gattoottx inttiligenat
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8, 1865]
"The printing presses shall be free to every
person who undertakes to examine the pro
ceedings of the legislature, or any branch of
government; and no law shall ever be made
to restrain the right thereof. The free commu
nication of thought and opinions is one of the
invaluable rights of men; and every citizen
may freely speak, write and print on any sub
ject; being responsible for the abuse of that
liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of
papers investigating the official conduct of offi
cers, or men in public capacities, or where the
matter published is proper for public informa
tion, the truth thereofmay be given in evi
dence."—Cbnattintion of Pennsylvania.
The Rulers the Republicans Have Given
Rs.
When, during the course of the last
Presidential canvass, the Republican
Ti rty undertook to manufacture capital
for their candidates, by boasting of their
low origin, every decent man in the
country must have felt his cheek burn
with shame. Such an appeal was dis
graceful to any party. But, when it
was known that neither Mr. Lincoln
nor Andrew Johnson had ever risensu
perior to the vulgar associations which
• surrounded them in early life, one would
have supposed that this knowledge
woad alone have been sufficient to pre
vent them from being elevated to the
highest offices in the gift of a great na
tion. Just as the rapid boiling of a pot
throws scum to the surface, so it seems
political convulsions are sure to bring
into positions of power, men whose
proper position would be the filthy pur
lieus of society. It was sad enough to
remember how Mr. Lincoln had dis
graced the high position of President of
the UnitediStates, to which he had been
accidentally elevated, by the acts of a
clown, and the manners of a low-bred
buffoon. Four years of his rule would
have disgusted any nation which had
. not become lost to all sense of propriety,
and dead to a proper feeling of shame.
The more respectable men of his own
party were opposed to his renomination,
and for awhile some of them refused to
give in their adherence. But, as they
had not power enough to prevent the
forestalled action of the convention of
office-holders, so, in the end, it turned
out, that they had not virtue enough to
continue their opposition. By bribes
and threats they were forced into the
support of a ticket Which set •up a buf
foon for President, and a drunken boor
for Vice President of the United States.
The very success of the Republican
party, on a false basis, and with candi
dates so utterly unworthy, has speedily
resulted in its humiliation and disgrace.
One would have supposed the miserable
inaugural of Mr. Lincoln would have
been shame enough for one day. But
that was not the worst. The account
of the appearance of Andrew Johnson
hi the Senate Chamber, in a state of
drunkenness so beastly as utterly to un
fit him even for taking the customary
oath of office in a proper manner, was
the most degrading speetacle which the
world ever witnessed. There he stood
in the presence of the assembled repre-
Sentatives of all foreign powers, and
surrounded by the chief dignitaries of
this land, mumbling in incoherent sen
tences the conceptions of a vulgar mind
crazed with whiskey. What a spectacle
for the world i What a commentary
upon Republican institutions! What
an argument to put in the hands of
monarchs, to be used against the people!
Verily, our disgrace and degradation is
at length complete. How any American
can now dare to show his face out of
his own country without shame is more
than we can tell ; how he can live in it
with self-respect we can hardly see.
Never since the world began was any
people so cursed as the people of the
United States are to-day. Madness and
folly have produced their legitimate
fruits, fanaticism has reached its cul
minating point of triumph ; the party,
that would degrade the white man to
the level with the negro, has shown by
its representative men, that, on its part
at least, the descent would not be very
great. A decent, sober negro would cer
tainly have conducted himself with
more propriety on the occasion, than
the Vice President did at the inaugura
tion. If the abolitionists are to continue
to rule, perhaps it would be well to ex
tend all the privileges of citizenship to
the negroes. Sure it is that they seem
to have a scarcity of white men fit to
rule, if we are to judge by the specimens
they have given us. It could scarcely
happen that negro suffrage would curse
the country with men more unfit for
public position, than the vulgar buf
foon, Abraham Lincoln, and the igno
rant, drunken boor, Andrew Johnson.
One Effect of the War
To say nothing of the enormous prices
of all the necessaries of life, including
clothing and provisions, by reason of
the depreciation of the currency and
the inordinate cupidity of the specula
tors, the extravagant increase in the
rent of dwelling houses is beginning to
be an onerous burthen on the poor and
laboring classes. This increase is already
twenty-five, fifty, and, in some in-'
stances ; , as high as a hundred per cent.
over former rates,. and if the present
state of things continues a few years
longer, it will be next to impossible for
any laboring man or mechanic in
moderate circumstances to get a house
to shelter his family. This is no fancy
picture. The fact must be as apparent
as the light of the noonday sun to every
man, woman and child of common
sense in the community. Hence it is
evident that the taxes which property
holders complain of, growing out of the
war, are levied with compound interest
on the renters, and they (not the wealthy
class) have to pay the piper. And yet,
strange to say, not a few of these same
down-trodden working men are still
found in the ranks of Abolitionism,
whenever eleetion day comes round,
kissing the hand that smites them, and
shouting lustily for Abraham Lincoln
and the freedom of the negro! Such
conduct is unaccountable on the part of
the laboring classes. When, oh when,
will the people get their eyes open, so as
to see the oppression under which they
.and their children after them will be
made to sweat and toil and suffer?
Only Six Hundred Millions More!
Congress has just passed an act au
thorizing a loan to be made of six hun
dred millions of dollars. This, added
to the already enormous and almost
fabulous debt, will be a burthen on the
tax-payers which neither the people of
the present generation, nor their pos
terity for long ages to come, will ever
see liquidated. If this war were to close
to-morrow, we verily believe that the
public debt saddled upon the Nation by
the present Administration would not
foot up a less sum than FOUR THOU
SAND MILLIONS OF DOLLARS,
equivalent to double the debt of Eng
land, (at their rate of interest,) and yet
it took Great Britain one hundred and
fifty years to create it, whilst four short
years sufficed our own Government!
And still the people are asked to take
off their hats and shout aloud : " God
bless Abraham Lincoln!!" Was there
,ewer a people so long suffering and for
!bearing under such grievous and in
toleraKe burthens? But a day of re
tribution will come, sooner or later, and
_then woe to those who have committed
the foul wrong-upon a patient and suf
-lering community. The people will yet
visit a fearful vengeance upon the de
etroyers,and oppressors of
,ftie country ;
nor is the time f4r dista,nt whan atom
JUBA will;P-Yer*P PansgFP's9l:B.
Mr. Lincoln's_ Second. Inaugural.
On last Saturday, at twelve o'clock in
the day, Abraham Lincoln occupied a
position in the eyes of all the world
more prominently important than that
of anyother now in it. It is no exagger
ation to say, that the whole world
anxiously listened for the 'words to be
uttered by him, after Assuming, for a
second time, the responsible duties of
the high office of President of the
United States. The whole civilized
world was either directly or indirectly
interested in the addressi then and
there to be delivered. The whole mass
of the people of the United States,
North and South, were especially and
most deeply interested.
