VOL. LIX INTELLIGENCER & LANCASTERIAN PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY, AT NO. 8 NORTH DUKE STREET, BY OEO. SANDERSON. TERMS. SUBSCRIPTION.—Two Dollars per annum, payable In ad vance. No subscription discontinued until all arreurages are paid, unless at the option of the Editor. ADVESTlMEMESTA.—Advertigetnenrs. not exceeding one square, (12. iluee.) will be inserted three times for one dollar, and twenty-five cents Tor each additional inser tion. Those of a greater length in proportion. • Jon PRINTING—Such an Hand Bills, Posters, Pamphlets. Blanks, Labels, &c., &c., executed with accuracy and at the shortest notice. THE PETTICOAT CATASTROPHE. .1 dreamed a dream the other night, When everything was hushed and still, Which made each hair stand straight with fright, Stiff as the porcupine's last quill. Methought that petticoats had grown To such a vast and monstrous size, That there was room for them alone— - - And none for man—beneath the skies. The beasts and every creeping thing Hid died. The flowers bloomed no more, The grass and tender herbs of Spring Wore withered on the desert shore ; Ten million leagues of crinoline Stretched over all like a funeral pall; And on the cold and cheerless scene The sun's warm rays could never fall. On Arrarat's cloud-curtained peak, The last man stood with pallid face, Sick, trembling, weary, worn and weak— Sad remnant of a smothering race. In vain—alas! poor man ! in vain— His footsteps sought that rest of old, For clouds of skirts soon filled the plain, And hid the mountain in their fold. Still bigger grew those spheres of white, Until they reached the summit high, And streamed above the wretched wight, Like snowy banners in the sky. The man looked o'er the precipice, "Make way for petticoats !" he cried, And plunging down the dark abyss, Made wuy for petticoats—and died. For the Intelligeneer TIIINK WELL BEFORE YOU SPEAK. BY JOSIAH F. PASSMORE. Think woll boforo you speak, To those who're poor and wretched; Think well, speak not in haste, But kindly, softly speak. Say not, begone you wretch ! Speak not in haste, I pray; Let not thy passions govern thee, 'But speak a kindly phrase. Heaven presses them with grief, And Heaven sees all our acts; And we like them may soon be forced, To bog our daily bread. Think well before you speak, To those unsound of mind, Do not make game of them, For fear of stern revenge. Close not your door against Those who would ask your help ; But ask them in, and kindly nurse, And feed them from your purse. Oh, load not grief-worn hearts, With more than they can bear, But kindly nurse and speak to them, And Heaven will be your share. THE MONTGOMERY AMENDMENT. DISCUSSION IN THE SENATE, Friday, April 2d, 1858, on the motion to non-con on the amendment of the House of Repro ' sentcliivhs to the bill to admit Kansas into the Remarks of Hon. William Bigler. MR. BIGLER. Mr. President, lam not prepared to vote on this question without first submitting a few remarks explanatory of the views which I entertain. Ido not intend to delay the Senate by an attempt at an argument, at length, against the lic t use amendment ; I shall be content to state,- very briefly, some of the points which I think involve conclusive objections to the measure. In the first place, the adoption of this amendment involves an utter and violent abandonment of the doctrine of non-inter vention. It presents the broad question, whether a doctrine which the party to which I belong have cherished ; a doctrine which is found in the organic law of Kan sas, and which was enunciated in the dem• ocrat platform at Cincinnati, is to be aban doned, and we are to look for some dither system of legislation with regard to the Territories. I had hoped, sir, when the wise men of the country, with Clay, and Webster, and Cass in the lead, presented and adopted this new node of settling the slavery ques tion--the enlarged and liberal doctrine that when the people of the Territories were prepared for admission as States, they should come in with or without slavery, as the constitution presented by them might provide at the time—it would have proven a finality. In the liberal doctrines maintained by the democratic party, that the peuple of the several States may go into the Territories with whatsoever prop erty they possess,including slaves,and when there, and when about to organize a gov ernment, preparatory to admission as a State, on terms of perfect equality with the other States, being left perfectly free not only as to the kind of government they will have, but as to the mode and manner of making it, I had hoped we were to find a simple and satisfactory solution of this unhappy difficulty which seems to arise on the application of each State for admission. When this doctrine was proclaimed it was at variance with and superseded the former practice of the government ; but it was one which commended itself to the judgment and patriotism of the people.— It was a proposition to settle the contro versy about slavery upou high principle— sacred principle ; a principle that was co extensive in its operation with the entire country, with all Territories we possessed then, or ever can possess, and as imperish able as the government itself,equal to every emergency that may arise. An essential . element in that doctrine is, that Congress shall not interfere with the domestic affairs of the Territories ; that as to the mode and manner of making a government, the peo ple of the Territories should be unrestrain ed; that Congress would decide only upon the question of admission under the obli gations of the constitution, and that would be on the single point whether the govern ment presented was republican in form, and not as to the mode of making the con stitutioving that-Ywork with the peo ple. I had hoped that we were about to wit ness a beautiful illustration of the wisdom of this doctrine, by the admission of two States, the one slave and the other free, under this principle. Thus its beauties would be illustrated and illuminated ; and I tell you, Mr. President, that, in my humble judgment, no act of Congress will, go further toward restoring those relations ! of fraternal feelings which in the 'younger and purer days of the republic existed be tween the people - of its extremties, than the consummation of such a work. Noth ing, in my humble judgment, would tend more to give peace to