gattoottx inttiligenat WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8, 1865] "The printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to examine the pro ceedings of the legislature, or any branch of government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof. The free commu nication of thought and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of men; and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub ject; being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter published is proper for public informa tion, the truth thereofmay be given in evi dence."—Cbnattintion of Pennsylvania. The Rulers the Republicans Have Given Rs. When, during the course of the last Presidential canvass, the Republican Ti rty undertook to manufacture capital for their candidates, by boasting of their low origin, every decent man in the country must have felt his cheek burn with shame. Such an appeal was dis graceful to any party. But, when it was known that neither Mr. Lincoln nor Andrew Johnson had ever risensu perior to the vulgar associations which • surrounded them in early life, one would have supposed that this knowledge woad alone have been sufficient to pre vent them from being elevated to the highest offices in the gift of a great na tion. Just as the rapid boiling of a pot throws scum to the surface, so it seems political convulsions are sure to bring into positions of power, men whose proper position would be the filthy pur lieus of society. It was sad enough to remember how Mr. Lincoln had dis graced the high position of President of the UnitediStates, to which he had been accidentally elevated, by the acts of a clown, and the manners of a low-bred buffoon. Four years of his rule would have disgusted any nation which had . not become lost to all sense of propriety, and dead to a proper feeling of shame. The more respectable men of his own party were opposed to his renomination, and for awhile some of them refused to give in their adherence. But, as they had not power enough to prevent the forestalled action of the convention of office-holders, so, in the end, it turned out, that they had not virtue enough to continue their opposition. By bribes and threats they were forced into the support of a ticket Which set •up a buf foon for President, and a drunken boor for Vice President of the United States. The very success of the Republican party, on a false basis, and with candi dates so utterly unworthy, has speedily resulted in its humiliation and disgrace. One would have supposed the miserable inaugural of Mr. Lincoln would have been shame enough for one day. But that was not the worst. The account of the appearance of Andrew Johnson hi the Senate Chamber, in a state of drunkenness so beastly as utterly to un fit him even for taking the customary oath of office in a proper manner, was the most degrading speetacle which the world ever witnessed. There he stood in the presence of the assembled repre- Sentatives of all foreign powers, and surrounded by the chief dignitaries of this land, mumbling in incoherent sen tences the conceptions of a vulgar mind crazed with whiskey. What a spectacle for the world i What a commentary upon Republican institutions! What an argument to put in the hands of monarchs, to be used against the people! Verily, our disgrace and degradation is at length complete. How any American can now dare to show his face out of his own country without shame is more than we can tell ; how he can live in it with self-respect we can hardly see. Never since the world began was any people so cursed as the people of the United States are to-day. Madness and folly have produced their legitimate fruits, fanaticism has reached its cul minating point of triumph ; the party, that would degrade the white man to the level with the negro, has shown by its representative men, that, on its part at least, the descent would not be very great. A decent, sober negro would cer tainly have conducted himself with more propriety on the occasion, than the Vice President did at the inaugura tion. If the abolitionists are to continue to rule, perhaps it would be well to ex tend all the privileges of citizenship to the negroes. Sure it is that they seem to have a scarcity of white men fit to rule, if we are to judge by the specimens they have given us. It could scarcely happen that negro suffrage would curse the country with men more unfit for public position, than the vulgar buf foon, Abraham Lincoln, and the igno rant, drunken boor, Andrew Johnson. One Effect of the War To say nothing of the enormous prices of all the necessaries of life, including clothing and provisions, by reason of the depreciation of the currency and the inordinate cupidity of the specula tors, the extravagant increase in the rent of dwelling houses is beginning to be an onerous burthen on the poor and laboring classes. This increase is already twenty-five, fifty, and, in some in-' stances ; , as high as a hundred per cent. over former rates,. and if the present state of things continues a few years longer, it will be next to impossible for any laboring man or mechanic in moderate circumstances to get a house to shelter his family. This is no fancy picture. The fact must be as apparent as the light of the noonday sun to every man, woman and child of common sense in the community. Hence it is evident that the taxes which property holders complain of, growing out of the war, are levied with compound interest on the renters, and they (not the wealthy class) have to pay the piper. And yet, strange to say, not a few of these same down-trodden working men are still found in the ranks of Abolitionism, whenever eleetion day comes round, kissing the hand that smites them, and shouting lustily for Abraham Lincoln and the freedom of the negro! Such conduct is unaccountable on the part of the laboring classes. When, oh when, will the people get their eyes open, so as to see the oppression under which they .and their children after them will be made to sweat and toil and suffer? Only Six Hundred Millions More! Congress has just passed an act au thorizing a loan to be made of six hun dred millions of dollars. This, added to the already enormous and almost fabulous debt, will be a burthen on the tax-payers which neither the people of the present generation, nor their pos terity for long ages to come, will ever see liquidated. If this war were to close to-morrow, we verily believe that the public debt saddled upon the Nation by the present Administration would not foot up a less sum than FOUR THOU SAND MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, equivalent to double the debt of Eng land, (at their rate of interest,) and yet it took Great Britain one hundred and fifty years to create it, whilst four short years sufficed our own Government! And still the people are asked to take off their hats and shout aloud : " God bless Abraham Lincoln!!" Was there ,ewer a people so long suffering and for !bearing under such grievous and in toleraKe burthens? But a day of re tribution will come, sooner or later, and _then woe to those who have committed the foul wrong-upon a patient and suf -lering community. The people will yet visit a fearful vengeance upon the de etroyers,and oppressors of ,ftie country ; nor is the time f4r dista,nt whan atom JUBA will;P-Yer*P PansgFP's9l:B. Mr. Lincoln's_ Second. Inaugural. On last Saturday, at twelve o'clock in the day, Abraham Lincoln occupied a position in the eyes of all the world more prominently important than that of anyother now in it. It is no exagger ation to say, that the whole world anxiously listened for the 'words to be uttered by him, after Assuming, for a second time, the responsible duties of the high office of President of the United States. The whole civilized world was either directly or indirectly interested in the addressi then and there to be delivered. The whole mass of the