It was only reasonable for every one
to conclude, that even Mr. Lincoln, fool
ish and inappropriate as most of his
public speeches had been, would feel, to
some extent at least, the weight of the
responsibilities which he had just as
sumed ; and that he would show him
self to be properly impressed by the
deep solemnity, which a moment's re
flection upon the character of the cir
cumstances that surrounded him, would
naturally have forced upon any mind of
ordinary intelligence. Was it too much
to expect from him, on such an occasion
some utterance worthy of the time and
the place?
As Mr. Lincoln stood on the steps of
the capitol for the second time, and took
the customary oath of office, he no doubt
regarded himself as entitled to be con
sidered the President of the United
States. If he had any faith in the effi
cacy of the means employed for that
purpose, he must have hoped at least to
be able to rule over a united country
within the period of this his second
term of office. Four years of the most
terrible and devastating war the world
ever saw had not yet accomplished the
desired result. In the meantime, both
sections of what was once a united,
prosperous and happy oountry, had
suffered all the woes and horrors en
tailed by such sanguinary strife. At
the very moment, when the ceremonies
of inauguration were being attended to,
a ruthless and merciless conscription,
from which there is no way of escape
for the poor man, was being rigidly en
forced throughout the loyal states.
Unless Mr. Lincoln had deliberately
concluded that the war would go on
with the same or accumulated horrors
for at least four years more, one would
naturally have expected to hear some
thing about reunion and reconstruction,
or, if neither of those things had been
regarded as possible, some expression of
opinion as to the manner in which the
war would end. The whole country
anxiously listened, in hopes that Mr.
Lincoln, after his ambition had been
gratified by re-election to the high office
of President, for a second time, would
forget party prejudice, lay aside passion,
and make one lofty - and magnanimous
effort to save the Union without further
shedding of kindred blood. Vain were
all such expectations, delusive such
hopes.
When we say, that no man will read
the second Inaugural Address of Mr.
Lincoln without disgust and disappoint
ment, we think we speak entirely with
in bounds. Not even those who have
held and expressed the most contempti
ble opinion of the man, could have an
ticipated such a production. It is almost
beneath criticism, and but for the pres
ent and abiding dread of the woes which
must inevitably come upon the nation,
so unfortunate as to be ruled over by
such a man at such a time, it would
deserve to be treated with ridicule alone.
Nothing, however, can give it dignity,
or allay the deep disgust which has been
everywhere excited by its perusal. It
is bloodthirsty enough to have been the
utterance of some painted Indian Chief,
just starting out on a scalping expedi
tion. It breathes only a spirit of the
most barbarous and bloody revenge. It
is the emanation of a mean and vindic
tive nature. In it we have the cant of
the fanatic, and the cold-blooded cruelty
of the religious zealot. The same spirit
has condemned men to the rack, and
piled blazing faggots around martyrs at
the stake. The allusions to scripture,
and the interlarding of such a document
with quotations from Holy Writ, savors
of blasphemy.
There is nothing in the address to re
deem it from unfavorable criticism. It
reads like some burlesque upon the army
sermons of Cromwell's preaching cap
tains ; or it might not look out of place,
as part of a speech from some ignorant
member of Praise God Barebone's Par
liament.
What will the world think of this
country in connection with this ad
dress? Shall we not be an object of
contempt and ridicule to all civilized
nations ? The cause of republican in
stitutions will suffer in the estimation
of the world, from the fact that a man
so utterly unfit to fill the position with
ability and dignity, should have been a
second time elected President of the
United States. Well may the monarchs
and the aristocrats of the Old World be
glad. The follies and the crimes of the
party now in power in this country,
have rendered any speedy change in
their forms of government impossible.
It will be long, very long before any
European nation can be induced so to
change its constitution as to render pos
sible the elevation to the highest official
position, some such ignorant boor as
Abraham Lincoln. This, his second
inaugural address, will furnish abun
dant argument against the extension of
the elective franchise, and will help to
establish monarchs more firmly on their
thrones. No people with a decent de
gree of self-respect could help feeling a
dread, lest it might be their fate lo be
ruled over by such a personage as Abra
ham Lincoln, lest the records of their
State Department might be disgraced
by such a document as his second Mau.:
gural address.
Four Years More
The country is doomed to four years
more of misrule. On Saturday last, at
high noon, Abraham Lincoln again
took the oath of office and entered upon
his second term in the Presidential
chair. - What the condition of the
country was four years ago and what it
is now we all know—what it will be
four years hence is beyond mortal ken,
and plain only to Him who knoweth
all things whether past, present or
future. The past Presidential term has
been a season of untold anguish and
suffering, of ruin and desolation; the
one upon which we have entered bids
fair to more than rival its Predecessor in
all that goes to make up the sum total
of human woe and National calamity.
Mr. .Lincoln has no word of encourage
ment in his Inaugural Address. Not a
single ray of light emanates from the
Chief Magistrate—nothing to hope for
from that quarter. War—stern, unre
lenting war—for four years longer, is
what the American people have to ex
pect. The desolations of this terrible
and bloody civil strife must continue
for the benefit of the African race.
Taxation, conscription, death and de
struction are to be our portion for
another Presidential term, and still we
are solemnly asked to shout aloud and
proclaim the greatness of Abraham Lin
coln f Was there ever a people, in the
whole history of the race, more forbears
ing and submissive under an accumula
tion of sufferings, insults and injuries ?
The attention of Farmers is invited
to the different Fertilizers manufactured
by Messrs. Tasker & Clark, Bth Sr,
Washington sts„ Philadelphia. ,fad
,440,r advertisement in this issue.
Arbitrary Arrests and Trials by Court
Martial
The historian, who, in the future,
shall sit down, unmoved by the pas
sions and the prejudices of these days,
to write the history of the United States
during the past four years will find
much to amaze him. But for the ample
record made, he could not believe it
possible that any people professing to
be free had so suddenly lost their liber
ties, and consented to see every ap-'
pliance of despotic power openly and
freely used by the rulers of a Repub
lican Government. He will find proofs
of the most highhanded outrages on
every page of the records he may search.
He will discover that suddenly, while
the people stood panic-stricken under
the influence of a reign of terror, the
men in authority, disregarding all law
and relying on brute force alone, pro
ceeded to violate even the most sacred
and inalienable rights of the citizen.
What barrier to the encroachments of
arbitrary power is there which has not
been ruthlessly broken down? The
Constitution of the United States has
been openly violated in almost every
article thereof; the decisions of the
Supreme Court of the United States
have been set at defiance ; the rights
guaranteed to the citizens of the several
sovereign States by their State Consti
tutions have been disregarded, and the
State Courts 'have been repeatedly in
terrupted in the administration of jus
tice; laws the most ancient and sacred
have been set at naught; there has been
neither Constitutional restraint upon
our rulers nor any regard for law to be
found with them. We have been living
under an irresponsible military despot= -
ism, the worst possible form of Govern
ment.
The system of arbitrary arrests prac- ;
ticed will be unqualifiedly condemned )
by our own historians, and the men
who have been the authors of it will;
descend to history covered with the oli;
loquy and scorn of future generations.