this great country; to promote its future progress and prosperity, to give prosperity and peace to the people of the various Territories. Sir, that is the doctrine of the democratic party, held by them because it is consistent with the con stitution—consistent with the true interests of this great country, and with the rights of all classes of the people, and all sec tions of the Union. Now, sir, I regard the House proposition as direct and violent intervention, because it proposes to discard what the people have done and to institute a new mode of pro ceeding. It proposes to set aside what the people of Kansas have done in the way of changing their government from a terri torial to a State form, and to prescribe to them how they shall proceed hereafter in making a government. I wish to mark the distinction between a case where the people of a Territory have not acted at all, and especially where a Territory may not, pos sess the usual population for a State where their powers have rested in obeyance, and where Congress volunteers to offer to those such an invitation to come into the Union. That we did in 1856 to the people of Kansas under the Toombs bill. They could hardly presume, with the population which they then possessed, that they would be admit ted as a State. Congress extended an in vitation to them, they having taken no proper legal action on the subject. It is different now. T:iey have acted ; they have presented themselves with a republi can form of government, which has come up to us through legal channels and regu lar steps. They have exercised the power which you gave them in the organic law, when you said their legislative power should extend over all the rightful sub jects of legislation, and that the people should be left perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way. But, Mr. President, if it were allowable on principle for Congress to remand to the people this government which they have sent here, and insist upon a revision of what they have done, I could not agree to the mode and manner prescribed in the House bill. The objections I make ought to be more specially unpleasant to those who have opposed the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution than to those who have favored it ; and why so ? Because the people are required to vote under a form which deprives the free-State party of a fair opportunity to exercise their will. In the early part of this discussion, much was made out of the form of voting presented by the Lecompton convention. It was said to be unfair. It was said that the elector, in order to vote for or against slavery, was bound to vote for or against the constitution ; that those, therefore, who were not for that constitution, had no opportunity of voting on the slavery ques tion. I do not care now to inquire whether that view was correct and allowable or not; but I do say that the presentation of the question, as proposed in this amendment, would be liable to quite as conclusive ob jections as the mode of voting prescribed by the Lecompton convention. What is the form ?- It reads thus :. At the said election the vote shall be by ballot, and by endorsing on his ballot, as each voter may please, for the constitution,' or against the consti tution.' " That form you perceive, sir, would not present to the people of Kansas the great question at issue there, the question which has agitated the country from one extrem ity to the other, to wit: whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave State. Slavery is in the constitution as it stands, and the question thus presented would be, whether they would have a slave State or no State at all. Those who desire it to be a free State would have no fair opportunity of carrying out their will. They are to be disfranchised on this vote. They can have no voice. Now, sir, if this measure is to be adopted, the form of voting ought to be such as would give those people - the oppor tunity of deciding, unembarrassed, the question , of slavery which has harassed them, from the first hour of their organiza tion. Look at the practical workings of the proposition. An elector presents him self at the polls who is in favor of slavery. He sees that his ballot must be for or against the constitution. He desires to vote for slavery, but he dislikes many fea tures of the co_stitution ; and he is driven from the polls. If a free-State man, on the other hand, makes his appearance, IL: encounters similar difficulties. He likes the constitution . and all its features, except that of slavery. He desires to adopt the constitution, but he cannot do that with out agreeing that Kansas shall be a slave State ; and he is disfranchised. Now, sir, if this proposition is to prevail, why put it in this shape ? Is it that there will be no alternative left to the free-State party but to vote the constitution down and to secure an endorsement of the opinions of those who have opposed the admission of the State? Is it to secure a rejection of the President's policy 1 If I were for this measure, I should not agree to present it in this shape. I certainly could not, if I had stood so peculiarly and tenaciously up to the rights of the free-State party in Kansas. The form should be "for the cons titu tion without slavery," or " for the constit ution with slavery," or " against the con stitution." This would have given all parties a fair opportunity of carrying out their will. But, sir, there are other features to which I wish to call attention. The first clause reads as follows : " That the State of Kansas be, and is hereby, admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever; but inas much as it is greatly disputed whether the constitu tion framed at Lecompton on the 7th day of Novem ber last, and now pending before Congress, was fairly made," 44c. It is a question whether the constitution was fairly made. What is the deduction 1 It must be that in some way or other the obligation rests upon Congress to know that the constitution is fairly made; that fraud and violence shall not prevail. Now, sir, I do not care to raise or debate that question of fact at present. Whatever might have been held heretofore under the former policy of the government, I cannot see how those who subscribe to the doctrine that the people should be left perfectly free to form and regulate their institutions in their own way, can investigate this ques