people of the United States, North and South, were especially and most deeply interested. It was only reasonable for every one to conclude, that even Mr. Lincoln, fool ish and inappropriate as most of his public speeches had been, would feel, to some extent at least, the weight of the responsibilities which he had just as sumed ; and that he would show him self to be properly impressed by the deep solemnity, which a moment's re flection upon the character of the cir cumstances that surrounded him, would naturally have forced upon any mind of ordinary intelligence. Was it too much to expect from him, on such an occasion some utterance worthy of the time and the place? As Mr. Lincoln stood on the steps of the capitol for the second time, and took the customary oath of office, he no doubt regarded himself as entitled to be con sidered the President of the United States. If he had any faith in the effi cacy of the means employed for that purpose, he must have hoped at least to be able to rule over a united country within the period of this his second term of office. Four years of the most terrible and devastating war the world ever saw had not yet accomplished the desired result. In the meantime, both sections of what was once a united, prosperous and happy oountry, had suffered all the woes and horrors en tailed by such sanguinary strife. At the very moment, when the ceremonies of inauguration were being attended to, a ruthless and merciless conscription, from which there is no way of escape for the poor man, was being rigidly en forced throughout the loyal states. Unless Mr. Lincoln had deliberately concluded that the war would go on with the same or accumulated horrors for at least four years more, one would naturally have expected to hear some thing about reunion and reconstruction, or, if neither of those things had been regarded as possible, some expression of opinion as to the manner in which the war would end. The whole country anxiously listened, in hopes that Mr. Lincoln, after his ambition had been gratified by re-election to the high office of President, for a second time, would forget party prejudice, lay aside passion, and make one lofty - and magnanimous effort to save the Union without further shedding of kindred blood. Vain were all such expectations, delusive such hopes. When we say, that no man will read the second Inaugural Address of Mr. Lincoln without disgust and disappoint ment, we think we speak entirely with in bounds. Not even those who have held and expressed the most contempti ble opinion of the man, could have an ticipated such a production. It is almost beneath criticism, and but for the pres ent and abiding dread of the woes which must inevitably come upon the nation, so unfortunate as to be ruled over by such a man at such a time, it would deserve to be treated with ridicule alone. Nothing, however, can give it dignity, or allay the deep disgust which has been everywhere excited by its perusal. It is bloodthirsty enough to have been the utterance of some painted Indian Chief, just starting out on a scalping expedi tion. It breathes only a spirit of the most barbarous and bloody revenge. It is the emanation of a mean and vindic tive nature. In it we have the cant of the fanatic, and the cold-blooded cruelty of the religious zealot. The same spirit has condemned men to the rack, and piled blazing faggots around martyrs at the stake. The allusions to scripture, and the interlarding of such a document with quotations from Holy Writ, savors of blasphemy. There is nothing in the address to re deem it from unfavorable criticism. It reads like some burlesque upon the army sermons of Cromwell's preaching cap tains ; or it might not look out of place, as part of a speech from some ignorant member of Praise God Barebone's Par liament. What will the world think of this country in connection with this ad dress? Shall we not be an object of contempt and ridicule to all civilized nations ? The cause of republican in stitutions will suffer in the estimation of the world, from the fact that a man so utterly unfit to fill the position with ability and dignity, should have been a second time elected President of the United States. Well may the monarchs and the aristocrats of the Old World be glad. The follies and the crimes of the party now in power in this country, have rendered any speedy change in their forms of government impossible. It will be long, very long before any European nation can be induced so to change its constitution as to render pos sible the elevation to the highest official position, some such ignorant boor as Abraham Lincoln. This, his second inaugural address, will furnish abun dant argument against the extension of the elective franchise, and will help to establish monarchs more firmly on their thrones. No people with a decent de gree of self-respect could help feeling a dread, lest it might be their fate lo be ruled over by such a personage as Abra ham Lincoln, lest the records of their State Department might be disgraced by such a document as his second Mau.: gural address. Four Years More The country is doomed to four years more of misrule. On Saturday last, at high noon, Abraham Lincoln again took the oath of office and entered upon his second term in the Presidential chair. - What the condition of the country was four years ago and what it is now we all know—what it will be four years hence is beyond mortal ken, and plain only to Him who knoweth all things whether past, present or future. The past Presidential term has been a season of untold anguish and suffering, of ruin and desolation; the one upon which we have entered bids fair to more than rival its Predecessor in all that goes to make up the sum total of human woe and National calamity. Mr. .Lincoln has no word of encourage ment in his Inaugural Address. Not a single ray of light emanates from the Chief Magistrate—nothing to hope for from that quarter. War—stern, unre lenting war—for four years longer, is what the American people have to ex pect. The desolations of this terrible and bloody civil strife must continue for the benefit of the African race. Taxation, conscription, death and de struction are to be our portion for another Presidential term, and still we are solemnly asked to shout aloud and proclaim the greatness of Abraham Lin coln f Was there ever a people, in the whole history of the race, more forbears ing and submissive under an accumula tion of sufferings, insults and injuries ? The attention of Farmers is invited to the different Fertilizers manufactured by Messrs. Tasker & Clark, Bth Sr, Washington sts„ Philadelphia. ,fad ,440,r advertisement in this issue. Arbitrary Arrests and Trials by Court Martial The historian, who, in the future, shall sit down, unmoved by the pas sions and the prejudices of these days, to write the history of the United States during the past four years will find much to amaze him. But for the ample record made, he could not believe it possible that any people professing to be free had so suddenly lost their liber ties, and consented to see every ap-' pliance of despotic power openly and freely used by the rulers of a Repub lican Government. He will find proofs of the most highhanded outrages on every page of the records he may search. He will discover that suddenly, while the people stood panic-stricken under the influence of a reign of terror, the men in authority, disregarding all law and relying on brute force alone, pro ceeded to violate even the most sacred and inalienable rights of the citizen. What barrier to the encroachments of arbitrary power is there which has not been ruthlessly broken down? The Constitution of the United States has been openly violated in almost every article thereof; the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States have been set at defiance ; the rights guaranteed to the citizens of the several sovereign States by