If the spirit of liberty should survive in
America, those who come after us will
wonder how it was possible for any
people pretending to be free to submit
to such gross outrages on their dearest
and most cherished rights. If our Re
publican institutions survive the shock
to which they are now being subjected,
those who look back to these days will
stand appalled at the spectacle of men,
not in military service, being tried by
courts martial, and condemned to such
punishment as the caprice of their ene
mies suggested. These things are a most
sad commentary on , our boasted free in
stitutions, and so impartial history will
regard them.
The debate which occurred in4Con
gress on last Thursday, upon the motion
of Henry Winter Davis, of Maryland,
in relation to arbitrary arrests and trials
by court martial, will be read with more
interest in the far distant future than it
is to-day. The men who participated
in it have made a record for themselves
which will ere for all coming time.
Those of the party in power who stood
up manfully for the great principles of
law and liberty, will receive the in
eriL
ed applause of poste: ; while those
who basely plead and voted in favor of
perpetuating the outrages which have
disgraced their country will always re
main, pilloried by their own act, as fit
objects for the slow, unmoving finger of
scorn to be perpetually pointed at.
Among the latter will be found Thad
deus Stevens, the Representative from
this Congressional district.
The Constitutional Amendment
The rejection of the Constitutional
amendment abolishing slavery through
out the - United States by the Legislature
of New Jersey, on Wednesday, defeats
the calculations of those who expected
to be able to declare it ratified, by a
bona fide vote of most of the Northern
States and of those Southern States, in
which they have got up bogus State
Governments. The Ab . olitionists claim
that it has already been ratified by
eighteen States, as follows :
1. Illinois, February I.
2. Rhode Island, February 2.
3. Michigan, February 2.
4. New York, February 3.
5. Pennsylvania, February 3.
G. Maryland, February 3.
W=M=iMMI
8. West Virginia, Februarly:
9. Maine, February 7.
10. Missouri, February 7.
11. Ohio, February 8.
12. Minnesota, February 8.
13. Kansas, February s,
14. Virginia, February 9.
15. Indiana, February 13,
10. Nevada, February 16.
17. Louisiana, February 17.
18. Wisconsin, February 24.
It will be noticed that Virginia is
counted twice. She has always been
a great State but it is only of late that
she has assumed such vast proportions.
There is no man of good sense, who
would be willing to risk his reputation
for sound judgment by declaring that
any act thus ratified could be regarded
as binding. The Louisiana Legislature
which ratified the amendment is a
bogus affair, entirely the creature of
military force, and in reality unable to
bind the people of that State by any
action.
The present Legislatures of Maryland
and Missouri are of the same character,
and the time will yet come when the
people of those States, acting in their
unrestrained sovereign capacity, will
refuse to recognize many of the laws
now being enacted, as of binding force.
The legislatures of the following States
have rejected the amendment :
I. Delaware, February S.
2. Kentucky, February 23
3. New Jersey, March 1.
The following Northern States have
not voted on the amendment yet, but as
they are strongly Abolition, there is no
doubt they will ratify it.
Name ol Slale. Politics. Meeting of Legisre.
Connecticut. ..... _Republican May 3, 1865.
California Republican Dec. 4, 1865.
lowa Republican Jan. 7, 1866,
New Hampshire... Republican June 7, 1865.
Oregon Republican Sep. 10, 1866,
Vermont Republican Oct. 12, 1865.
There is a bogus abolition legislature
now in session in Arkansas, which will
no doubt ratify the amendment. Parson
Brownlow's bogus Tenn. legislature, all
the nominations for which were made,
contrary to all usage, at the State Con
vention, of which he was president, will
meet on the 3d of next April, and there
is no doubt tneir first act will be to rat
ify the proposed amendment.
Counting Virginia twice, and count
ing the acts of alI these bogus Legis
latures in Southern States as legal, the
proposed amendment cannot be adopt
ed until some further change is effected.
There will be a strong effort Made to
elect a majority of Abolitionists in Ken
tucky, New Jersey and Delaware, with
a view to getting those States to recon
sider their recent action, but we do not
believe it will succeed.
Speech of the Emperor Napoleon
The French Chambers were opened
on the 15th by a speech from the Em
peror. The speech is mainly occupied
by domestic affairs and is quite silent on
the American question. It refers to the
settlement of the Danish question, and
French neutrality therein and expata
tions on the Italian convention, and the
benefits to be derived by Italy as well as
the Holy See. It permits France to
withdraw her troods from Rome.
Aa regards Mexico, the speech liriefly
says, the new throne is becoming con
solidated, the country is becoming paci
fied, and its immense resources are be
ing developed, the happy effect of the
valor of our soldiers, the good sense of
the Mexican population, and the intelli
gence and energy of the sovereign. The
Emperor rejoices at the french triumps
in Japan, Africa, dcc., and then proceeds
to enlarge upon inpasures of domestic
legislation, proclaiming 110 ardent de
sire to cultivate the arts of peace, to pill
#vatc friendship' with the different
owprs, and to only allow -the voice of
,rmi . ig tq ji)9 Asap 4 for right*td,jusgep.
The Missouri State Coniention
For many weeks past a pack of pes
illent fellows, who have been chosen
not by a fair ballot, but by the power of
bayonets, in Missouri, have been sit
ting in the city of St. Louis, under the
'name of a State Convention. They
have wrangled and spurred among
themselves over the right of the negro
to vote, and kindred subjects, until
every decent man in the State has
long since become disgusted with their
.proceedings. They have shown them
selves, like every such radical assem
blage, which 'has been foisted upon
the people of any of the border or South
ern States, utterly unfit for the position
!they occupy. They have been sustain
ed, not by the people of the State, but
by a small radical faction, backedup by
the power of the military. It seems that
this Convention of Missouri is likely
"to come to grief. It has at length, for
want of some other matter to wrangle
about, touched a subject which has
aroused the ire of the few who have
heretofore looked upon it with favor.
The extreme radicals of the ,State, the
only party who have heretofore sus
:tained it, are now up in arms against it.
So long as it confined itself to the legit
imate business of legislating in favor of
`negro equality, it was all right. But,
it has at length committed an unpar
donable sin. The radicals who hereto
fore approved and applauded, are now
ready to break up the assemblage.
'The body is to be forced to ad
journ, to be treated as the parliament
of England was on a celebrated occasion,
to be turned out of the hall they occupy
by the neck and heels, and forced to
seek the shades of obscurity from which
'they were lifted by the point of the bay-.
onet. The special correspondent of the
New York Tribune, writing from St.
Louis, says:
An unreasonable opposition to the
State Convention has sprung up among
a faction of radical Germans in this city
which is exceedingly gratifying to the
secessionists and conservatives. The
opposition is based on the action of the
Convention in framing the bill of Rights
and recognizing therein the Supreme
Ruler of the universe. This is highly of
fensive to the infidel portion of our
German citizens, and they are loudly
protesting that they are opposed to any
body of men prescribing a moral code
for them. Inspired by these ideas, they
have held two public meetings at Tur
ner's Hall and made themselves ridicu
lous by threatening violent measures
against the Convention.
The leaders in this movement are C.