tion of fairness and form. Is it maintained that we sanction the constitution by voting for the admission ? That is not my under standing. The government which the people send here we must take or reject. "THAT COUNTRY IS THE MOST PROSPEROUS WHIMS LABOR COMMANDS THE GREATEST REWARD." LANCASTER CITY, PA.. TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 13, 1858. I do not speak now of mere matters of form, but the vital features of the government. These we cannot touch. Is it otherwise held anywhere 1 I have not heard a senator allege that, by voting for the admission of Kansas, he necessarily sanctioned the con stitution, or vice versa. Now, sir, the poin t which I wish to make is this : if Congress has no right to touch the work of the people of Kansas—the government which they have sent here— what does it concern us that we inquire how that work was done 1 Here is a prop osition simply to inquire how it was done ; conceding that we have no power over the production itself. Not only that ; but while this constitution is to be sent bask on the assumption that it was not fairly made, what is proposed in addition 1 Why, sir, in case this constitution be voted down, the people of Kansas are authorized to elect delegates to constitute a new con vention ; they are to vote on thatconstitu tion, and then, if it be adopted, they be come a State by the proclamation of the President. Where is the guarantee that that new government will b 3 made fairly ? Where is the protection against fraud in that pro cess ? Who supervises that action ? If it is the duty of Con,ress, in the ease of the Le compton constitution, to see that it is fairly made, it is the duty of Congress in every other case. If it is the duty of Congress to inquire whether this constitution has been fairly made, it is an equal obligation not to give the opportunity of making anyconstitu tion unfairly. Here is a proposition to allow the people to wake a government, put it in operation, and admit it into the Union, without its ever making its appearance before Congress at all. I do not under stand how alleged frauds in this place can be claimed as reasons for returning this constitution, if we at the same time author ize the making of a State without any guarantee whatever as to how that power may be abused, without any protection against fraud, violence, and usurpation. Then, sir, there is another point, and that is the extraordinary proposition which make the President of the United States perform functions which the constitution, in express words, vests in Congress. Ido not speak now as to the government of Kansas that is before us ; that we have seen ; that constitution we have read ; that Congress knows to be republican ; that we may, on certain conditions, allow the Presi dent to announce admitted, and hold that the State is in the Union ; but it is to the other alternative—the right to make a constitution and State government, and put it into the Union by a proclamation of the President, without ever having it before Congress at all—that I object. Who knows that it will be a republican government? Who can guaranty that it will be admissi ble in form ? And if republican, may it not contain other features, making; it entirely unacceptable I Sir, I have not that meas ure of confidence in the men who would be likely to get hold of this government in Kansas just now. Who is satisfied that Gen. Lane would exercise power with mod eration? %Vho believes that if he control led a convention, he would not indulge the excesses of his feelings of prejudice against the southern States Sir, I should not be suprised l if a constit ution made in that way would emancipate the slaves that are in the Territory *and confiscate the property value in them. I should not be surprised if a constitution made in that way, without consulting Con gress, should attempt to interdict or em barrass the execution of the fugitive-slave law, or would set up 3ther issues with the federal authority ; and yet, whilst Congress might not seriously entertain the idea of admitting such a State, the President would be obliged to admit it by proclama tion. For you will notice that it gives the President no disilretion. The duty is imperative on him. When the facts are properly certified, he must announce that the State is in the Union, no matter how objectionable the constitution may be.— Here is State-making with a vengeance. Any measure of fraud may be practiced ; any extent of violence and usurpation in making the constitution ; and no matter how badly made, and yet the State must come in. The proposition is monstrous. Now, sir, the subject-matter of the bill is suggestive ; it presents a wide field for discussion. Ido not intend to pursue it this morning; but I could not persp.ade myself to vote quietly on this question. I know that there are certain very insidious features about this measure—features which can be used with great effect before the populace. It may be alleged that we have voted against a bill which was to give the people the right to vote on, their con stitution. That would be true, to some extent ; but I answer that I hold a still more liberal doctrine towards the people of Kansas; I hold that they can make a constitution in any way they please ; mak ing it according to law and in regular form. I would give to the people of Kan sas that measure of right which those whom I represent here exercises; they made a constitution twice through their delegates ; they have revised and amended that con stitution through the agency of a popular ratification. It was competent for the peo ple of Kansas to do the same thing; and if those in Kansas who claim to be adverse to this slavery article, who object most to this constitution, had exercised their high prerogative as freemen, probably we should have had no excitement on this occasion. But, sir, they did not perform the duty.— In June, when they might have decided the question of slavery by electing dele gates, they would not vote ; the "bogus laws" were in their way.. In October, when the question of slavery was not in volved, but when officers were at., stake, they did vote. In December following, when they had a direct vote on the ques tion of making Kansas a free or a slave State, they could not vote—it would not do to recognize the "bogus laws" and the "bogus convention." But a few days af terwards, when it was a question of gaining the local offices, they rushed to the polls and elected the officers under what they have termed the "Lecompton swindle."