their State Consti tutions have been disregarded, and the State Courts 'have been repeatedly in terrupted in the administration of jus tice; laws the most ancient and sacred have been set at naught; there has been neither Constitutional restraint upon our rulers nor any regard for law to be found with them. We have been living under an irresponsible military despot= - ism, the worst possible form of Govern ment. The system of arbitrary arrests prac- ; ticed will be unqualifiedly condemned ) by our own historians, and the men who have been the authors of it will; descend to history covered with the oli; loquy and scorn of future generations. If the spirit of liberty should survive in America, those who come after us will wonder how it was possible for any people pretending to be free to submit to such gross outrages on their dearest and most cherished rights. If our Re publican institutions survive the shock to which they are now being subjected, those who look back to these days will stand appalled at the spectacle of men, not in military service, being tried by courts martial, and condemned to such punishment as the caprice of their ene mies suggested. These things are a most sad commentary on , our boasted free in stitutions, and so impartial history will regard them. The debate which occurred in4Con gress on last Thursday, upon the motion of Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland, in relation to arbitrary arrests and trials by court martial, will be read with more interest in the far distant future than it is to-day. The men who participated in it have made a record for themselves which will ere for all coming time. Those of the party in power who stood up manfully for the great principles of law and liberty, will receive the in eriL ed applause of poste: ; while those who basely plead and voted in favor of perpetuating the outrages which have disgraced their country will always re main, pilloried by their own act, as fit objects for the slow, unmoving finger of scorn to be perpetually pointed at. Among the latter will be found Thad deus Stevens, the Representative from this Congressional district. The Constitutional Amendment The rejection of the Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery through out the - United States by the Legislature of New Jersey, on Wednesday, defeats the calculations of those who expected to be able to declare it ratified, by a bona fide vote of most of the Northern States and of those Southern States, in which they have got up bogus State Governments. The Ab . olitionists claim that it has already been ratified by eighteen States, as follows : 1. Illinois, February I. 2. Rhode Island, February 2. 3. Michigan, February 2. 4. New York, February 3. 5. Pennsylvania, February 3. G. Maryland, February 3. W=M=iMMI 8. West Virginia, Februarly: 9. Maine, February 7. 10. Missouri, February 7. 11. Ohio, February 8. 12. Minnesota, February 8. 13. Kansas, February s, 14. Virginia, February 9. 15. Indiana, February 13, 10. Nevada, February 16. 17. Louisiana, February 17. 18. Wisconsin, February 24. It will be noticed that Virginia is counted twice. She has always been a great State but it is only of late that she has assumed such vast proportions. There is no man of good sense, who would be willing to risk his reputation for sound judgment by declaring that any act thus ratified could be regarded as binding. The Louisiana Legislature which ratified the amendment is a bogus affair, entirely the creature of military force, and in reality unable to bind the people of that State by any action. The present Legislatures of Maryland and Missouri are of the same character, and the time will yet come when the people of those States, acting in their unrestrained sovereign capacity, will refuse to recognize many of the laws now being enacted, as of binding force. The legislatures of the following States have rejected the amendment : I. Delaware, February S. 2. Kentucky, February 23 3. New Jersey, March 1. The following Northern States have not voted on the amendment yet, but as they are strongly Abolition, there is no doubt they will ratify it. Name ol Slale. Politics. Meeting of Legisre. Connecticut. ..... _Republican May 3, 1865. California Republican Dec. 4, 1865. lowa Republican Jan. 7, 1866, New Hampshire... Republican June 7, 1865. Oregon Republican Sep. 10, 1866, Vermont Republican Oct. 12, 1865. There is a bogus abolition legislature now in session in Arkansas, which will no doubt ratify the amendment. Parson Brownlow's bogus Tenn. legislature, all the nominations for which were made, contrary to all usage, at the State Con vention, of which he was president, will meet on the 3d of next April, and there is no doubt tneir first act will be to rat ify the proposed amendment. Counting Virginia twice, and count ing the acts of alI these bogus Legis latures in Southern States as legal, the proposed amendment cannot be adopt ed until some further change is effected. There will be a strong effort Made to elect a majority of Abolitionists in Ken tucky, New Jersey and Delaware, with a view to getting those States to recon sider their recent action, but we do not believe it will succeed. Speech of the Emperor Napoleon The French Chambers were opened on the 15th by a speech from the Em peror. The speech is mainly occupied by domestic affairs and is quite silent on the American question. It refers to the settlement of the Danish question, and French neutrality therein and expata tions on the Italian convention, and the benefits to be derived by Italy as well as the Holy See. It permits France to withdraw her troods from Rome. Aa regards Mexico, the speech liriefly says, the new throne is becoming con solidated, the country is becoming paci fied, and its immense resources are be ing developed, the happy effect of the valor of our soldiers, the good sense of the Mexican population, and the intelli gence and energy of the sovereign. The Emperor rejoices at the french triumps in Japan, Africa, dcc., and then proceeds to enlarge upon inpasures of domestic legislation, proclaiming 110 ardent de sire to cultivate the arts of peace, to pill #vatc friendship' with the different owprs, and to only allow -the voice of ,rmi . ig tq ji)9 Asap 4 for right*td,jusgep. The Missouri State Coniention For many weeks past a pack of pes illent fellows, who have been chosen not by a fair ballot, but by the power of bayonets, in Missouri, have been sit ting in the city of St. Louis, under the 'name of a State Convention. They have wrangled and spurred among themselves over the right of the negro to vote, and kindred subjects, until every decent man in the State has long since become disgusted with their .proceedings. They have shown them selves, like every such radical assem blage, which 'has been foisted upon the people of any of the border or South ern States, utterly unfit for the position !they occupy. They have been sustain ed, not by the people of the State, but by a small radical faction, backedup by the power of the military. It seems that this Convention of Missouri is likely "to come to grief. It has at length, for want of some other matter to wrangle about, touched a subject which has aroused the ire of the few who have heretofore looked upon it with favor. The extreme radicals of the ,State, the only party who have heretofore sus :tained it, are now up in arms against it. So long as it confined itself to the legit imate business of legislating in favor of `negro equality, it was all right. But, it has at length committed an unpar donable sin. The radicals who hereto fore approved and applauded, are now ready to break up the assemblage. 