E. Moss and Emil Pretorius. Several
members of the Convention have really
sympathized with the movement, and
two of them have made fools of them
selves by going to Turner's Hall and
Making speeches to aid the disorgani
zers. One of them, Capt. S. Gem, the
representative from St. Genevieve
County, even said that if the Convention
did not adjourn soon, a Cromwell would
be found who would walk into the Hall
and break up their sessions. The
meeting resolved to present some peti
tions to the Convention asking an
Adjournment by having two or three
hundred men each, each carrying a
petition, wait upon the Convention
some day and present them.
When such rogues and rascals thus
fall out, there is some hope that honest
men may come by their own again.—
There is,, at least, a hope that reason
may at length assume her sway, after
the excited and feverish hour of passion
and prejudice has passed away.
The Press on the Inauguration
We are glad to know that there are
heights of mendacity to which Re
publican newspapers have not the har
dihood to aspire, depths of lying into
which even they dare not descend. We
have seen them perform such feats of
ground and lofty-tumbling in the ring
of falsehood, that we supposed they
would show themselves equal to any
emergency. But, alas for the bathos of
the fact, they have all been dumfound
ed at last. They have shown them
selves unequal to the exigent demands
of a most pressing necessity. Not one
of them, .so far as we have seen, not
even the Philadelphia Press, dares to
praise the Inaugural Address of Mr.
Lincoln. The lips, even of the man
Lwho is paid for penning lies, and richly
rewarded for publishing paragraphs of
fulsome flattery aresealed. The mouth'
of the President's own Dog is shut, his
-.tongue is palsied ; a dumb dog is lie, one
that cannot bark. How very poor, in
deed, must the miserable stuff uttered
by Mr. Lincoln be considered, when
even the apostate hireling Forney has
too much regard for his sagacity as an
editor to praise it
The N. Y. Tribune had been antic
ipating something respectable at least.
It had hinted that the Inaugural would
be worthy of the occasion, and intimat
ed that it would mark the beginning of
, new era. The disappointment was
greater than it could bear, and its
chagrin could not be concealed. It not
Only finds no single word of commen
dation for the document, but it points
out wherein it was wanting. It says :
We think a fresh, unequivocal exhi
bition of the spirit which impelled the
former Inaugural would have been
politic as well as humane; that it would
have quickened and deepened the dis
integration of the Rebel forces and thus
hastened the re-establishment of the
,National authority over every rood of
the Nation's area. Now is the fittest
time for putting forth manifestations of
'generosity, clemency, magnanimity,
which, however they may be spurned
.by the Rebel chiefs, are certain to exert
‘7. great and salutary influence among
their duped, disgusted, despairing fol
lowers.
When the Pres,scannot finda word of
praise, and the Tribune finds fault with
the brutal bloodthirstiness of the In
ugural, further comment is unneces
sary. It is damned and condemned
sufficiently.
Arrest of an Editor
On last Thursday P. Gray Meek, Esq.,
editor of the Bellefont Watchman, was
arrested by the military authorities and
dragged from his home in Centre county
to Harrisburg, where he has been thrust
into the common guard house amongst
disorderly soldiers and deserters, with
out even the common comfort of a bed
to lie upon. What are the charges
' against Mr. Meek we know not. We
presume however he has offended some
of the minions of the despotism that
now rules with a rod of iron over what
was once a free people. That his entire
innocence of any crime will be made to
appear we have not the sllghtest doubt.,
We know him well. And a purer
nature, or a braver spirit than that of P.
Gray Meek is not to be found in the
State. He is one of the ablest and most
fearless writers in Pennsylvania. We
are sure he cannot be 'long kept in
custody. The day for such infamous
outrages must speedily pass away. The
sentiment of the more decent men
-even of the Republican party is turning
against it. There will come a time
when such outrages shall not only be
no longer committed, but when the
condemnation of all right thinking
men shall rest upon all who have been
engaged in them. fn the meantime it
is the duty of every Democratic editor
an the country to speak out boldly and
fearlessly, as P. Gray Meek has done. If
.arrested, he can show the minions of
despotism how a brave man can endure
wrongs and outrages for the sake of
principle, as we know Mr. Meek will do.
General Anderson and Sumter
At a meeting in New York, a resolu
tion was adopted requesting the Presi
dent to send a national ship to Charles
• on harbor to convey thither General
Robert Anderson that he may replace
upon the flagstaff of Fort Sumter that
national banner which, on the 13th of
4.pril, 1861, he was compelled to lower
apt the dictation of the South Carolina
insurgents, •
4
Arbitrary Arrests and Trials by Court
Martial••--Debate In Congress.
'Mr. Davis, (rep.) of Md., offered an
amendment, providing as follows: That
no person shall be tried by military
commission or court martial where the
courts are open, excepting persons actu
ally in the military service of the United
States and rebel enemies charged with
being spies. All proceedings heretofore
had in such cases are declared void, and
all persons not subject to trial by n
tary commission or court martial shall
be forthwith discharge& or delivered
over to the civil authorities.
Mr. Washburn, (rep.) of Zll., raised
the question that the amendment was
not in order.
This point was sustained by the Chair
man (Mr. Pike,) but on appeal his de
cision was reversed-49 against 65.
Mr. Bernaia, (opp.) of N. Y., trusted
the amendment would be adopted.
Without rousing partisan feeling by re
ferring to the many cases of arbitrary
arrests and trials, he thought the House
owed it to constitutional liberty and the
preservation of republican government
to adopt the amendment.
Mr. Dawes, (Rep.) of Mass., said that,
having been on a special committee to
examine into frauds in contracts, he
had united in reporting a bill, which
became a law, subjecting such offenders
to trial by court martial. It was an ex
treme measure, but he felt that it was
necessary to check what seems to be a
great evil. He at the time thought the
law would be administered with reason,
but he was sorry to say from his obser
vation, the administration of the law
had been such during the past year as
to compel him to support the amend
ment. We had lost sight of the guaran
tees of the constitution, and seem to
forget that any man has a right to trial
by jury, or even to be furnished with
knowledge of the offence with which
he is charged. Courts martial appeared
to be formed with a view to convict,
and many of the proceedings were not
only a reproach to the, administration of
justice, but a shame and disgrace. He
alluded to the trial of the Messrs. Smith,
of Boston, contractors for the navy,
without parallel in infamy since the
days of Jeffreys.
Mr. Schenck would have no objec
tion, if the amendment confined courts
martial and military commissions strict
ly to military offences ; but he was op
posed to the latter part of the proposi
tion, which contemplated a general jail'
delivery. There were persons in the old
Capitol prison and elsewhere who were
triable only in the courts of the country.
Mr. Stevens expressed his regret that
the gentleman from Maryland should,
at this late stage of the proceedings,
bring in such an important proposition,
when it was known that all of those ar
rests and trials by military courts had
been in virtue of laws passed by Con
gress. It might be that courts had com
mitted errors and that oppression had
fallen on persons tried. But could they,
by a simple amendment to this bill,
correct all the decisions? He submit
ted that, without information, they
would, by the adoption of the amend
ment, commit a dangerous act, and
throw loose a class of persons helping to
destroy us.