— There is the source of the trouble; and as this issue stands, the most that those on e other side can make out of it would be (taking their own ground) an issue between those who, through the forms of law, had abused to some extent, the right of suff rage, and those who had set themselves up against the use of that right; who had pre ferred other means ; who had not exercised the high functions of freemen under our laws and under our policy of government_ They avowed that determination, and they adhered to it. There may have been fraud, and there may have been usurpation, to some extent, on the one hand. The best that can be said for the other was that it presented matured, persistent, and stupen dous insubordination to the laws, if not rebellion to the government. Which of these alternatives shall we take? I shall not, for my part, cast a vote that will give success to those who have stood out per sistently against the laws. It may be said, and it is said, that this constitution is not agreeable to the ma jority of the people. Well, sir, I have searched in vain in the complicated history of legislation on tkis subject for the in stance in which that question was distinctly raised and discussed ! where it was claimed as a duty on the part of Congress to know that a majority of the people were for the form of government which they sent up to c'ongress. No such case could have arisen as to more than half the States heretofore admitted whose constitutions had not been submitted to popular vote. No such ques tion could have arisen in the case of the State of my venerable friend from Ken tucky, for that was declared in the Union a State before the form of government was made, not by the proclamation, I believe, but by act of Congress. That could not have been an ascertained fact in regard to Florida. No member of Congress, as I understand the history of that case, could have known whether the people preferred the constitution of Florida or not. Why not? I shall show. In 1838, the people of Florida held a convention, and made a constitution. They submitted it, it is true, to the ratification of the people, and, as I learn the history of it, a majority was only found by throwing out sertain districts on the ground of informality. That constitu tion was , sent up here. It was filed away in the archives of the Senate legislative department. There it lay, cobwebbed and dusted over, for six long years. When it became necessary to bring in lowa as a State, these musty papers were drawn from their solitude, and en them Florida was made a State. Who would say, that in the six years which intervened, there was not a large access of population to the Territory of Florida? There could have been no satisfactory evidence that the peo ple of Florida approved that constitution ; no man could have known that it imbodied their will. I only present these historical facts for the purpose of showing that the doctrine that Congress must know that a constitution imbodies the will of a majority of the people before we have the right in propriety to admit the State, is a new doc trine. But, Mr. President, I have spoken al ready much longer than I intended to do. I rose for the purpose of confining myself to a very few points. I trust we are near the close of this angry debate. For one, I am free to say to the Senate and to the country that I am tired of this topic of Kansas. lam tired of it in every sense. Especially am I weary of it, because I can see in it an element of growing mischief to this great, peaceful and happy country of ours. Why it is I know not ; but it would 'seem to be a dispensation of Providence that we are to have a very plague among us in the shape of this slavery question, living and growing as the nation advances ; spreading out yearly, overshadowing the whole country like some fatal upas, whose poisonous brandies shade the very extrem ities and deal poison and dea h as the sea sons roll by. I say, sir, that we are near the close of this debate, and with it I trust this feud will be put to rest forever—this strife which is so certainly and so con stantly poisoning the very channels of in tercourse between great divisions of this Union, severing the relations of the people who ought to be fraternal and affectionate, and abiding in a common faith. Sir, while I have my notions of this measure, I do not cherish them with the tenacity that some do. i desire, however, to make the admission of Kansas and Minnesota an ex emplification .of the truthfulness, of the equity and wisdom of the demo cratic policy that Congress shall no longer deal with this vexed question ; but that it shall be left to the people of the Territories to settle for theinselves ; and they shall quietly become States, with or without slavery, as_their government may provide at the time of admission. THE BROTHERS' DOOM. BY LIEUTENANT LITTLE It was a stormy night, and the execution er sat alone in his tenement in one of the gloomiest streets in Paris. All was dark ness without, save when a few lights twinkled in the shops of those who had not yet closed up for the night. The execution er, nicknamed " Bloody Tom," sat with his head bowed down upon his breast, apparently in a deep reverie. A lighted candle, upon a pine table, cast a faint, sickly glare around the room, and flickered now and then as the drafts of wind found their way into the apartment. The hail pattered furiously against the windows, and the wind howled mournfully without, shaking the casements, and making doleful music. The executioner shuddered, and his countenance turned a ghastly white, as he half raised his head, and gazed for a mo ment towards the window. The noise of the pattering hail seemed to him like the spirits of the dead knocking for admittance. And why so? inquires the reader. I will answer the question by a single word—conscience. And yet, not one of the citizens of Paris but would have ridiculed the idea that Bloody Tom had any conscience. He, who handled the axe for upwards of five years and had executed more than twenty differ ent individuals ! Besides, why should con science (providing he had any) reproach him for the bloody work which he did in obedience to the laws of the country? As I previously remarked, Tom had followed his gory