'The body is to be forced to ad journ, to be treated as the parliament of England was on a celebrated occasion, to be turned out of the hall they occupy by the neck and heels, and forced to seek the shades of obscurity from which 'they were lifted by the point of the bay-. onet. The special correspondent of the New York Tribune, writing from St. Louis, says: An unreasonable opposition to the State Convention has sprung up among a faction of radical Germans in this city which is exceedingly gratifying to the secessionists and conservatives. The opposition is based on the action of the Convention in framing the bill of Rights and recognizing therein the Supreme Ruler of the universe. This is highly of fensive to the infidel portion of our German citizens, and they are loudly protesting that they are opposed to any body of men prescribing a moral code for them. Inspired by these ideas, they have held two public meetings at Tur ner's Hall and made themselves ridicu lous by threatening violent measures against the Convention. The leaders in this movement are C. E. Moss and Emil Pretorius. Several members of the Convention have really sympathized with the movement, and two of them have made fools of them selves by going to Turner's Hall and Making speeches to aid the disorgani zers. One of them, Capt. S. Gem, the representative from St. Genevieve County, even said that if the Convention did not adjourn soon, a Cromwell would be found who would walk into the Hall and break up their sessions. The meeting resolved to present some peti tions to the Convention asking an Adjournment by having two or three hundred men each, each carrying a petition, wait upon the Convention some day and present them. When such rogues and rascals thus fall out, there is some hope that honest men may come by their own again.— There is,, at least, a hope that reason may at length assume her sway, after the excited and feverish hour of passion and prejudice has passed away. The Press on the Inauguration We are glad to know that there are heights of mendacity to which Re publican newspapers have not the har dihood to aspire, depths of lying into which even they dare not descend. We have seen them perform such feats of ground and lofty-tumbling in the ring of falsehood, that we supposed they would show themselves equal to any emergency. But, alas for the bathos of the fact, they have all been dumfound ed at last. They have shown them selves unequal to the exigent demands of a most pressing necessity. Not one of them, .so far as we have seen, not even the Philadelphia Press, dares to praise the Inaugural Address of Mr. Lincoln. The lips, even of the man Lwho is paid for penning lies, and richly rewarded for publishing paragraphs of fulsome flattery aresealed. The mouth' of the President's own Dog is shut, his -.tongue is palsied ; a dumb dog is lie, one that cannot bark. How very poor, in deed, must the miserable stuff uttered by Mr. Lincoln be considered, when even the apostate hireling Forney has too much regard for his sagacity as an editor to praise it The N. Y. Tribune had been antic ipating something respectable at least. It had hinted that the Inaugural would be worthy of the occasion, and intimat ed that it would mark the beginning of , new era. The disappointment was greater than it could bear, and its chagrin could not be concealed. It not Only finds no single word of commen dation for the document, but it points out wherein it was wanting. It says : We think a fresh, unequivocal exhi bition of the spirit which impelled the former Inaugural would have been politic as well as humane; that it would have quickened and deepened the dis integration of the Rebel forces and thus hastened the re-establishment of the ,National authority over every rood of the Nation's area. Now is the fittest time for putting forth manifestations of 'generosity, clemency, magnanimity, which, however they may be spurned .by the Rebel chiefs, are certain to exert ‘7. great and salutary influence among their duped, disgusted, despairing fol lowers. When the Pres,scannot finda word of praise, and the Tribune finds fault with the brutal bloodthirstiness of the In ugural, further comment is unneces sary. It is damned and condemned sufficiently. Arrest of an Editor On last Thursday P. Gray Meek, Esq., editor of the Bellefont Watchman, was arrested by the military authorities and dragged from his home in Centre county to Harrisburg, where he has been thrust into the common guard house amongst disorderly soldiers and deserters, with out even the common comfort of a bed to lie upon. What are the charges ' against Mr. Meek we know not. We presume however he has offended some of the minions of the despotism that now rules with a rod of iron over what was once a free people. That his entire innocence of any crime will be made to appear we have not the sllghtest doubt., We know him well. And a purer nature, or a braver spirit than that of P. Gray Meek is not to be found in the State. He is one of the ablest and most fearless writers in Pennsylvania. We are sure he cannot be 'long kept in custody. The day for such infamous outrages must speedily pass away. The sentiment of the more decent men -even of the Republican party is turning against it. There will come a time when such outrages shall not only be no longer committed, but when the condemnation of all right thinking men shall rest upon all who have been engaged in them. fn the meantime it is the duty of every Democratic editor an the country to speak out boldly and fearlessly, as P. Gray Meek has done. If .arrested, he can show the minions of despotism how a brave man can endure wrongs and outrages for the sake of principle, as we know Mr. Meek will do. General Anderson and Sumter At a meeting in New York, a resolu tion was adopted requesting the Presi dent to send a national ship to Charles • on harbor to convey thither General Robert Anderson that he may replace upon the flagstaff of Fort Sumter that national banner which, on the 13th of 4.pril, 1861, he was compelled to lower apt the dictation of the South Carolina insurgents, • 4 Arbitrary Arrests and Trials by Court Martial••--Debate In Congress. 'Mr. Davis, (rep.) of Md., offered an amendment, providing as follows: That no person shall be tried by military commission or court martial where the courts are open, excepting persons actu ally in the military service of the United States and rebel enemies charged with being spies. All proceedings heretofore had in such cases are declared void, and all persons not subject to trial by n tary commission or court martial shall be forthwith discharge& or delivered over to the civil authorities. Mr. Washburn, (rep.) of Zll., raised the question that the amendment was not in order. This point was sustained by the Chair man (Mr. Pike,) but on appeal his de cision was reversed-49 against 65. Mr. Bernaia, (opp.) of N. Y., trusted the amendment would be adopted. Without rousing partisan feeling by re ferring to the many cases of arbitrary arrests and trials, he thought the House owed it to constitutional liberty and the preservation of republican government to adopt the amendment. Mr. Dawes, (Rep.) of Mass., said that, having been on a special committee to examine into frauds in contracts, he had united in reporting a bill, which became a law, subjecting such offenders to trial by court martial. It was an ex treme measure, but he felt that it was necessary to check what seems to be a great evil. He at the time thought the law would be administered with reason, but he was sorry to say from his obser vation, the administration of the law had been such during the past year as to compel him to support the amend ment. We had lost sight of the guaran tees of the constitution, and seem to forget that any man has a right to trial by jury, or even to be furnished with knowledge of the offence with which he is charged. Courts martial appeared to be formed with a view to convict, and many of the proceedings were not only a reproach to the, administration of justice, but a shame and disgrace. He alluded to the trial of the Messrs. Smith, of Boston, contractors for the