Mr. Davis, of Md., said in reply that
there was no other time than now in
which these subjects could be more ap
propriately considered. When the voice
of liberty ceased to be heard it would be
too late to agitate this question. Let
the bill before them perish be destroyed.
General McClellan was the first, to put
h name to a paper suspending the writ
of habeas corpus in Maryland. He was
glad to refer to this, because it showed
ii was not a party question, but an
American question—one of public
liberty. There must be a stop put to
arrests by irresponsible bodies ; other
wise there would be no law in the land.
In New York, Boston, Baltimore and
elsewhere men have turned gray under
persecution, and in Baltimore a man
has been sentenced to imprisonmet for
forging JeffDavis' currency. He wanted
the representatives of the people to de
clare the nullity of the military tribunals
in the trial of civilians.
Mr. Farnsworth, (rep.) of 111., said in
reply to the gentleman from Maryland
(Mr. Davis,) that of all the acts, civil
and military of Gen. McClellan there
was not one that rendered his name
more popular and endeared bim more to
the hearts of the people than the arrest
of the secession members of the Mary
land Legislature, who were about to
meet to involve that State in civil war.
Vigorous measures saved Maryland, and
just previous to the inauguration Mr.
Lincoln had to make his way through
Baltimore in disguise.
Mr. Davis replied—lf he had been a
man of heroic mould he could have
marched safely through.
Mr. Farnsworth, resuming, said that
when the gentleman's political enemies
of the country took the gentleman by
the hand for what he said, he ought to
raise his hand toward Heaven and ask,
" What have I done that such men
should praise me ?" Mr. Farnsworth
spoke of the " lousy rapscallions" in the
military prisons, when his time expired.
Mr. Kalbileisch, (opp.) of N. Y.—Oh!
let him go on in his lousy talk.
Mr. Harris, (opp.) of Md., replying to
Mr. Farnsworth, said the reference to
him as an " unworthy member" was
worn threadbare. He, approved of his
colleague's (Mr. Davis') proposition, and
accepted what the gentleman, from 11l i
nois'said in a " Pickwickian sense." So
far from the members of the Maryland
Legislature in 1861, intending to take
that State outof the Union, they express
ly maintained that this must be done
through a convention.
Mr. Wilson, (rep.) of lowa, replied to
Mr. Davis, saying that the gentleman
to-day so eloquent in behalf of the lib
erty of the citizen, only a few days ago
voted against the bill to.preyent - military
interference in elections.
Mr. Schenck, (rep.) of Ohio, who,
with Mr. Davis, had voted against the
bill to which Mr. Wilson alluded, ex
plained why he did so, showing that it
did not prevent rebels from voting.
The vote was then taken 4 on the
amendment, namely: That no person
shall be tried by court martial or mili
tary commission in any State or Terri
tory where the courts of the United
States are open, except persons actually
mustered and commissioned, or appoint
ed otherwise by law, in the military or
naval service, or rebel enemies cnarged
with being spies; and all proceedings
heretofore had contrary to this provi
sion shall be vacated, and all persons
not subject to trial by military authori
ty shall forthwith be delivered over to
the civil authorities to be proceeded
against in the courts according to law ;
and all acts or parts of acts inconsistent
with the above are hereby repealed.
The above was agreed to—seventy-five
against sixty-four—and the House, at
half-past four, took a recess till half-past
seven.
A Negro Jubilee in Philadelphia
On last Friday evening the Negro
Loyal League of Philadelphia, the
darkest part of that black Republican
organization, had a grand jubilee cele
bration of the adoption of the Amend
ment to the Constitution, at Concert
Hall. The hall was crowded to excess.
There was a negro brass band, and a
choir of negro children, led by a youth
ful Miss Snowball, who led the singing,
the children joining in the chorus.
After the adoption of a series of reso
lutions as loyal as the color of the as
semblage, John S. Rock, Esq., from the
Hub of the Universe, delivered an ad
dress, which is thus reported :
He referred to his admission to the
bar of the Supreme Court of the United
States, and thanked Mr. Sumner for his
presentation there. He eulogized Mr.
Sumner, and drew forth great applause.
Mr. Rock strongly advocated the cause
of the colored soldiers, and said that if
the North had sent a proportionate
number of white men to that of the
colored men, there would be sufficient
to wipe out Jeff. Davis and all his horde.
He referred to the subject of amalgama
tion, and said that the cry of you will
want the white women to marry the
niggers next, was a high compliment to
them. He knew of no prettier class of
persons than the ebony race, traced
through various phases to the beautiful
blonde with her delicate tint, likened
unto the interior of the sea Shell. The
speaker referred to the refusal of pas
senger railway companies to admit
colored persons in their cars, and closed
with a classical peroration on the
bravery, patriotism, and endurance of
the colored man for 2.40 years past.
The Wisconsin farmers, who some
years since mortgaged their farms for
stock in railroads, are now threating re
sistance by force, if their farms are sold.
The Goyernor of the State has issued a
proclamation on.the subject.
The Second Inauguration of Abraham
Lincoln----Scenes of the Day.
[Special Dispatch to the Sunday Mercury.]
WASHINGTON, March 4.—Such a wet
dirty morning as this oTthe second inaugur
ation day of Abraham Lincoln, as President
of the United States, hardly ever dawned
upon Washington. Rain bad been falling
all yesterday and last night, malting the
proverbially filthy streets of the political
metropolis filthier and .more unpleasant
than ever.
It continued to rain until about 9 o'clock,
when it ceased ; but the clouds still hung
heavily, and the atmosphere looked and
felt watery.
The hopes of a clearing up were rudely
dispelled about eleven o'ciock, for the rain
began to pour down again, and the vast
masses of people on the Avenue got well
drenched. It was then understood that the
inaugural ceremonies would take place in
the Senate Chamber, instead of on the plat
form over the east part of the Capitol.
The fickle weather at half-t eieven
changed again. The rain ceased,and there
were signs of clearing up, whopes of
having the out-door spectacle at the Capitol
after all.
At noon a special escort of United States
Marshals to the President, headed by Mar
shals Lamon and Millward, and accom
panied by a company of cavalry, rode
through the Avenue, surrounding the Prei
dent's carriage, which they took to the
Capitol, where the President had been en
gaged all the morning saluting bills. He
immediately entered the carriage and re
turned to the White House, where he took
his place in the procession which was formed
there.
The procession moved at 11.10 from the
President's House. The head of it reached
the Capitol in an hour.
The President rode in a close carriage.
The house-tops were crowded, as were the
sidewalks, and there was much cheering as
the procession moved along the Avenue.
The visiting Philadelphia Fire Companies
attracted great attention by their beautifully
adorned apparatus. Malty bands were in
terspersed throughout the whole procession,
and the line was one continual ring of
music.
The procession was one hour in passing a
given point, and the length was probably
over a mile.
The streets were in an almost impassible
condition, which made the display not as
magnificent as it would have been, though
it was exceedingly beautiful. One novel
feature was the colored troops and Odd Fel
lows, with their band.
