, and
there is first a murmur, and then a
shout, and then a shriek, and all the
afternoon papers, at half-past two
o'clock on Monday, spread far and wide
the vague impeachment.
Men rush up and down ; kook-keepers
are bedeviled, and everybody examines
his drafts. Old partners look askant
and in doubt at each other. The clock
stops in the hall of the board of brokers.
Then comes the hue and cry, "Stop
hief!"
Who is lie?
What low-bred fellow, with a shabby
quill has passed the sill of the honorable
door?
Who is it that miss-spells so intelli
gently, and whose checks with nobody's
signature throw everybody affright?
A pause, like a throttle, falls into the
fury, and then the thunder grows faint
as a child's reply.
" Young Edward Ketchum!"
The world grows knock-kneed ; does
the sky stand fast?
" Ketchum ?"
And all this time, with three hours'
start, the prospective leader of the mar
ket, with his carpet bag of greenbacks
is leaving blue distance between him
self and Wall street, while an old man
sits reading an etchy letter in his be
sieged banking-house, and a little fami
ly up-tol.vi has lost a husband and a
father.
M=E!
The reticent young gentleman has
gone; theke are many deaf-and-dumb
looking people, as reticent as himself,
looking him up. He carries in his va
lise the opportunity, if not the motive
of his crime—that yellow-fever parcel
of the moral and financial world—the
greenback.
There is somewhere a picture of an
Israelite, whose wife was false and had
debauched all the ten tribes, carrying
away her head as a testimony against
them.
Young Edward Ketchum has it in his
carpet-hag.
Birth places of the Radicals
A correspondent of the Hartford Times
gives the following list of birth-places
of leading agitators:
Blaine, then, claims as her own native
son, Hannibal Hamlin—if there ever
should be any dispute about that.
Charles Suinner was born where he
hails from—Boston, Jan. 5, 1811.
Henry Wilson was born 1812, in New
Hampshire; "was brought up on a farm,
and when twenty-one went to Natick,
Mass., where," says the record, "he
learned to make shoes"—a fact more
honorable to him than some of his later
doings. "He was the candidate of the
Freesoil party for Congress in 1852, and
was beaten by only ninety-two votes,
although his party was in a minority of
more than seven thousand." In 1853
and 1854 Wilson was the Freesoil can
didate for Governor.
John P. Hale—Born in New Hamp
shire in 1808; Freesoil candidate for
Vice President in 1852.
Salmon P. Chase—Born in Cornish,
N• H., January 13, 1808; a graduate of
Darmouth College in 1828; studied law
with Win. Wirt, in Washington. "In
1845 he projected what was called a
Liberty Convention." "What was
called," says the record—that is "so
called ;" which, considering the intent
and spirit of the movement, reminds
one of the "so called Confederacy."
Horace Greeley is, I suspect, regard
ed as a native of Vermont; he was,
however, born at Amherst, New Hamp
shire, February 3, 1811, and removed to
Vermont with his family at the age of
fourteen.
Benjamin F. Wade; born "in Feeding
Hills Parish, Massachusetts, in 1800 ;
receiving a limited education, and com
menced active life by teaching school
[as did many of our public men,] and
attending to agricultural pursuits, in
Ohio," whither he removed at the age
of twenty-one. Among other " public
positions" held by him, is chat of "Jus
tice of the Peace," whether in Feeding
Hills or in Ohio, it is not said.
Zachariah Chandler—not "guilt
less of his country's blood." See his
" blood-letting" letter. What State has
the honor of his birth ? "Born in Bed
ford, New Hampshire, December 10,
1813." Would that he, and as he, had
been born a hundred years earlier, or a
hundred years later, than he was ; and
anywhere but in New England.
Owen Loveyjoy. ne mortuis nisi
bonum. Let him and John Brown,
twin-brothers in the violence of their
zeal, rest together, in a common fame.
Born in Kenehec county, Maine, in 1811.
Thaddeus Stevens. I did hope that
he, at least, was not of New England
origin. But he was, and there is no
help for it. " Born in Caledonia coun
ty, Vermont, April 4, 1793.
The Moral Influence of a Redundant
Paper Currency
The New York Herald of last Satur
day, in its money article, has the fol
lowing reflections, which we commend
to the attention of those interested in
moral science:
Both the Phenix Bank and the Ketch
um defalcations can be traced to the de
moralizing influences of our paper
money system. With a redundant cur
rency, fluctuating daily in value, a mor
bid desire to speculate seized upon men
both in and out of Wall street, and to
gratify their craving for sudden wealth
they hesitated not to commit grave
crimes. Such an event as that coupled
with the name of Ketchum never before
occurred in the history of Wall street.
But this may be only one of a series.
The tide of paper money inflation is
still rising, and every day presents new
temptations to dishonesty, and other
men remain in Wall street who would
neither shrink from embezzlement nor
forgery if a favorable opportunity to
commit either presented itself. The
legal tender act has heaped up corrup
tion not only in Wall street, but to some
extent in nearly every branch of busi
ness and social life. It has fosterea ava
rice with extravagance, discouraged the
pursuit of honest labor, and made us,
to a great extent, a nation of gamblers;
and the evil examples it has entailed
have not yet had time to produce their
worst fruits. The feverish dream of
speculation has led hundreds of thou
sands to ruin in other countries when,
like ourselves, reduced to a paper money
basis; but such is the fascination of the
pursuit of wealth by speculation to
many persons that they will sacrifice
health, honor and the noblest attributes
of man in the insane struggle. The
Evening Exchange in this city nightly
presents a melancholy spectacle, upon
which the historian of modern civiliza
tion might dilate to advantage. But
this is only in keeping with the rest,
and such slaves are most persons to
Mammon that they willingly sacrifice
their lives at its shrine.
—The 88th anniversary of the battle of
Bennington was celebrated on Wednesday
at that town.
Counterfeit one dollar greenbackshave•
recently been presented "for redemption"
at the Treasurer's office in Washington,