navy, without parallel in infamy since the days of Jeffreys. Mr. Schenck would have no objec tion, if the amendment confined courts martial and military commissions strict ly to military offences ; but he was op posed to the latter part of the proposi tion, which contemplated a general jail' delivery. There were persons in the old Capitol prison and elsewhere who were triable only in the courts of the country. Mr. Stevens expressed his regret that the gentleman from Maryland should, at this late stage of the proceedings, bring in such an important proposition, when it was known that all of those ar rests and trials by military courts had been in virtue of laws passed by Con gress. It might be that courts had com mitted errors and that oppression had fallen on persons tried. But could they, by a simple amendment to this bill, correct all the decisions? He submit ted that, without information, they would, by the adoption of the amend ment, commit a dangerous act, and throw loose a class of persons helping to destroy us. Mr. Davis, of Md., said in reply that there was no other time than now in which these subjects could be more ap propriately considered. When the voice of liberty ceased to be heard it would be too late to agitate this question. Let the bill before them perish be destroyed. General McClellan was the first, to put h name to a paper suspending the writ of habeas corpus in Maryland. He was glad to refer to this, because it showed ii was not a party question, but an American question—one of public liberty. There must be a stop put to arrests by irresponsible bodies ; other wise there would be no law in the land. In New York, Boston, Baltimore and elsewhere men have turned gray under persecution, and in Baltimore a man has been sentenced to imprisonmet for forging JeffDavis' currency. He wanted the representatives of the people to de clare the nullity of the military tribunals in the trial of civilians. Mr. Farnsworth, (rep.) of 111., said in reply to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Davis,) that of all the acts, civil and military of Gen. McClellan there was not one that rendered his name more popular and endeared bim more to the hearts of the people than the arrest of the secession members of the Mary land Legislature, who were about to meet to involve that State in civil war. Vigorous measures saved Maryland, and just previous to the inauguration Mr. Lincoln had to make his way through Baltimore in disguise. Mr. Davis replied—lf he had been a man of heroic mould he could have marched safely through. Mr. Farnsworth, resuming, said that when the gentleman's political enemies of the country took the gentleman by the hand for what he said, he ought to raise his hand toward Heaven and ask, " What have I done that such men should praise me ?" Mr. Farnsworth spoke of the " lousy rapscallions" in the military prisons, when his time expired. Mr. Kalbileisch, (opp.) of N. Y.—Oh! let him go on in his lousy talk. Mr. Harris, (opp.) of Md., replying to Mr. Farnsworth, said the reference to him as an " unworthy member" was worn threadbare. He, approved of his colleague's (Mr. Davis') proposition, and accepted what the gentleman, from 11l i nois'said in a " Pickwickian sense." So far from the members of the Maryland Legislature in 1861, intending to take that State outof the Union, they express ly maintained that this must be done through a convention. Mr. Wilson, (rep.) of lowa, replied to Mr. Davis, saying that the gentleman to-day so eloquent in behalf of the lib erty of the citizen, only a few days ago voted against the bill to.preyent - military interference in elections. Mr. Schenck, (rep.) of Ohio, who, with Mr. Davis, had voted against the bill to which Mr. Wilson alluded, ex plained why he did so, showing that it did not prevent rebels from voting. The vote was then taken 4 on the amendment, namely: That no person shall be tried by court martial or mili tary commission in any State or Terri tory where the courts of the United States are open, except persons actually mustered and commissioned, or appoint ed otherwise by law, in the military or naval service, or rebel enemies cnarged with being spies; and all proceedings heretofore had contrary to this provi sion shall be vacated, and all persons not subject to trial by military authori ty shall forthwith be delivered over to the civil authorities to be proceeded against in the courts according to law ; and all acts or parts of acts inconsistent with the above are hereby repealed. The above was agreed to—seventy-five against sixty-four—and the House, at half-past four, took a recess till half-past seven. A Negro Jubilee in Philadelphia On last Friday evening the Negro Loyal League of Philadelphia, the darkest part of that black Republican organization, had a grand jubilee cele bration of the adoption of the Amend ment to the Constitution, at Concert Hall. The hall was crowded to excess. There was a negro brass band, and a choir of negro children, led by a youth ful Miss Snowball, who led the singing, the children joining in the chorus. After the adoption of a series of reso lutions as loyal as the color of the as semblage, John S. Rock, Esq., from the Hub of the Universe, delivered an ad dress, which is thus reported : He referred to his admission to the bar of the Supreme Court of the United States, and thanked Mr. Sumner for his presentation there. He eulogized Mr. Sumner, and drew forth great applause. Mr. Rock strongly advocated the cause of the colored soldiers, and said that if the North had sent a proportionate number of white men to that of the colored men, there would be sufficient to wipe out Jeff. Davis and all his horde. He referred to the subject of amalgama tion, and said that the cry of you will want the white women to marry the niggers next, was a high compliment to them. He knew of no prettier class of persons than the ebony race, traced through various phases to the beautiful blonde with her delicate tint, likened unto the interior of the sea Shell. The speaker referred to the refusal of pas senger railway companies to admit colored persons in their cars, and closed with a classical peroration on the bravery, patriotism, and endurance of the colored man for 2.40 years past. The Wisconsin farmers, who some years since mortgaged their farms for stock in railroads, are now threating re sistance by force, if their farms are sold. The Goyernor of the State has issued a proclamation on.the subject. The Second Inauguration of Abraham Lincoln----Scenes of the Day. [Special Dispatch to the Sunday Mercury.] WASHINGTON, March 4.—Such a wet dirty morning as this oTthe second inaugur ation day of Abraham Lincoln, as President of the United States, hardly ever dawned upon Washington. Rain bad been falling all yesterday and last night, malting the proverbially filthy streets of the political metropolis filthier and .more unpleasant than ever. It continued to rain until about 9 o'clock, when it ceased ; but the clouds still hung heavily, and the atmosphere looked and felt watery. The hopes of a clearing up were rudely dispelled about eleven o'ciock, for the rain began to pour down again, and the vast masses of people on the Avenue got well drenched. It was then understood that the inaugural ceremonies would take place in the Senate Chamber, instead of on the plat form over the east part of the Capitol. The fickle weather at half-t eieven changed again. The rain ceased,and there were signs of clearing up, whopes of having the out-door spectacle at the Capitol after all. At noon a special escort of United States Marshals to the President, headed by Mar shals Lamon and Millward, and accom panied by a company of cavalry, rode through the Avenue, surrounding the Prei dent's carriage, which they took to the Capitol, where the President had been en gaged all the morning saluting bills. He immediately entered the carriage and re turned