Quite early in the forenoon people begat
to move towards the Capitol. The strec,
ears ran crowded, and vehicles of all de
:.criptions floundered through the mud o
the Avenue.
The crowd about the east front was not
very great at first, for the rain made it un
certain that the ceremonies would take
place there. Once or twice it was given ont
that they would not, but towards noon,
when there were signs of clearing up, the
hopes of the outsiders were raised, and the
number of them increased.
The North wing, in which is the Senate
Chamber, was sh ut off from communication
with the rest of the Capitol, and the entrances
were all closed except to the privileged. At
the North gate a private entrance was se
cured for the President.
The Senate met at noon, and the Vice
President elect took the oath of office, pre ;
ceeding it by a brief address.
At, about noon the President and his es
cort entered from the President's room,
and the whole multitude rose. After a
brief delay, a procession was formed and
marched to the East portico :
Arriving at the East portico, the Presi
dent elect took a seat provided for hint, and
the other distinguished persons filling the
whole vast platform had places assigned to
them. The President elect then advanced
to the front, and Chief Justice Chaseadmin
istered the oath of othee, which the Presi
dent pronounced in a clear, solemn voice,
as follows:
" I do solemnly swear that I will faith
fully execute the office of the President of
the United States, and will, to the best 01
m - ability, protect and defend the Consti
tution of the - United States."
The President then delivered his Inau
gural Address.
INALYJURAL ADDRESS
J elks 'ountryhten: At this second ap
pearing.to take the oath of the Presidential
office, there is less occasion for an extended
address than there was at the first. Then,
statements somewhat in detail, of a course to
be pursued secreted fitting and proper; now,
at the expiration of tour years, during
which public declarations ilaVe been con
stantly called firth on every point and
phase of the great contest which still ab
sorbs the attention and engrosses the en
ergies of the nation, little that is new could
be presented.
The progress of our arms, upon which all
else depends, is as well known to the public
as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably
satisfactory and encouraging with high
hope foithe future. No prediction in regard
to it is ventured on the occasion correspond
ing to this four years ago. All thoughts
were an.x Musty directed to an impending
civil war, all dreaded it, all sought to avert it.
While the inaugural address was being
delivered from this place, devoted altogether
to saving the Union without war, insurgent
agents were in the city seeking to destroy it
without war, seeking to dissolve the Union
and divide the effects by negotiation. Both
parties deprecated war, but one of them
would make war rather than let the nation
survive, and the other would accept war
rather than let it perish, and the war came.
One-eighth of the whole population were
colored slaves, not distributed generally
over the Union, but localized in tio south
ern part of it.
These slaves constituted a peculiar and
powerful interest. All knew that this interest
was some how the cause of the war. To
strengthen, perpetuate and extend, this
interest was the object Mr which the insur
gents would rend the Union even
by war, while the government claimed
no right to do more than to restrict
the territorial enlargment of it. Neither
party expected for the war the magnitude
on the duration which it has already at
tained, neither anticipated that the cause of
the conflict might cease even before the
conflict itself should cease.
Each looked for an easier triumph, and a
result less fundamental and astounding.
Both read the same Bible and pray to the
same God, and each invokes his aid against
the other. It may seem strange that any
man should dare to ask a just God's assist
ance in wringing their bread from the sweat
of other men's faces; but tel us judge not
that we be not
,judged; the prayers of both
could not be answered—that of neither hay
been answered fully.
The Almighty has his own purposes.
\Voe unto the world because of offences, for
it must needs be that offences come, but
woe to that inan by whom the offence
cometh. If we shall suppose that Ameri
can slavery is one of these offences winch,
in the Providence of God, must needscome,
but which, having continued through his
appointed time, li e now wills to remove,
and that He gives to bosh North and South
this terrible war as the woe due to those by
whom the offence came, shall we discern
therein any departure front those divine at
tributes which the believers in a living (rod
ascribe to flint?
Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray,
that this mighty st.ourge of war may speedi
ly pass away. Yet, if God will that it con
tinue, until ull the wealth piled by the
bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of
unrequitted toil shall be sunk, and until
every drop of blood drawn with the lash
shall be paid by another drawn with the
sword, as was said three thousand years
ago, so still it must be said, the judgments
of the Lord are true and righteous, alto
get her with inaliec, toward none, with
charity for all, with firmness in the right,
as God give us to see the right.
Let us strive on to finish the work we are
in, to bind up the nation's wound to care for
him who shall have borne the battle and for
his widow and his orphan to do all which
may achieve and cherish a just and a last
ing peace among ourselves and with all
nations.
The Wife-Killing Tragedy in New Haven.
Our readers will remember the affect
ing account, recently telegraphed from
New Haven, of the killing of a Mrs. S.
S. Hyde, the wife of a U. S. detective
officer, by her husband. The telegram
alleged that the killing was wholly
accidental ; that Hyde, coming home
late at night on the 14th of February
from the Provost Marshal's office, re
quested his wife to bring him some
cartridges—at the same time, as she
started to go, " the hammer of the
weapon slipped from his fingers," the
pistol exploded, and the ball pierc
ed the wife's heart! It was added
that the unfortunate woman "sprang
forward," exclaiming, " I am killed—
kiss me before I die !" No third person
was present, and the above version is
Hyde's. Subsequently Hyde was ar
rested on a charge of wilfully killing
his wife, and the preliminary justice's
hearing is now in progress—the case
having been postponed on Friday of last
week, to Thursday of this week. The
postponement was ordered at the request
of grand-juror Geo. F. Gardner, who
said he had important evidence to pro
duce : It was opposed, ineffectually, by
Mr. Doolittle, counsel forthedefendant.
The defendant's name is Squire S
Hyde.—Hartford Times.
Mr. Simmons, a sculptor, of Maine,
is now with Gen. Grant, at City Point,
engaged in taking sittings for a bust to
be executed finally in bronze.
Hon. Dan. Voorhees, of Indiana, has
signified his intention of resigning his
seat in Congress. He will resume the
practice of law in Terre Haute, Ind.
There is a Jew in Pittsburg who is so
honest and patriotic that he lately went
to the income tax assessorand paid him
$2,800 tax, though his name was not on
the assessor's books. Not very many
Yankees would do that,
Morals of the Republican Party.
The Hind of Rulers they Have Given
Us— A Most Disgraceful Scene—The
Vice President in a State of Beastly
Drunkenness at the Inauguration—He
Makes a Characteristic Speech.
The correspondent of the New York
Herald, a personage sufficiently men
dacious to praise Mr. Lincoln profusely,
and ready to go so far as to call his in
augural address eloquent, and all that,
gives the following account of the say
ings and doings of the Vice President at
the inauguration :
"While the Diplomatic Corps were
taking their seats in the Senate Cham
ber, Mr. Hamlin concluded his speech,
when Vice President elect Mr. Johnson
commenced his address, before he had
taken the oath of office. He had been
talking about five minutes when the
President entered the door from the
Senate lobby, at the right of the Clerk's
desk, escorted by Senators Hendricks
and Foster, Mr. Lincoln taking his seat
at the end of the Clerk's dek, near the
members of his Cabinet.