occupation for upwards of five years, more from necessity than choice. At first, it is true, his hand trembled, and he experienced a few qualms of conscience, when swinging the axe over the head of his unfortunate victim. And when the work was completed, and he wiped his axe, red with the blood of an unfortunate fellow creature, perhaps a slight shudder, accom panied by a sickening sensation,would creep through his frame at the loathsome spectacle But, in the course of time, as he became accustomed to the business, Tom learned to look with calmness upon such scenes, and to handle his weapon without shrink ing. His eyes became familiarized to the sight of blood, and he thought no more of perfor ming his task than a butcher does in slaughtering an ox. The executioner could not say that he had any near relatives living. His father -BUCHANAN and mother had died when he was a mere child, and left him to struggle alone with the world. He had experienced for a long time, all the hardships of poverty, and this had somewhat hardened his heart against his fellow creatures. In his thirtieth year, he accepted the office of public executioner for the city of Paris, simply because he could find no other employment. Tom had a brother, but whether he was living then or was dead, he knew not. He had run away from home when a mere stripling, and had never been heard of since. Tom Jones remembered him as a curly-headed, mischief-loving little fellow, some years his junior. While he remained under his father's roof, Tom had always evinced a a strong attachment towards him, and had frequently saved him from many a beating by his father. When the mother of the two boys died, she left a golden locket of peculiar workmanship, containing her like ness, to William his younger brother, as a parting gift. This locket Tom had always been accustomed to see him wear, and when, in after years, he thought of his brother, it was always connected with his train of reflections. For a long time, the executioner sat in his chair, a victim to the most gloomy thoughts; then suddenly starting up, he paced the room with rapid strides, mutter ing : "'Tis strange—why do these dark thoughts haunt my brain to night ? A pre sentiment for which I cannot account.— Pshaw ! away with these reflections. lam a fool. I have done my task for fifteen years, and yet I shudder—heavens and earth ! why is that I shudder for the work in hand for to morrow, which is simply to knock off the head of this highwayman, this Warren, who, for the last five years, has created such a sensation on the road.— Good heavens ! what is there in that ? Have I not done such work as that for the last five years IL" The executioner Bat down and strove to calm his feelings, but in vain. The head less bodies of his twenty victims seemed to pass before his eyes He hid them in his hands, as though by so doing, he would shut oat the terrible vision. Gradually a drowsy feeling came over him, and he fell asleep,,aud had a frightful dream. There came before him an old, white haired man, with sunken cheeks and hollow eyes, who approached and glaring fearfully upon him, said : " You have blighted my happiness in this world, and 1 have come from the grave to reproach you. My son, my only son, the support of my old ago, was torn from me They accused him of crime, but he was in nocent. He was led to the scaffold, and you—yes you, cruel wretch, slaughtered him. But there is a day of judgment com ing, and you will have his blood to answer for." This '3 - vas said in a deep, sepulchral tone, and then uttering a wild cry of des pair, the old man left him. He had scarcely gone, when an old woman appear ed, carrying a bloody head under her arm, which the executioner instantly recognized as that of a young man whom he had execu ted many years before. The woman con tinued to advance, stroking the hair upon her head, and uttering the most painful moans. Suddenly she paused directly in front of the trembling executioner, and held the head up before him, saying in a plaintive tone : " Cruel wretch, see what you have done to my Jamie. Jamie was a good boy, and loved his poor mother. He worked very hard to support me, and placed his wages in my band with a smile that did my old heart good to see. And their when he went to bed, and had fallen asleep, I used to stoal into his room and look at him for hours. It did we good to see him rest af ter having worked so hard all day, and when I looked at the clock, I had to feel angry at hearing it tick so fast, for Jamie's,eake. But a hard time came. My4amie was accused of a crime, which I am sure he was innocent of, and led away to the scaffold, where he became your victim. 'I could not live without him, and so they laid me amongst the worms; but I managed to get up and come to se the vil lain who had so cruelly killed my son.— Wretch that you are, your time is coming," and with these words the old woman dis appeared with the head of her son. She had scarcely left when a girl of about seventeen, with wild glaring eyes, and a countenance of ghastly paleness, wearing a fantastic wreath of thorns around her head, rushed toward him shrieking : "Ha ! ha ! here you are—murderer ! rob ber! You robbed me of my darling Henry —you tore him from me—ybu killed him ! Yes, we were going to to get married in a week when you killed him. My bridal dress was all ready, and he had given me the ring—the wedding ring. Oh !it was horrible 3 they say he killed the gentleman, but I don't believe a word of it. They dragged him to the scaffold, and would not mind me when I told them not to do it.— Oh ! God of Heaven ! there goes his head See ! see ! it rolls at the feet of the execu tioner—at your feet—there ! there it is ! don't you see it ?-" and she pointed wildly, as she spoke, at the feet of the executioner, who felt a cold shudder creeping through his frame. "Justice ! justice ! oh, God !" shrieked the girl, in frantic accents, and then disappeared. The executioner, though he attempted to leave the spot, seemed transfixed by some invisible power. The sweat rolled in big drops down his face and bosom, while his mind appeared to undergo the most excruciating torture. Suddenly a procession of twenty headless figures, look ing as though they were fresh from the scaffold, passed slowly by him. The sight was a horrible one, and the executioner uttered a cry of terror. With that cry, he awoke. He rubbed his hands over his eyes, to assure himself that he had only been dreaming. A sigh of relief escaped him, as he gazed around the room and per ceiVed that such was the fact. The candle had long since expired in its socket ; but there was no more need of it, as the first grey light of dawn was streaming into the windows. •'lt is time that I was on the spot," said the executioner, glancing at the clock, "Warren is to die at eight."