to the White House, where he took his place in the procession which was formed there. The procession moved at 11.10 from the President's House. The head of it reached the Capitol in an hour. The President rode in a close carriage. The house-tops were crowded, as were the sidewalks, and there was much cheering as the procession moved along the Avenue. The visiting Philadelphia Fire Companies attracted great attention by their beautifully adorned apparatus. Malty bands were in terspersed throughout the whole procession, and the line was one continual ring of music. The procession was one hour in passing a given point, and the length was probably over a mile. The streets were in an almost impassible condition, which made the display not as magnificent as it would have been, though it was exceedingly beautiful. One novel feature was the colored troops and Odd Fel lows, with their band. Quite early in the forenoon people begat to move towards the Capitol. The strec, ears ran crowded, and vehicles of all de :.criptions floundered through the mud o the Avenue. The crowd about the east front was not very great at first, for the rain made it un certain that the ceremonies would take place there. Once or twice it was given ont that they would not, but towards noon, when there were signs of clearing up, the hopes of the outsiders were raised, and the number of them increased. The North wing, in which is the Senate Chamber, was sh ut off from communication with the rest of the Capitol, and the entrances were all closed except to the privileged. At the North gate a private entrance was se cured for the President. The Senate met at noon, and the Vice President elect took the oath of office, pre ; ceeding it by a brief address. At, about noon the President and his es cort entered from the President's room, and the whole multitude rose. After a brief delay, a procession was formed and marched to the East portico : Arriving at the East portico, the Presi dent elect took a seat provided for hint, and the other distinguished persons filling the whole vast platform had places assigned to them. The President elect then advanced to the front, and Chief Justice Chaseadmin istered the oath of othee, which the Presi dent pronounced in a clear, solemn voice, as follows: " I do solemnly swear that I will faith fully execute the office of the President of the United States, and will, to the best 01 m - ability, protect and defend the Consti tution of the - United States." The President then delivered his Inau gural Address. INALYJURAL ADDRESS J elks 'ountryhten: At this second ap pearing.to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, statements somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued secreted fitting and proper; now, at the expiration of tour years, during which public declarations ilaVe been con stantly called firth on every point and phase of the great contest which still ab sorbs the attention and engrosses the en ergies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging with high hope foithe future. No prediction in regard to it is ventured on the occasion correspond ing to this four years ago. All thoughts were an.x Musty directed to an impending civil war, all dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war, seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in tio south ern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was some how the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and extend, this interest was the object Mr which the insur gents would rend the Union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargment of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude on the duration which it has already at tained, neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assist ance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but tel us judge not that we be not ,judged; the prayers of both could not be answered—that of neither hay been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. \Voe unto the world because of offences, for it must needs be that offences come, but woe to that inan by whom the offence cometh. If we shall suppose that Ameri can slavery is one of these offences winch, in the Providence of God, must needscome, but which, having continued through his appointed time, li e now wills to remove, and that He gives to bosh North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure front those divine at tributes which the believers in a living (rod ascribe to flint? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty st.ourge of war may speedi ly pass away. Yet, if God will that it con tinue, until ull the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequitted toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous, alto get her with inaliec, toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God give us to see the right. Let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wound to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a last ing peace among ourselves and with all nations. The Wife-Killing Tragedy in New Haven. Our readers will remember the affect ing account, recently telegraphed from New Haven, of the killing of a Mrs. S. S. Hyde, the wife of a U. S. detective officer, by her husband. The telegram alleged that the killing was wholly accidental ; that Hyde, coming home late at night on the 14th of February from the Provost Marshal's office, re quested his wife to bring him some cartridges—at the same time, as she started to go, " the hammer of the weapon slipped from his fingers," the pistol exploded, and the ball pierc ed the wife's heart! It was added that the unfortunate woman "sprang forward," exclaiming, " I am killed— kiss me before I die !" No third person was present, and the above version is Hyde's. Subsequently Hyde was ar rested on a charge of wilfully killing his wife, and the preliminary justice's hearing is now in progress—the case having been postponed on Friday of last week, to Thursday of this week. The postponement was ordered at the request of grand-juror Geo. F. Gardner, who said he had important evidence to pro duce : It was opposed, ineffectually, by Mr. Doolittle, counsel forthedefendant. The defendant's name is Squire S Hyde.—Hartford Times. Mr. Simmons, a sculptor, of Maine, is now with Gen. Grant, at City Point, engaged in taking sittings for a bust to be executed finally in bronze. Hon. Dan. Voorhees, of Indiana, has signified his intention of resigning his seat in Congress. He will resume the practice of law in Terre Haute, Ind. There is a Jew in Pittsburg who is so honest and patriotic that he lately went to the income tax assessorand paid him $2,800 tax, though his name was not on the assessor's books. Not very many Yankees would do that, Morals of the Republican Party. The Hind of Rulers they Have Given Us— A Most Disgraceful Scene—The Vice President in a State of Beastly Drunkenness at the Inauguration—He Makes a Characteristic Speech. The correspondent of the New York Herald, a personage sufficiently men dacious to praise Mr. Lincoln profusely, and ready to go so far as to call his in augural address eloquent, and all that, gives the following account of the say ings and doings of the Vice President at the inauguration : "While the Diplomatic Corps were taking their seats in the Senate Cham ber, Mr. Hamlin concluded his speech, when Vice President elect Mr. Johnson commenced his address, before he had taken the oath of office. He had been talking about five minutes when the President entered the door from the Senate lobby, at the right of the Clerk's desk, escorted by Senators Hendricks and Foster, Mr. Lincoln taking his seat at the end of the Clerk's dek, near the members of his Cabinet. SPEECH OF ANDREW JOHNSON. During all this time Andrew Johnson —for such he simply was then, not hav ing taken the oath of office ovould to heaven that it could be