SPEECH OF ANDREW JOHNSON.
During all this time Andrew Johnson
—for such he simply was then, not hav
ing taken the oath of office ovould to
heaven that it could be said in behalf of
the country that he is still only Andrew
Johnson)—eoutinued his speech. Such
a speech. It might have been appro
priate at some hustings in Tennessee ;
but it certainly was far from being ap
propriate on this occasion. It was not
only a ninety-ninth rate stump speech,
but disgraceful in the extreme. He had
not proceeded far when Senators on the
republican side began to hang their
heads, sink down in their seats, look at
each other with significance, as much
as to say, " Is he crazy, or what is the
matter ?" They exhibited in every
feature great uneasiness. There was no
mistaking the fact that the Senators
were mortified in the extreme. The
democratic Senators leaned forward and
appeared to be chuckling with each
other over the figure made by the re
publican party through their Vice l'resi
dent elect. The foreign ministers
showed unmistakable signs of amaze
ment as the incoherent sentences came
from Mr. Johnson's lips. Republican
Senators moved around in their seats,
unable to sit still under the exhibtion
before them. Some of the Senators sat
sidewise, others turned their backs, as
if anxious to hide themselves.
Luckily for the members of the House
of Representatives they did not reach
the Senate until several minutes after
twelve, and they were not subjected to
but a small portion of this scene.
The speech was disconnected, the
sentences so incoherent that it is im
possible to give an accurate report of his
speech. As his sentences came up in
the reporters' gallery, the statements
that your President is a plebian—l am
a plebian, glory in it—Tennessee has
never gone out of the Union—l am go
ing to talk two minutes and a half on
that point-1 want you to hear me.
Tennessee always was loyal—we all de
rive our power from the people—Chief
Justice Chase is but a creature of the
people—l want you to hear me two min
utes on that point—you, Mr. Stanton,
Secretary of War, derive your authority
and power from the people. (" Who is
Secretary of the Navy?"—was then
heard, in a voice of less volume. Some
one responded Mr. Welles). You, Mr.
Welles, Secretary of the Navy, get your
power from the people. This was the
strain and tone of the whole speech,
mixed with a lecture to the Senate on
the action of the Senate on the rebel
lious States.
It was impossible to give a full report
sitting in the gallery. The constant
clatter of voices in the rear, declaring,
"Whatashame ;" "Has he no friends?"
"Is there no person who will have
mercy upon him ?" "Tell him to stop
and save the country further disgrace,"
were so numerous that it entirely pre
vented a full report being made. The
only full report was that of the official
reporters of the Globe. The Senators,
however, were so chagrined at the
speech that they notified the ("lobe re
porter to suppress his copy and wait
until Mr. Johnson could write out a
speech, that this affair might not go
before the world in that form. It is
charitable to say that his condition was
such that he was unfit to make aspeech.
He evidently did not shun Bourbon
county, Kentucky, on his way here.
Mr. Johnson finally concluded his
speech, whereupon Vice President
Hamlin administered to him the oath
of office. Mr. Hamlin read the oath by
sentences, and Mr. Johnson repeated it
after him. The effort of the Vice Presi
dent elect to go through with the form
of repeating the sentences as read by
Mr. Hamlin was painful in the ex
treme. He stumbled, stammered, re
peated portions of it several times over.
The moment that he concluded this
task Mr. Johnson turned to the audi
ence and commenced another speech,
giving to those assembled his idea of
the oath which he had just taken. He
had uttered but two or three sentences
when some of the officials standing
near him had the good sense to stop
him, he having already occupied some
nineteen minutes in his former speech,
and delayed the proceedings beyond all
usages. They were unwilling that they
should be any longer delayed by the in
coherent remarks of this new official.
It has heretofore been the custom to
close all speeches the moment that the
judges of the Supreme Court and diplo
matic corps reach the Senate Chamber.
Mr. Hamlin, in accordance with this
usage, closed his speech in time to give
Mr. Johnson sonic seven minutes to
make his remarks before the arrival of
the above dignitaries. But Mr. Johnson
did not appear to understand the usage
on such occasions, or else was not in
clined to follow them, for the diplomatic
gentlemen heard the bulk of his speech,
and, unfortunately, the worst part of it.
The moment that the new Vice Presi
dent had been silenced, Mr. Hamlin
declared the old Senate adjourned. Thus
expired the Senate of the Thirty-eighth
Congress, at fifteen minutes past twelve
o'clock.
HE CALLS THE SENATE To) ORDER
Mr. Johnson immediately called the
new Senate to order. The Clerk of the
Senate, John W. Forney, then read the
proclamation of the President enliven
ing the Senate in extraordinary session.
The newly elected Senators were ordered
to approach the Clerk's desk and take
the oath of office as their names were
announced. The following gentlemen
to this call stepped forward : Messrs.
Anthony, Fessenden, Cragin, Howard,
Yates, Norton, Guthrie and Lane, and
took the oath. Here Vice President
Johnson made another
12=
He stepped forward with the Bible,
held it out, and motioned to the new
Senators to touch the Bible s bow their
heads in assent, and then motioned
them away without repeating the oath
in any form. Most of the Senators left
the stand when the muddle was discov
ered. The Senators were recalled, and
Mr. Forney administered to them the
oath of office. By this time it became
apparent that some one besides Mr.
Johnson would have to conduct the
business of the Senate.
Without giving an opportunity for
any further disgracefnl scenes, Mr. For
ney announced that the procession
would then be formed to conduct the
President elect to the platform at the
east entrance of the building, where the
oath of office would be administered.
As he announced the order in which
they would form, the distinguished
guests fell into line. Ina moment more
the procession had disappeared from the
Senate Chamber.
CALLS FOR ANDY JOHNSON—NOT ABLE
TO COME TO TIME
After Mr. Lincoln had finished the
delivery of his inaugural, cries for Andy
Johnson next ensued. There was a
momentary delay, and then the Vice
President presented himself and waved
both hands. There were calls of
" speech," " speech," and some ap
plause when Andy appeared. He
rubbed his red face with his hands,
as if to clear up his ideas, but did not
succeed, and said nothing. A lane was
then opened through the crowd on the
platform, and the Presidential party re
tired into the Capitol, amid the thun
ders of the artillery in Capitol Square
and the music of the bands. The firing
of the salute began the moment the
President had taken the oath, and be
fore the salute was over the assemblage
began to disperse.
THE SENATE WAITS LONG FOR ANDY,
BUT HE COMES NOT
Upon entering the Capitol the Sen
ators returned to the Chamber, strag
gling in by ones and twos. The doors
and windows of the 'Capitol building
were thrown open,and the crowd inside
rushed out with as much disorder as
that which characteri4ed the rush from
the galleries as the procession left the
Senate for the platform. The Senators
gathered hi squads in different portions .