— With these words he arose and left the room, with a presentiment of evil, for which he could not account, upon his spirits. Within the suburbs of Paris, a scaffold had been erected for the execution of Warren, the daring highwayman. At an early hour, and despite the gloomy aspect of the weather, a number of spectators were assembled upon the scene, eager to witness the execution of so noted a character, who, it was rumored, had shot down the officers before he was captured. As the fatal hour approached, the excite ment became intense, and the mob swelled to thousands. At last, the prisoner was led forth upon the scaffold, as calm and collected as though nothing was going to happen. He was, truly, a handsome man, of about thirty years. His frame was moulded in lines of strength and grace, and his dark hair curled naturally about his finely formed head. Near him, and leaning upon his huge axe, stood " Bloody Tom," the executioner. He was as pale as death, and his hand trembled violently as he held the axe. A sickening sensation crept over him, for which he could not account, and he leaned heavily on his axe. The priso ner kneeled down, and placed his head upon the block, and then said, in a firm tone : 4c Strike !" The executioner nerved himself—lifted his heavy axe—struck the blow, and the head of his victim rolled at his feet ! A murmur of horror ruse up from the group below. As the executioner gazed upon the headless trunk of the rob ber,he beheld a golden chain dropping from its bosom. He stooped down, and, draw ing it out, perceived that a locket was at tached to it. Something in the style of its workmanship instantly attracted him. He looked at the miniature—it was that of his own mother ! " Good heavens ! can it be ?" he gasped —" can it be ? Yes, I now recollect that expression of the eye which so struck me a moment ago ! lam the executioner of my own brother !" And with these words, the wretched man sank senseless upon the scaffold!" • The executioner was soon restored to consciousness ; but, as recollection flashed back upon his mind, his whole frame shook with agony. He learned, soon after, that papers had been found on the person of the robber, proving his name to be William Jones, instead of Warren. A brain fever attacked the miserable man, which lasted some time, and when he recovered from its effects, he was entirely bereft of reason.— The idea that he had imbrued his bands in the blood of his only brother, and that brother the one to whom he had been so attached in early years, was enough to craze a much stronger mind than that of the executioner. He is now one of the inmates of a mad-house, in Paris, and is pointed out to the visitor as the executioner of his own brother.—N. Y. Mercury. THE BoY PREACHER.—Rev. J. B. Ful ler,of Missouri, the boy preacher, has, with in the last five weeks, delivered in Marion county fifty-four sermons, and been instru mental in the conversion of one hundred and forty-four persons. lie has been licensed to preach only about two months, during which time he has delivered up wards of fifty discourses, and two hundred and forty persons have been converted through his instrumentality. It is said that he never studies his sermons or makes any notes, and frequently does not select his text until he rises up in the pulpit to preach, and yet, it is said, no two of his discourses are alike, either in point of ar rangement or composition. He sneaks most eloquently, and uses the most chaste and beautiful language. Calls to preach at various points are daily pouring in upon him.—St. Louis Democrat. MARRIAGEABLE GrIRIS FOR CALIFOR NIA.—Miss Sarah Pellet, the reformer, has turned up again ; she proposes to for ward to California a consignment of five thousand marriageable girls from the New England States. They are to be consign ed to the various divisions of the Sons of Temperance, who arc to provide for their wants—hnsbands included. DIE COMIMG SITMAIER.-It is said that the Earl of Rosse, one of the first astron omers in Europe, has told a gentleman in England that he anticipates one of the most intensely hot summers this year that has ever been known, and he advises far mers to build sheds for their cattle, by way of protection against the extreme heat. CARDS. DE DIO V A L.--WILLIADI S. AMWEG, Atmrney at Law, has rraptvtsl his otlire from his former place into Sundt link:: .street, nearly opposite the Trinity Lutheran Ch u itch. apr 8 If 12 ~...AMUEL 11. REYNOLDS, Attorney at 0 Lao. attire, No. 14 North Doke street, opposite the Court House. may 5 tf 16 WELCH ENS & PRIGG, SURGEON DENTISTS.—Office, Krnipah's Buildings, second floor, North East corner of North and Orange erects, Lancaster, I's: inn 20 tf 1 W T. 111ePHAIL, ATTORNEY AT LAW, mar 31 ly 11 STRAS111:111i, Lancaster Co., Pa. DR. JOHN 11I'CALL A, DENTIST,--Office No. 4 East K ing street, Lancaster, l'a. ape 18 tt 13 NT EWTON LIGHTNER, ATTORNEY ,k 1 AT LAW, has his Office iu North Duke street, needy opposite the Court House. Lahcaster, apr 1 ti 11 A LDUS J. NEFF, Attorney at Law.-- ±l, Office with B. A. Slneffer. Esq., 'south-west corner of Centre Square. Lancaster. may 15, 'ssly 17 DEMOVAL.--WILLIAM B. FORDNEY, JUL Attorney' at Low, line removed his 0111, from North Queen street to the building in the south•enet curlier of Centre Square, formerly' kuuwu as Hubley's lintel. Lancaster, april 10 - LIDWARD 11.1 9 GOVERN, ATTORNEY AT LA W, No. 5 NORTH DCKE STREET—NEAR THE CoURT ❑OUSE. LANCA, , TER, l'A. apr 6 t fl 2 JESSE LANDIS, Attorney at Law.--Of lice one door east of Lechler's Hotel, East King street, Lancaster, Pa. tm. All kinds of Scrivening—such as writing Wllle. Deeds. Mortgages. Accounts. &r., will be attended to with correctness mud despatch. may 15 , '55 tf-17 WILLIAM WHITESIDE, SURGEON DEN'2I:I 4 T.-0111ce in North Queen street, 3cl door from Orange, and directly over Sprenger .4 Weethaeffer's Book Store. Lancaster, may 27, 1856. ly 16 JAMES BLACK, Attorney at Lavv.