said in behalf of the country that he is still only Andrew Johnson)—eoutinued his speech. Such a speech. It might have been appro priate at some hustings in Tennessee ; but it certainly was far from being ap propriate on this occasion. It was not only a ninety-ninth rate stump speech, but disgraceful in the extreme. He had not proceeded far when Senators on the republican side began to hang their heads, sink down in their seats, look at each other with significance, as much as to say, " Is he crazy, or what is the matter ?" They exhibited in every feature great uneasiness. There was no mistaking the fact that the Senators were mortified in the extreme. The democratic Senators leaned forward and appeared to be chuckling with each other over the figure made by the re publican party through their Vice l'resi dent elect. The foreign ministers showed unmistakable signs of amaze ment as the incoherent sentences came from Mr. Johnson's lips. Republican Senators moved around in their seats, unable to sit still under the exhibtion before them. Some of the Senators sat sidewise, others turned their backs, as if anxious to hide themselves. Luckily for the members of the House of Representatives they did not reach the Senate until several minutes after twelve, and they were not subjected to but a small portion of this scene. The speech was disconnected, the sentences so incoherent that it is im possible to give an accurate report of his speech. As his sentences came up in the reporters' gallery, the statements that your President is a plebian—l am a plebian, glory in it—Tennessee has never gone out of the Union—l am go ing to talk two minutes and a half on that point-1 want you to hear me. Tennessee always was loyal—we all de rive our power from the people—Chief Justice Chase is but a creature of the people—l want you to hear me two min utes on that point—you, Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War, derive your authority and power from the people. (" Who is Secretary of the Navy?"—was then heard, in a voice of less volume. Some one responded Mr. Welles). You, Mr. Welles, Secretary of the Navy, get your power from the people. This was the strain and tone of the whole speech, mixed with a lecture to the Senate on the action of the Senate on the rebel lious States. It was impossible to give a full report sitting in the gallery. The constant clatter of voices in the rear, declaring, "Whatashame ;" "Has he no friends?" "Is there no person who will have mercy upon him ?" "Tell him to stop and save the country further disgrace," were so numerous that it entirely pre vented a full report being made. The only full report was that of the official reporters of the Globe. The Senators, however, were so chagrined at the speech that they notified the ("lobe re porter to suppress his copy and wait until Mr. Johnson could write out a speech, that this affair might not go before the world in that form. It is charitable to say that his condition was such that he was unfit to make aspeech. He evidently did not shun Bourbon county, Kentucky, on his way here. Mr. Johnson finally concluded his speech, whereupon Vice President Hamlin administered to him the oath of office. Mr. Hamlin read the oath by sentences, and Mr. Johnson repeated it after him. The effort of the Vice Presi dent elect to go through with the form of repeating the sentences as read by Mr. Hamlin was painful in the ex treme. He stumbled, stammered, re peated portions of it several times over. The moment that he concluded this task Mr. Johnson turned to the audi ence and commenced another speech, giving to those assembled his idea of the oath which he had just taken. He had uttered but two or three sentences when some of the officials standing near him had the good sense to stop him, he having already occupied some nineteen minutes in his former speech, and delayed the proceedings beyond all usages. They were unwilling that they should be any longer delayed by the in coherent remarks of this new official. It has heretofore been the custom to close all speeches the moment that the judges of the Supreme Court and diplo matic corps reach the Senate Chamber. Mr. Hamlin, in accordance with this usage, closed his speech in time to give Mr. Johnson sonic seven minutes to make his remarks before the arrival of the above dignitaries. But Mr. Johnson did not appear to understand the usage on such occasions, or else was not in clined to follow them, for the diplomatic gentlemen heard the bulk of his speech, and, unfortunately, the worst part of it. The moment that the new Vice Presi dent had been silenced, Mr. Hamlin declared the old Senate adjourned. Thus expired the Senate of the Thirty-eighth Congress, at fifteen minutes past twelve o'clock. HE CALLS THE SENATE To) ORDER Mr. Johnson immediately called the new Senate to order. The Clerk of the Senate, John W. Forney, then read the proclamation of the President enliven ing the Senate in extraordinary session. The newly elected Senators were ordered to approach the Clerk's desk and take the oath of office as their names were announced. The following gentlemen to this call stepped forward : Messrs. Anthony, Fessenden, Cragin, Howard, Yates, Norton, Guthrie and Lane, and took the oath. Here Vice President Johnson made another 12= He stepped forward with the Bible, held it out, and motioned to the new Senators to touch the Bible s bow their heads in assent, and then motioned them away without repeating the oath in any form. Most of the Senators left the stand when the muddle was discov ered. The Senators were recalled, and Mr. Forney administered to them the oath of office. By this time it became apparent that some one besides Mr. Johnson would have to conduct the business of the Senate. Without giving an opportunity for any further disgracefnl scenes, Mr. For ney announced that the procession would then be formed to conduct the President elect to the platform at the east entrance of the building, where the oath of office would be administered. As he announced the order in which they would form, the distinguished guests fell into line. Ina moment more the procession had disappeared from the Senate Chamber. CALLS FOR ANDY JOHNSON—NOT ABLE TO COME TO TIME After Mr. Lincoln had finished the delivery of his inaugural, cries for Andy Johnson next ensued. There was a momentary delay, and then the Vice President presented himself and waved both hands. There were calls of " speech," " speech," and some ap plause when Andy appeared. He rubbed his red face with his hands, as if to clear up his ideas, but did not succeed, and said nothing. A lane was then opened through the crowd on the platform, and the Presidential party re tired into the Capitol, amid the thun ders of the artillery in Capitol Square and the music of the bands. The firing of the salute began the moment the President had taken the oath, and be fore the salute was over the assemblage began to disperse. THE SENATE WAITS LONG FOR ANDY, BUT HE COMES NOT Upon entering the Capitol the Sen ators returned to the Chamber, strag gling in by ones and twos. The doors and windows of the 'Capitol building were thrown open,and the crowd inside rushed out with as much disorder as that which characteri4ed the rush from the galleries as the procession left the Senate for the platform. The Senators gathered hi squads in different portions . 