9f Vitc 11.A4, VaPlestly talkine, 9,w; ate
scenes which had transpired there be
fore they left for the platform. They
were evidently in no pleasant frame of
mind. They remained there for some
time for the return of the Vice Presi
dent, who, according to usage, would be
required to adjourn the body. They
waited in suspense for nearly an hour,
but Mr. Johnson did not make his ap
pearance. Finally the Senators slipped
out one by one and disappeared without
being adjourned. It is, therefore, sup
posed that legally the Senate is still in
session, although not one of the Senators
is in his seat.
Message of Governor Brown, of Georgia.
CHARLOTTE, Feb. 2,5, 1865.
The messa g e of Governor Brown com
mences with a defence of the State
against the attacks of the press for per
mitting Sherman to march unmolested
through the State. He says she was
abandoned to her fate and neglected by
the Confederate authorities, and while
her army of able bodied sons were held
for the defenceof other States, and were
denied the privilege ofstrikingan honest
blow for the protection of their homes,
Georgia was compelled to rely only up
on a few old men and boys. He claims
that the golden opportunity was thus
lost for Overthrowing Sherman. Had
he been resisted from the start, and forced
to fight and exhaust his annnu
mtion, his surrender would have
been certain. He recommends the es
tablish ment of :1 militia system, Co he in
no case turned over to th e Confr dm - ate
110 rernment, but retained for home de
fence. He says there are only fourteen
hundred exempts in the State, and most
of these are over age. He recommends
the passage of a law authorizing the im
pressment of provisions in the bands of
persons who refuse to sell their surplus
to the indigent families of soldiers. Ile
complains that Confederate agents can
look up the corn cribs and smoke houses
against the State purchasing agents. Ile
ferring to the penitentiary, lie says that
morethan hall the con riC(.l rrlecr.sed to light
hare since deserted. He recommends
the passage of a law prescribing the
penalty of death on conviction of rob
bery, horse stealing or burglary. lie
opposes the arming of the slaves, believ
ing them to be more valuable as agri
cultural laborers than they could he as
soldiers. They do not wish 'to go into
the army, and the principal restraint
now upon them is the fear that if they
leave the enemy Will make them light
and compel them to take up arms, :mil
they will desert by thousands. \V liat
ever may be our opinion of their nor
mal condition or interests, we cannot
expect them to perform deeds of hero
ism when fighting to continue the en
slavement of their wives and children,
and it is not reasonable to de
mand it of them. 'Whenever
we establish the fact that they are
a military people we destroy our
theory that they are unfit to be free.
- When we arm the slaves we abandon
slavery. He complains of the usurpa
tions of the Confederate Congress in
levying disproportionate taxation, and
says much of the most oldectionable
legislation is imposed upon the country
by votes of men who act without re
sponsibility to the constituency out of
the army. He takes the government to
task for a great variety of abuses, such
as illegal impressments, arrests of citi
zens without authority by provost guards
the passports system, and the partiality
of the government to men of wealth
who are given nominal positions which
keep them out of the army, while
poor men and boys are forced
into tile ranks. He animad
verts severely on the generalship of the
President, and traces his military career
during the war. He says :—(lar gov
ernment is now 0 military dispotisni
drifting into anarchy, and if the present
policy is persisted in it must terminal,
in reconstruction, with or without sulgu
['idiom Governor Brown states that he
is utterly opposed to both ; but if he
favored either he would givell is earnest
support to the policy of the President,
as the surest mode of diminishing our
armies, exhausting our resources, break
ing the spirit of our people and driving
them in despair to seek refuge from
worse tyranny by placing themselves
under a government they loath
and detest. For the cure of ex
isting evils he recommends the re
peal of the Conscription act, and a re
turn to the constitutional mode of rais
ing troops by requisitions upon the
States ; the observance of good faith
with the soldiers by paying them
' promptly ; the abandonment of impress
ments and secret sessions of ('ongress;
no more representation without a con
stituency; and, finally, taking from the
President his power as commander-in
chief. He calls for a convention of the
States to amend the constitution, and
close in the following language : " 111 y
destiny is linked with my country. If
we succeed, lam a freeman. If, by the
obstinacy and weakness of our rulers,
we fail, a common ruin awaits us all.
The night is dark, the tempest howls,
the ship is lashed with turbulent waves,
the helmsman is steering to the whirl
pool, yet our remonstrances are un
heeded. erns! TC812 , 1 11 hint, or the
crew must sink together and all be
buried in irretrievable ruin."
Important Measures Lost
The following is a list of some of the
most important measures whieh were
lost during the last hours of the session :
The bill regulating commerce between
the several states. This declared all
railroads post, routes, and had special
reference to the Delaware and Raritan
route ; the bills for the Illinois and
Niagara ship canals passed the ilouse,
but were lost in the Senate ; the bill to
authorize a com Mission to make a survey
of the same was lost ; the bankrupt hill
passed the House, was reportedon favor
ably in the Senate, but did not reach
any vote ; the miscellaneous appropria
tion bill, containing some twenty mil
lions of dollars, was lost by the refusal
of the Senate to adopt the House amend
ment prohibiting the trial of civilians
by military commission ; the bill reor
ganizing the Louisiana State govern
ment, originated in the Senate
and was lost there. The resolution
respecting the confiscation act, which
limited the forfeiture of the real estate
of the rebels to the lifetime of the own
er, passed both houses in different bills,
but failed to become a law because
neither bills passed both houses. The
bill recognizing the pay department of
the army. The bill for the relief of
contractors of iron-clad gunboats. The
bill for reconstruction of the rebel States.
Resolutions favoring the admission of
the Louisiana and Arkansas represent
atives. 'l'lle bill reducing the duty on
printing paper passed both branches,
went to the conference committee, but
was finally strangled to death in the
House. 'flue tax of one-half of one per
cent. on , sales passed the Senate, bur
failed in the House; the tax on cotton
passed the _House, but failed in Senate ;
the bill for increasing salaries of Gov
ernment civil employees, although ad
vocated by all the heads of departments,
failed in both louses.
The Civil Appropriation Bill.
The civil appropriation bill as origi
nally reported contained large appro
priations for the coast survey, light
house establishments, and other objects
Of'a miscellaneous character. This be
ing considered an " omnibus" bill, the
HouSe added new features, and the
Senate weighed it down with heavy
appropriations, including at least four
millions of dollars for reimbursing Mis
souri for the expense of calling out and
subsisting the state militia, and appro
priating seven or eight hundred thous
and dollars to repay the monies ad
vanced by Pennsylvania in calling out
her militia to assist in repelling the in
vasion of General Lee. The Senate
struck out of the bill a material amend
ment inserted at the instance of Mr.
Davis, of Maryland, namely:
That no person shall be tried by
court-martial or military commission
in any state or territory where the
courts of the United states are open,
except persons actually mustered and
commissioned, or appointed otherwise
by law, in the military or naval service,
or rebel enemies charged with being
spies.
When the disagreeing votes of the
two Houses were sent to a conference
committee, the managers compromised
all their differences, excepting the
amendment of Mr. Davis, which it was
proposed should be acted upon sepa
rately. Many of the members of the
House, however, preferred losing the
bill to surrendering the clause in ques
tion, and so, by dilatmt motions they
defeated it,