--Of tice in East King street, two doors e ist of I.,echler's Hotel. Lancaster, Pa. Ake - All business connected with his profession, and ell kinds of writing, such as preparing Deeds. Mortgages, Wills. Stating Accounts, Ac., promptly attended to. may 15. tf.l7 JOHN F. BRINTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW PHILADELPHIA, PA., lies removed hie office to his residence, No. 249 South 6th Street, above Spruce. Refers by permission to lion. H. G. Lo " A. L. HAYES, FERREE BEINTON, nov 24 lyr 45 " THADDEUS STEVENS. A LEXANDER HARRIS, Attorney nt A LAW. Office South Queen St., Wert side, near Vine St. REFERENCES: Governor James Pollock, Harrisburg. lion. Andrew G. Curtin, do. Lion. Joseph Casey. do. lion. Andrew Parker, Miftlintown. Hon. James M. Sellers, do. A. K. McClure, Esq., Chambersburg. apr i lyl2 CUMMING'S UNRIVALLED HAY STRAW AND FODDER CUTTER, Star Corn Sheller. Horse Powers, Threshers. Grain Fans, Root. Cutters, he., In large variety. BOAS, SPANGLER & CO., Seed and Implement Warehouse, fob 2 tf 3 627 Market st., billow 7th. SPICE 9, &c.--Cinnamon , Cloves, Sala- RATITS, BAKING SODA, URE TARTAR, NUT MEGS, Ire., For sale at THOMAS ELLMAKER'S . . Drug t Chemical Store, West Mpg street, Dancer. foto 9 tf 4 FARE AT PRIVATE SA_LE,..eiThe dub scribers will sell their FARM at private sale. Said Farm is situated in Martic township, Lancaster county, on the road leading from Manic Forge to McCall's Ferry, about 2 mites west of Rawlinsville, and contains about 72 acres, more or leas, the greater portion well fenced and Ma good state"( cultivation. The balance Is composed of young timber and sprout land and meadow bottom. The improvements UP a two-story Lox DWELLING DOUSE, SEE I E a now Frame Barn, and other out-building's.— There is a . 4ocsi Apple Orchard and other Fruit Trees. The Farm is well watered with a number of streams, and a Spring near the house. Terms will be made easy, and possession given on the let day of April, 1857. Any person wishing to Mew the premises will call on either of the subscribers, residing at Mount Nebo, one mile north-west of the property. WILLIAM ARMSTRONG, JOSEPH ENGLES. The subscriber svill also sell, at prl. rate sale a 11UUSE AND LOT in the village of Mount Ne bo. There are 3 ferea and 136 perches of hind In the lot, and the improvements are a two-story FRAME HOUSE, a Frame STABLE, and other out-buildings. There la an ex cellent spring of water on the Int, and the land Is well 1 . 00-e , l and in a good state of cultivation. Terms made easy. Apply to JOSEPH ENGLES. ang2s if 82 IRGINIA FARM FOR SALE..-IGREAT V INDUCEMENT Full CAPITALLSTS.—WIII be sold at private sale, the valuable Farm known as the" Wheatland Estate," containing 810 ACRES, situate in what la called the Hickory Level, Buckingham county, Va., 5 miles north of Maysville, the county seat, and 7 miles from Hard wiol.vilk—a bridge crossing the James river to the canal at this p ,int. About 000 acres are cleared, and al most level Land—the balance well timbered. The land is very productive, and celebrated for the growth of Wheat, Gull and Tobacco. It is also well watered. The improvements are a new, handsome and convenient DWELLING HOUSE, so situated on an elevation so to command a View of nearly the,, 7i whole estme—and the Barn and Out Houses are :111Ipla and convenien , ly located. There are good Orchards on the premises of Apple, Peach, Cherry and other trees.— I t is seldom that such au estate is offered, laying as It does in so intelligent and healthy neighborhood, convenient to markets, churches, he,, and so highly productive, and level in every portion as that all the imple ments of husbandry can be used to the very best ad vantage. If 1 sell, my object is to remove to a warmer climate. A large portion of the land cost me $4O per acre —but 1 will sell it, with the crop of Wheat from the sow• ing of 150 bushels, the entire stock, and 18 likely negi - oes, fur $40,000: or without the negroes, for $25,000. My ob ject for wishing to dispose of the slaves with the land, is to prevent the separation of families. , 1' ER )IS—Use third Cosh, (or in two or three months,) and the balance iu equal instalments of one, two and three years, with interest. Address the editor of the Lancaster Intelligencer, (GEO. SANDERSuN) Agent for It. L. Parressmt, Mt. Vince, Buck ingham county, Va. fob 13 tf 6 VAL U A 11.14 E FRANKLIN COUNTY FARMS FOR SALE.—The subscriber, living in Chambersbnrg, will sell his TWU FARMS In Guilford township, Franklin county, situate on the public road leading to tire...tie, about one and a half miles from Chambersburg. The,os farms ale in the highest state of cultivation and well improved, with running water through one of them and the other has a splendid spring. They are sold for want of time to attend to them. The one con tains I'2, acres and the other 166. Terms made known by the subscriber. These farms contain a good portion of timber. The attention of Lancaster C,unuty Farmers Is tuvited to therio farms, which are well worthy their atten lion. Laug 25 tf:33] WM. HEYSEIt, t . OTE OF THE BEST STORE STANDS IN THE CDUNTVI—The undersigned will lease for one or mere years, that hest of Store Stands, together with is Two Story Dwelling Ileums, adjoining the same, situate il) Centre Square, In the Borough of Mount Joy, Lancaster County, together with a Store House, and all appertaining to said Store and Dwelling. Possession will be given ou the first day of April next, (1857.) Persons desirous of renting will please call on the un dersigned residing in the city of Lancaster, Pa. _ • N. B. Should persona prefer buying to renting, they will be afforded an opportunity of either buying the same or any of the other properties owned by the undersigned In said Borough of Mt. Joy. S. 11. 