9f Vitc 11.A4, VaPlestly talkine, 9,w; ate scenes which had transpired there be fore they left for the platform. They were evidently in no pleasant frame of mind. They remained there for some time for the return of the Vice Presi dent, who, according to usage, would be required to adjourn the body. They waited in suspense for nearly an hour, but Mr. Johnson did not make his ap pearance. Finally the Senators slipped out one by one and disappeared without being adjourned. It is, therefore, sup posed that legally the Senate is still in session, although not one of the Senators is in his seat. Message of Governor Brown, of Georgia. CHARLOTTE, Feb. 2,5, 1865. The messa g e of Governor Brown com mences with a defence of the State against the attacks of the press for per mitting Sherman to march unmolested through the State. He says she was abandoned to her fate and neglected by the Confederate authorities, and while her army of able bodied sons were held for the defenceof other States, and were denied the privilege ofstrikingan honest blow for the protection of their homes, Georgia was compelled to rely only up on a few old men and boys. He claims that the golden opportunity was thus lost for Overthrowing Sherman. Had he been resisted from the start, and forced to fight and exhaust his annnu mtion, his surrender would have been certain. He recommends the es tablish ment of :1 militia system, Co he in no case turned over to th e Confr dm - ate 110 rernment, but retained for home de fence. He says there are only fourteen hundred exempts in the State, and most of these are over age. He recommends the passage of a law authorizing the im pressment of provisions in the bands of persons who refuse to sell their surplus to the indigent families of soldiers. Ile complains that Confederate agents can look up the corn cribs and smoke houses against the State purchasing agents. Ile ferring to the penitentiary, lie says that morethan hall the con riC(.l rrlecr.sed to light hare since deserted. He recommends the passage of a law prescribing the penalty of death on conviction of rob bery, horse stealing or burglary. lie opposes the arming of the slaves, believ ing them to be more valuable as agri cultural laborers than they could he as soldiers. They do not wish 'to go into the army, and the principal restraint now upon them is the fear that if they leave the enemy Will make them light and compel them to take up arms, :mil they will desert by thousands. \V liat ever may be our opinion of their nor mal condition or interests, we cannot expect them to perform deeds of hero ism when fighting to continue the en slavement of their wives and children, and it is not reasonable to de mand it of them. 'Whenever we establish the fact that they are a military people we destroy our theory that they are unfit to be free. - When we arm the slaves we abandon slavery. He complains of the usurpa tions of the Confederate Congress in levying disproportionate taxation, and says much of the most oldectionable legislation is imposed upon the country by votes of men who act without re sponsibility to the constituency out of the army. He takes the government to task for a great variety of abuses, such as illegal impressments, arrests of citi zens without authority by provost guards the passports system, and the partiality of the government to men of wealth who are given nominal positions which keep them out of the army, while poor men and boys are forced into tile ranks. He animad verts severely on the generalship of the President, and traces his military career during the war. He says :—(lar gov ernment is now 0 military dispotisni drifting into anarchy, and if the present policy is persisted in it must terminal, in reconstruction, with or without sulgu ['idiom Governor Brown states that he is utterly opposed to both ; but if he favored either he would givell is earnest support to the policy of the President, as the surest mode of diminishing our armies, exhausting our resources, break ing the spirit of our people and driving them in despair to seek refuge from worse tyranny by placing themselves under a government they loath and detest. For the cure of ex isting evils he recommends the re peal of the Conscription act, and a re turn to the constitutional mode of rais ing troops by requisitions upon the States ; the observance of good faith with the soldiers by paying them ' promptly ; the abandonment of impress ments and secret sessions of ('ongress; no more representation without a con stituency; and, finally, taking from the President his power as commander-in chief. He calls for a convention of the States to amend the constitution, and close in the following language : " 111 y destiny is linked with my country. If we succeed, lam a freeman. If, by the obstinacy and weakness of our rulers, we fail, a common ruin awaits us all. The night is dark, the tempest howls, the ship is lashed with turbulent waves, the helmsman is steering to the whirl pool, yet our remonstrances are un heeded. erns! TC812 , 1 11 hint, or the crew must sink together and all be buried in irretrievable ruin." Important Measures Lost The following is a list of some of the most important measures whieh were lost during the last hours of the session : The bill regulating commerce between the several states. This declared all railroads post, routes, and had special reference to the Delaware and Raritan route ; the bills for the Illinois and Niagara ship canals passed the ilouse, but were lost in the Senate ; the bill to authorize a com Mission to make a survey of the same was lost ; the bankrupt hill passed the House, was reportedon favor ably in the Senate, but did not reach any vote ; the miscellaneous appropria tion bill, containing some twenty mil lions of dollars, was lost by the refusal of the Senate to adopt the House amend ment prohibiting the trial of civilians by military commission ; the bill reor ganizing the Louisiana State govern ment, originated in the Senate and was lost there. The resolution respecting the confiscation act, which limited the forfeiture of the real estate of the rebels to the lifetime of the own er, passed both houses in different bills, but failed to become a law because neither bills passed both houses. The bill recognizing the pay department of the army. The bill for the relief of contractors of iron-clad gunboats. The bill for reconstruction of the rebel States. Resolutions favoring the admission of the Louisiana and Arkansas represent atives. 'l'lle bill reducing the duty on printing paper passed both branches, went to the conference committee, but was finally strangled to death in the House. 'flue tax of one-half of one per cent. on , sales passed the Senate, bur failed in the House; the tax on cotton passed the _House, but failed in Senate ; the bill for increasing salaries of Gov ernment civil employees, although ad vocated by all the heads of departments, failed in both louses. The Civil Appropriation Bill. The civil appropriation bill as origi nally reported contained large appro priations for the coast survey, light house establishments, and other objects Of'a miscellaneous character. This be ing considered an " omnibus" bill, the HouSe added new features, and the Senate weighed it down with heavy appropriations, including at least four millions of dollars for reimbursing Mis souri for the expense of calling out and subsisting the state militia, and appro priating seven or eight hundred thous and dollars to repay the monies ad vanced by Pennsylvania in calling out her militia to assist in repelling the in vasion of General Lee. The Senate struck out of the bill a material amend ment inserted at the instance of Mr. Davis, of Maryland, namely: That no person shall be tried by court-martial or military commission in any state or territory where the courts of the United states are open, except persons actually mustered and commissioned, or appointed otherwise by law, in the military or naval service, or rebel enemies charged with being spies. When the disagreeing votes of the two Houses were sent to a conference committee, the managers compromised all their differences, excepting the amendment of Mr. Davis, which it was proposed should be acted upon sepa rately. Many of the members of the House, however, preferred losing the bill to surrendering the clause in ques tion, and so, by dilatmt motions they defeated it,
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