2 tf 16 C IRCUL AR The true spirit of Pill LA vrinoll'i tenches us to study the pains and ilk of,uttering hu:eanity and attend to their daily WWI In this benighted age of monetary atralre, there Is noth ing that salutes us more frequently thou the cry of " !lard Times," •'What shall Idu to matte money 1" It is a true• axiom in domestic economy. that "a penny gaped is el penny calmed," and If we can dernonvtrate this practically to the community, we certainly claim to be, not only Philanthrimic, but the instrument for the difitribu thm of the great Panacea. that we hove discovered In the priucidle of MUTUAL l'ltitbiTti. ==l Ire lot, Fin e Thousand Donors, in umfol articitot, Mal tor will (104 ramie. in robe front Town/ yfit , r Corti to Pity istriarr. h, earl, persou prseu tiny our cerfilicule, duly num bered, every Friday. o every dollar you expend you hove n direct interest in the petit. Every tinie you buy ONE LW LI, AWS worth of goods, you be-ono a sr telt holder, and entitled by virtue of a car. ilicate, to s share of the profits In goods. E.alt person purchasing front us. goods to the value of one Dollar, and paying cash, will receive n ticket; when they receive three tickets, they can have them eschangcd for a certificate which will entitle the holder to a share in the profits in Goons. Each person purchasing goods to the value of Three Doh lars. and paying cash, will receive a certificate which will entitle the holdeg to a share of the profits in goods, and for every additional Three Dollars an hintra Certificate. The slinres of profit will range from '25 cents to $5O 10. Erero article :told mill be at the Imo's! market ralue—thus !tiring all 'Ara prufil to the customer. MUSLINS, CLOTHS. SILKS, VESTINGS, SHAWLS, HOSIERY, MERINOS. TICK INGS, SArrINETS, GLOVES, CALICOES, FLANNELS CASSIMEItS. GINGIIAMS. lIANDK'FS, EMIIDOIDEIII ES, MUS DE LAIN ES and every variety of new styles for Dresses, MOURNING GOODS, GAUNT LETT, and every variety of Collars, Laces and Edgings, new and desirable style of Dry Goods. WENTZ BROTHERS. East King street and Centre :quire. Marin REED, 111 cGR ANN, KELLY & CO, BANKERS, GRANITE BUILDING, NORTH QUEEN ST., LANCE, Will receive money on Uepoeit and pay interest thereon as follows: 5 per cent. for any length of titan. s,< t " for one year. Collections made in all parts of the United States. Money Kent to England, Ireland, Germany, France. &c. P/1.9.,1ge certificates for Mir from Liverpool to New York, or Lancaster. laod warrants and oncurront moony bought nod sold Spanish and Mexican dollars, old U. d. gold and silver comae bought at a premium. Special attention will be paid by G. K. Reed to the Nego tiation of Commercial paper, Stocks, Loans, and all market able securities in New York or Philadelphia. Our friends may rely upon promptness, and our personal attention to their interests in the transaction of any busi ness which may be intrusted to IN, and we hold ourselves individwdly liable, for all money Intrusted to our care. OEO. K. REED, RICHARD McGRANN, Sr., PATRICK KELLY, A. McCONOMY. joot VALUABLE BOOKS FOR THE PEO— PLE, AT THE CHEAP BOOK STORE.—Now is the time to buy cheap Books from a large andwell selected stock. the largest 5t , ...k of Books to be found baWeen Philadelphia and Pittsburg. It entbrarea a full variety nt choice Literature of every cloec of such as IIISTO- Itl ES, BIOGRAPHIES. TRAVELS. the POETS: MECHANICAL. THEOLOGICAL and MEDICAL WoRES; LAW BOOKS, ANNUALS, ALBUMS, FAMILY BIBLES in large quantities, HYMN and PRAYER BOOKS; SCHOOL BoOES of every possible variety in use; Station ery, in addition to a general miscellaneous stock compris ing everything in the Book line. The stock has been bought in quantities at the very lowest tralt.sale and city prices, and selected by those of long experiehce in the business, with caution and an eye to the wants of the people.— QUICK SALES AND SMALL PROFITS is our motto, for CASH cheaper than over at wholesale and retail. Every 0110 whe studies his erwn interest should call and 1..111 iI, the stork of the Cheap Book Store before purchas ing ebewhere. The time fur making our heavy Spring DDErDss.-s is near at hand, and from now until that time we 'Ater special Inducements in order to reduce the stock, which will enable as to buy in larger quantities and conse quently at lower rates. Those desiring to Improve their Libraries by making valuable literary accessions ate very Spoil] now is the time to do It from the extensive stock of selected standard Books at the Cheap Book Store of MURRAY, YOUNG It CO. tf 9 STATES' UNION HOTEL .-- NO. 200 1.1 Market street, above 6th street, Philadelphia, Pa.— The undersigned, late of the American House, Columbia, Penn‘., takes pleasure In Informing his friends, and the public generally, that he has taken the above well-known and popular HOUSE, (long known as the Red Lion hotel,) which he has tilled up with entirely New Furniture and Bedding of a superior quality. The house has also been renovated and impro ved in a manner which will compare favorably with any of the Hotels in the City, and cannot fall to hive satisfac tion to those who may patronise this establishnient. The TABLE will always be supplied with the choicest Provisions the market affords; and the Bar with the PU REST AND BEST LIQUORS. Nothing shall be left undone to make his Guests comfortable, and he Setters himself that by strict attention to bust nose, he will merit and re colon a liberal share of public patronage... . . may 22 tf.lB TOFARMERS.--Having been appoint.- 1 ed by Messrs. Allen & Needles agents in Lancaster for the sale of their celebrated SUPER PHOSPHATE OF LIME, we would call the attention of Fanners to this Fertilizer, it being superior to all others; and from tho testimony of those who have used It for some years past, we feel author ized in saying it is the bed application for Corn, Oats, Wheat, Grass and other crops which require a vigorous and permanent stimulant, that has ever been offered to the public. Apply to CEO. CALDER & CO., East Orange street, 2d door from North Queen st., and at Graeff's Landing on the Conestoga. WOOD. --Hickory, Oak and Pine Wood of the beet quality, for sale by GEORGE CALDEIt & CO., Office East Orange street, 2d doosfrom North Queen, and at Oradea Landing on the Conestoga. fju 20 tf 24 TITHY LABOR SO HARD . WHEN Vy WASHING? I have a chemical process for cleaning clothing by the use of which the clothes can be washed very clean without boiling, and with very little rubbing. By this method much hard labor can be Bayed; the washing' can be done in half the tsme, and the clothes are very white and clean, and last much longer, •fot they are not worn by rubbing as by the old way of washing by , machines &c.— The articles need cost but little, and are easy to obtain. I mail tha receipt to order, postage paid, upon nmaipt of 59, cents; three cent postage stamps good se mons7, Addreo6 -. ' • •'/Yl. Thatipore ,c4y, jan 123 m 62 NO. 13 Ml= G. W. HINKLE, Proprietor
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers