VOL. LIX
INTELLIGENCER & LANCASTERIAN
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THE PETTICOAT CATASTROPHE.
.1 dreamed a dream the other night,
When everything was hushed and still,
Which made each hair stand straight with fright,
Stiff as the porcupine's last quill.
Methought that petticoats had grown
To such a vast and monstrous size,
That there was room for them alone— - -
And none for man—beneath the skies.
The beasts and every creeping thing
Hid died. The flowers bloomed no more,
The grass and tender herbs of Spring
Wore withered on the desert shore ;
Ten million leagues of crinoline
Stretched over all like a funeral pall;
And on the cold and cheerless scene
The sun's warm rays could never fall.
On Arrarat's cloud-curtained peak,
The last man stood with pallid face,
Sick, trembling, weary, worn and weak—
Sad remnant of a smothering race.
In vain—alas! poor man ! in vain—
His footsteps sought that rest of old,
For clouds of skirts soon filled the plain,
And hid the mountain in their fold.
Still bigger grew those spheres of white,
Until they reached the summit high,
And streamed above the wretched wight,
Like snowy banners in the sky.
The man looked o'er the precipice,
"Make way for petticoats !" he cried,
And plunging down the dark abyss,
Made wuy for petticoats—and died.
For the Intelligeneer
TIIINK WELL BEFORE YOU SPEAK.
BY JOSIAH F. PASSMORE.
Think woll boforo you speak,
To those who're poor and wretched;
Think well, speak not in haste,
But kindly, softly speak.
Say not, begone you wretch !
Speak not in haste, I pray;
Let not thy passions govern thee,
'But speak a kindly phrase.
Heaven presses them with grief,
And Heaven sees all our acts;
And we like them may soon be forced,
To bog our daily bread.
Think well before you speak,
To those unsound of mind,
Do not make game of them,
For fear of stern revenge.
Close not your door against
Those who would ask your help ;
But ask them in, and kindly nurse,
And feed them from your purse.
Oh, load not grief-worn hearts,
With more than they can bear,
But kindly nurse and speak to them,
And Heaven will be your share.
THE MONTGOMERY AMENDMENT.
DISCUSSION IN THE SENATE,
Friday, April 2d, 1858, on the motion to non-con
on the amendment of the House of Repro
' sentcliivhs to the bill to admit Kansas into the
Remarks of Hon. William Bigler.
MR. BIGLER. Mr. President, lam not
prepared to vote on this question without
first submitting a few remarks explanatory
of the views which I entertain. Ido not
intend to delay the Senate by an attempt
at an argument, at length, against the
lic t use amendment ; I shall be content to
state,- very briefly, some of the points
which I think involve conclusive objections
to the measure.
In the first place, the adoption of this
amendment involves an utter and violent
abandonment of the doctrine of non-inter
vention. It presents the broad question,
whether a doctrine which the party to
which I belong have cherished ; a doctrine
which is found in the organic law of Kan
sas, and which was enunciated in the dem•
ocrat platform at Cincinnati, is to be aban
doned, and we are to look for some dither
system of legislation with regard to the
Territories.
I had hoped, sir, when the wise men of
the country, with Clay, and Webster, and
Cass in the lead, presented and adopted
this new node of settling the slavery ques
tion--the enlarged and liberal doctrine
that when the people of the Territories
were prepared for admission as States, they
should come in with or without slavery,
as the constitution presented by them
might provide at the time—it would have
proven a finality. In the liberal doctrines
maintained by the democratic party, that
the peuple of the several States may go
into the Territories with whatsoever prop
erty they possess,including slaves,and when
there, and when about to organize a gov
ernment, preparatory to admission as a
State, on terms of perfect equality with
the other States, being left perfectly free
not only as to the kind of government they
will have, but as to the mode and manner
of making it, I had hoped we were to find
a simple and satisfactory solution of this
unhappy difficulty which seems to arise on
the application of each State for admission.
When this doctrine was proclaimed it
was at variance with and superseded the
former practice of the government ; but it
was one which commended itself to the
judgment and patriotism of the people.—
It was a proposition to settle the contro
versy about slavery upou high principle—
sacred principle ; a principle that was co
extensive in its operation with the entire
country, with all Territories we possessed
then, or ever can possess, and as imperish
able as the government itself,equal to every
emergency that may arise. An essential .
element in that doctrine is, that Congress
shall not interfere with the domestic affairs
of the Territories ; that as to the mode and
manner of making a government, the peo
ple of the Territories should be unrestrain
ed; that Congress would decide only upon
the question of admission under the obli
gations of the constitution, and that would
be on the single point whether the govern
ment presented was republican in form,
and not as to the mode of making the con
stitutioving that-Ywork with the peo
ple.
I had hoped that we were about to wit
ness a beautiful illustration of the wisdom
of this doctrine, by the admission of two
States, the one slave and the other free,
under this principle. Thus its beauties
would be illustrated and illuminated ; and
I tell you, Mr. President, that, in my
humble judgment, no act of Congress will,
go further toward restoring those relations !
of fraternal feelings which in the 'younger
and purer days of the republic existed be
tween the people - of its extremties, than
the consummation of such a work. Noth
ing, in my humble judgment, would tend
more to give peace to this great country; to
promote its future progress and prosperity,
to give prosperity and peace to the people
of the various Territories. Sir, that is the
doctrine of the democratic party, held by
them because it is consistent with the con
stitution—consistent with the true interests
of this great country, and with the rights
of all classes of the people, and all sec
tions of the Union.
Now, sir, I regard the House proposition
as direct and violent intervention, because
it proposes to discard what the people have
done and to institute a new mode of pro
ceeding. It proposes to set aside what
the people of Kansas have done in the way
of changing their government from a terri
torial to a State form, and to prescribe to
them how they shall proceed hereafter in
making a government. I wish to mark the
distinction between a case where the people
of a Territory have not acted at all, and
especially where a Territory may not, pos
sess the usual population for a State where
their powers have rested in obeyance, and
where Congress volunteers to offer to those
such an invitation to come into the Union.
That we did in 1856 to the people of Kansas
under the Toombs bill. They could hardly
presume, with the population which they
then possessed, that they would be admit
ted as a State. Congress extended an in
vitation to them, they having taken no
proper legal action on the subject. It is
different now. T:iey have acted ; they
have presented themselves with a republi
can form of government, which has come
up to us through legal channels and regu
lar steps. They have exercised the power
which you gave them in the organic law,
when you said their legislative power
should extend over all the rightful sub
jects of legislation, and that the people
should be left perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way.
But, Mr. President, if it were allowable
on principle for Congress to remand to the
people this government which they have
sent here, and insist upon a revision of
what they have done, I could not agree to
the mode and manner prescribed in the
House bill. The objections I make ought
to be more specially unpleasant to those
who have opposed the admission of Kansas
under the Lecompton constitution than to
those who have favored it ; and why so ?
Because the people are required to vote
under a form which deprives the free-State
party of a fair opportunity to exercise their
will. In the early part of this discussion,
much was made out of the form of voting
presented by the Lecompton convention.
It was said to be unfair. It was said that
the elector, in order to vote for or against
slavery, was bound to vote for or against
the constitution ; that those, therefore,
who were not for that constitution, had no
opportunity of voting on the slavery ques
tion. I do not care now to inquire whether
that view was correct and allowable or not;
but I do say that the presentation of the
question, as proposed in this amendment,
would be liable to quite as conclusive ob
jections as the mode of voting prescribed
by the Lecompton convention. What is
the form ?- It reads thus :.
At the said election the vote shall be by ballot,
and by endorsing on his ballot, as each voter may
please, for the constitution,' or against the consti
tution.' "
That form you perceive, sir, would not
present to the people of Kansas the great
question at issue there, the question which
has agitated the country from one extrem
ity to the other, to wit: whether Kansas
shall be a free or a slave State. Slavery
is in the constitution as it stands, and the
question thus presented would be, whether
they would have a slave State or no State
at all. Those who desire it to be a free
State would have no fair opportunity of
carrying out their will. They are to be
disfranchised on this vote. They can have
no voice. Now, sir, if this measure is to
be adopted, the form of voting ought to be
such as would give those people - the oppor
tunity of deciding, unembarrassed, the
question , of slavery which has harassed
them, from the first hour of their organiza
tion. Look at the practical workings of
the proposition. An elector presents him
self at the polls who is in favor of slavery.
He sees that his ballot must be for or
against the constitution. He desires to
vote for slavery, but he dislikes many fea
tures of the co_stitution ; and he is driven
from the polls. If a free-State man, on
the other hand, makes his appearance, IL:
encounters similar difficulties. He likes the
constitution . and all its features, except
that of slavery. He desires to adopt the
constitution, but he cannot do that with
out agreeing that Kansas shall be a slave
State ; and he is disfranchised. Now, sir,
if this proposition is to prevail, why put it
in this shape ? Is it that there will be no
alternative left to the free-State party but
to vote the constitution down and to secure
an endorsement of the opinions of those
who have opposed the admission of the
State? Is it to secure a rejection of the
President's policy 1 If I were for this
measure, I should not agree to present it
in this shape. I certainly could not, if I
had stood so peculiarly and tenaciously up
to the rights of the free-State party in
Kansas.
The form should be "for the cons titu
tion without slavery," or " for the constit
ution with slavery," or " against the con
stitution." This would have given all
parties a fair opportunity of carrying out
their will.
But, sir, there are other features to
which I wish to call attention. The first
clause reads as follows :
" That the State of Kansas be, and is hereby,
admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the
original States, in all respects whatever; but inas
much as it is greatly disputed whether the constitu
tion framed at Lecompton on the 7th day of Novem
ber last, and now pending before Congress, was fairly
made," 44c.
It is a question whether the constitution
was fairly made. What is the deduction 1
It must be that in some way or other the
obligation rests upon Congress to know
that the constitution is fairly made; that
fraud and violence shall not prevail. Now,
sir, I do not care to raise or debate that
question of fact at present. Whatever
might have been held heretofore under the
former policy of the government, I cannot
see how those who subscribe to the doctrine
that the people should be left perfectly
free to form and regulate their institutions
in their own way, can investigate this ques
tion of fairness and form. Is it maintained
that we sanction the constitution by voting
for the admission ? That is not my under
standing. The government which the
people send here we must take or reject.
"THAT COUNTRY IS THE MOST PROSPEROUS WHIMS LABOR COMMANDS THE GREATEST REWARD."
LANCASTER CITY, PA.. TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 13, 1858.
I do not speak now of mere matters of form,
but the vital features of the government.
These we cannot touch. Is it otherwise
held anywhere 1 I have not heard a senator
allege that, by voting for the admission of
Kansas, he necessarily sanctioned the con
stitution, or vice versa.
Now, sir, the poin t which I wish to make
is this : if Congress has no right to touch
the work of the people of Kansas—the
government which they have sent here—
what does it concern us that we inquire
how that work was done 1 Here is a prop
osition simply to inquire how it was done ;
conceding that we have no power over the
production itself. Not only that ; but
while this constitution is to be sent bask
on the assumption that it was not fairly
made, what is proposed in addition 1 Why,
sir, in case this constitution be voted
down, the people of Kansas are authorized
to elect delegates to constitute a new con
vention ; they are to vote on thatconstitu
tion, and then, if it be adopted, they be
come a State by the proclamation of the
President.
Where is the guarantee that that new
government will b 3 made fairly ? Where
is the protection against fraud in that pro
cess ? Who supervises that action ? If it is
the duty of Con,ress, in the ease of the Le
compton constitution, to see that it is fairly
made, it is the duty of Congress in every
other case. If it is the duty of Congress to
inquire whether this constitution has been
fairly made, it is an equal obligation not to
give the opportunity of making anyconstitu
tion unfairly. Here is a proposition to allow
the people to wake a government, put it
in operation, and admit it into the Union,
without its ever making its appearance
before Congress at all. I do not under
stand how alleged frauds in this place can
be claimed as reasons for returning this
constitution, if we at the same time author
ize the making of a State without any
guarantee whatever as to how that power
may be abused, without any protection
against fraud, violence, and usurpation.
Then, sir, there is another point, and
that is the extraordinary proposition which
make the President of the United States
perform functions which the constitution,
in express words, vests in Congress. Ido
not speak now as to the government of
Kansas that is before us ; that we have
seen ; that constitution we have read ; that
Congress knows to be republican ; that we
may, on certain conditions, allow the Presi
dent to announce admitted, and hold that
the State is in the Union ; but it is to the
other alternative—the right to make a
constitution and State government, and
put it into the Union by a proclamation of
the President, without ever having it before
Congress at all—that I object. Who knows
that it will be a republican government?
Who can guaranty that it will be admissi
ble in form ? And if republican, may it not
contain other features, making; it entirely
unacceptable I Sir, I have not that meas
ure of confidence in the men who would be
likely to get hold of this government in
Kansas just now. Who is satisfied that
Gen. Lane would exercise power with mod
eration? %Vho believes that if he control
led a convention, he would not indulge the
excesses of his feelings of prejudice against
the southern States
Sir, I should not be suprised l if a constit
ution made in that way would emancipate
the slaves that are in the Territory *and
confiscate the property value in them. I
should not be surprised if a constitution
made in that way, without consulting Con
gress, should attempt to interdict or em
barrass the execution of the fugitive-slave
law, or would set up 3ther issues with the
federal authority ; and yet, whilst Congress
might not seriously entertain the idea of
admitting such a State, the President
would be obliged to admit it by proclama
tion. For you will notice that it gives
the President no disilretion. The duty is
imperative on him. When the facts are
properly certified, he must announce that
the State is in the Union, no matter how
objectionable the constitution may be.—
Here is State-making with a vengeance.
Any measure of fraud may be practiced ;
any extent of violence and usurpation in
making the constitution ; and no matter
how badly made, and yet the State must
come in. The proposition is monstrous.
Now, sir, the subject-matter of the bill
is suggestive ; it presents a wide field for
discussion. Ido not intend to pursue it
this morning; but I could not persp.ade
myself to vote quietly on this question. I
know that there are certain very insidious
features about this measure—features
which can be used with great effect before
the populace. It may be alleged that we
have voted against a bill which was to give
the people the right to vote on, their con
stitution. That would be true, to some
extent ; but I answer that I hold a still
more liberal doctrine towards the people
of Kansas; I hold that they can make a
constitution in any way they please ; mak
ing it according to law and in regular
form. I would give to the people of Kan
sas that measure of right which those whom
I represent here exercises; they made a
constitution twice through their delegates ;
they have revised and amended that con
stitution through the agency of a popular
ratification. It was competent for the peo
ple of Kansas to do the same thing; and
if those in Kansas who claim to be adverse
to this slavery article, who object most to
this constitution, had exercised their high
prerogative as freemen, probably we should
have had no excitement on this occasion.
But, sir, they did not perform the duty.—
In June, when they might have decided
the question of slavery by electing dele
gates, they would not vote ; the "bogus
laws" were in their way.. In October,
when the question of slavery was not in
volved, but when officers were at., stake,
they did vote. In December following,
when they had a direct vote on the ques
tion of making Kansas a free or a slave
State, they could not vote—it would not
do to recognize the "bogus laws" and the
"bogus convention." But a few days af
terwards, when it was a question of gaining
the local offices, they rushed to the polls
and elected the officers under what they
have termed the "Lecompton swindle."—
There is the source of the trouble; and as
this issue stands, the most that those on
e other side can make out of it would be
(taking their own ground) an issue between
those who, through the forms of law, had
abused to some extent, the right of suff
rage, and those who had set themselves up
against the use of that right; who had pre
ferred other means ; who had not exercised
the high functions of freemen under our
laws and under our policy of government_
They avowed that determination, and they
adhered to it. There may have been fraud,
and there may have been usurpation, to
some extent, on the one hand. The best
that can be said for the other was that it
presented matured, persistent, and stupen
dous insubordination to the laws, if not
rebellion to the government. Which of
these alternatives shall we take? I shall
not, for my part, cast a vote that will give
success to those who have stood out per
sistently against the laws.
It may be said, and it is said, that this
constitution is not agreeable to the ma
jority of the people. Well, sir, I have
searched in vain in the complicated history
of legislation on tkis subject for the in
stance in which that question was distinctly
raised and discussed ! where it was claimed
as a duty on the part of Congress to know
that a majority of the people were for the
form of government which they sent up to
c'ongress. No such case could have arisen
as to more than half the States heretofore
admitted whose constitutions had not been
submitted to popular vote. No such ques
tion could have arisen in the case of the
State of my venerable friend from Ken
tucky, for that was declared in the Union
a State before the form of government was
made, not by the proclamation, I believe,
but by act of Congress. That could not
have been an ascertained fact in regard to
Florida. No member of Congress, as I
understand the history of that case, could
have known whether the people preferred
the constitution of Florida or not. Why
not? I shall show. In 1838, the people
of Florida held a convention, and made a
constitution. They submitted it, it is true,
to the ratification of the people, and, as I
learn the history of it, a majority was only
found by throwing out sertain districts on
the ground of informality. That constitu
tion was , sent up here. It was filed away
in the archives of the Senate legislative
department. There it lay, cobwebbed and
dusted over, for six long years. When it
became necessary to bring in lowa as a
State, these musty papers were drawn from
their solitude, and en them Florida was
made a State. Who would say, that in
the six years which intervened, there was
not a large access of population to the
Territory of Florida? There could have
been no satisfactory evidence that the peo
ple of Florida approved that constitution ;
no man could have known that it imbodied
their will. I only present these historical
facts for the purpose of showing that the
doctrine that Congress must know that a
constitution imbodies the will of a majority
of the people before we have the right in
propriety to admit the State, is a new doc
trine.
But, Mr. President, I have spoken al
ready much longer than I intended to do.
I rose for the purpose of confining myself
to a very few points. I trust we are near
the close of this angry debate. For one,
I am free to say to the Senate and to the
country that I am tired of this topic of
Kansas. lam tired of it in every sense.
Especially am I weary of it, because I can
see in it an element of growing mischief to
this great, peaceful and happy country of
ours. Why it is I know not ; but it would
'seem to be a dispensation of Providence
that we are to have a very plague among
us in the shape of this slavery question,
living and growing as the nation advances ;
spreading out yearly, overshadowing the
whole country like some fatal upas, whose
poisonous brandies shade the very extrem
ities and deal poison and dea h as the sea
sons roll by. I say, sir, that we are near
the close of this debate, and with it I trust
this feud will be put to rest forever—this
strife which is so certainly and so con
stantly poisoning the very channels of in
tercourse between great divisions of this
Union, severing the relations of the people
who ought to be fraternal and affectionate,
and abiding in a common faith. Sir, while
I have my notions of this measure, I do
not cherish them with the tenacity that
some do. i desire, however, to make the
admission of Kansas and Minnesota an ex
emplification .of the truthfulness, of the
equity and wisdom of the demo
cratic policy that Congress shall no longer
deal with this vexed question ; but that it
shall be left to the people of the Territories
to settle for theinselves ; and they shall
quietly become States, with or without
slavery, as_their government may provide
at the time of admission.
THE BROTHERS' DOOM.
BY LIEUTENANT LITTLE
It was a stormy night, and the execution
er sat alone in his tenement in one of the
gloomiest streets in Paris. All was dark
ness without, save when a few lights
twinkled in the shops of those who had not
yet closed up for the night. The execution
er, nicknamed " Bloody Tom," sat with
his head bowed down upon his breast,
apparently in a deep reverie. A lighted
candle, upon a pine table, cast a faint,
sickly glare around the room, and flickered
now and then as the drafts of wind found
their way into the apartment. The hail
pattered furiously against the windows,
and the wind howled mournfully without,
shaking the casements, and making doleful
music. The executioner shuddered, and his
countenance turned a ghastly white, as he
half raised his head, and gazed for a mo
ment towards the window. The noise of the
pattering hail seemed to him like the spirits
of the dead knocking for admittance. And
why so? inquires the reader. I will answer
the question by a single word—conscience.
And yet, not one of the citizens of Paris
but would have ridiculed the idea that
Bloody Tom had any conscience. He, who
handled the axe for upwards of five years
and had executed more than twenty differ
ent individuals ! Besides, why should con
science (providing he had any) reproach
him for the bloody work which he did in
obedience to the laws of the country? As
I previously remarked, Tom had followed
his gory occupation for upwards of five
years, more from necessity than choice.
At first, it is true, his hand trembled, and
he experienced a few qualms of conscience,
when swinging the axe over the head of his
unfortunate victim. And when the work
was completed, and he wiped his axe, red
with the blood of an unfortunate fellow
creature, perhaps a slight shudder, accom
panied by a sickening sensation,would creep
through his frame at the loathsome spectacle
But, in the course of time, as he became
accustomed to the business, Tom learned
to look with calmness upon such scenes,
and to handle his weapon without shrink
ing.
His eyes became familiarized to the sight
of blood, and he thought no more of perfor
ming his task than a butcher does in
slaughtering an ox.
The executioner could not say that he
had any near relatives living. His father
-BUCHANAN
and mother had died when he was a mere
child, and left him to struggle alone with
the world. He had experienced for a long
time, all the hardships of poverty, and this
had somewhat hardened his heart against
his fellow creatures. In his thirtieth year,
he accepted the office of public executioner
for the city of Paris, simply because he
could find no other employment. Tom had
a brother, but whether he was living then
or was dead, he knew not. He had run
away from home when a mere stripling,
and had never been heard of since. Tom
Jones remembered him as a curly-headed,
mischief-loving little fellow, some years his
junior. While he remained under his
father's roof, Tom had always evinced a
a strong attachment towards him, and had
frequently saved him from many a beating
by his father. When the mother of the
two boys died, she left a golden locket of
peculiar workmanship, containing her like
ness, to William his younger brother, as a
parting gift. This locket Tom had always
been accustomed to see him wear, and
when, in after years, he thought of his
brother, it was always connected with his
train of reflections.
For a long time, the executioner sat in
his chair, a victim to the most gloomy
thoughts; then suddenly starting up, he
paced the room with rapid strides, mutter
ing :
"'Tis strange—why do these dark
thoughts haunt my brain to night ? A pre
sentiment for which I cannot account.—
Pshaw ! away with these reflections. lam a
fool. I have done my task for fifteen years,
and yet I shudder—heavens and earth !
why is that I shudder for the work in
hand for to morrow, which is simply to
knock off the head of this highwayman, this
Warren, who, for the last five years, has
created such a sensation on the road.—
Good heavens ! what is there in that ?
Have I not done such work as that for the
last five years IL"
The executioner Bat down and strove to
calm his feelings, but in vain. The head
less bodies of his twenty victims seemed
to pass before his eyes He hid them in
his hands, as though by so doing, he would
shut oat the terrible vision. Gradually a
drowsy feeling came over him, and he fell
asleep,,aud had a frightful dream. There
came before him an old, white haired man,
with sunken cheeks and hollow eyes, who
approached and glaring fearfully upon
him, said :
" You have blighted my happiness in
this world, and 1 have come from the grave
to reproach you. My son, my only son, the
support of my old ago, was torn from me
They accused him of crime, but he was in
nocent. He was led to the scaffold, and
you—yes you, cruel wretch, slaughtered
him. But there is a day of judgment com
ing, and you will have his blood to answer
for." This '3
- vas said in a deep, sepulchral
tone, and then uttering a wild cry of des
pair, the old man left him. He had
scarcely gone, when an old woman appear
ed, carrying a bloody head under her arm,
which the executioner instantly recognized
as that of a young man whom he had execu
ted many years before. The woman con
tinued to advance, stroking the hair upon
her head, and uttering the most painful
moans. Suddenly she paused directly in
front of the trembling executioner, and
held the head up before him, saying in a
plaintive tone :
" Cruel wretch, see what you have done
to my Jamie. Jamie was a good boy, and
loved his poor mother. He worked very
hard to support me, and placed his wages
in my band with a smile that did my old
heart good to see. And their when he
went to bed, and had fallen asleep, I used
to stoal into his room and look at him for
hours. It did we good to see him rest af
ter having worked so hard all day, and
when I looked at the clock, I had to
feel angry at hearing it tick so fast,
for Jamie's,eake. But a hard time
came. My4amie was accused of a crime,
which I am sure he was innocent of, and
led away to the scaffold, where he became
your victim. 'I could not live without him,
and so they laid me amongst the worms; but
I managed to get up and come to se the vil
lain who had so cruelly killed my son.—
Wretch that you are, your time is coming,"
and with these words the old woman dis
appeared with the head of her son.
She had scarcely left when a girl of about
seventeen, with wild glaring eyes, and a
countenance of ghastly paleness, wearing a
fantastic wreath of thorns around her head,
rushed toward him shrieking :
"Ha ! ha ! here you are—murderer ! rob
ber! You robbed me of my darling Henry
—you tore him from me—ybu killed him !
Yes, we were going to to get married in a
week when you killed him. My bridal
dress was all ready, and he had given me
the ring—the wedding ring. Oh !it was
horrible 3 they say he killed the gentleman,
but I don't believe a word of it. They
dragged him to the scaffold, and would not
mind me when I told them not to do it.—
Oh ! God of Heaven ! there goes his head
See ! see ! it rolls at the feet of the execu
tioner—at your feet—there ! there it is !
don't you see it ?-" and she pointed wildly,
as she spoke, at the feet of the executioner,
who felt a cold shudder creeping through
his frame. "Justice ! justice ! oh, God !"
shrieked the girl, in frantic accents, and
then disappeared.
The executioner, though he attempted
to leave the spot, seemed transfixed by
some invisible power. The sweat rolled
in big drops down his face and bosom,
while his mind appeared to undergo the
most excruciating torture. Suddenly a
procession of twenty headless figures, look
ing as though they were fresh from the
scaffold, passed slowly by him. The sight
was a horrible one, and the executioner
uttered a cry of terror. With that cry,
he awoke. He rubbed his hands over his
eyes, to assure himself that he had only
been dreaming. A sigh of relief escaped
him, as he gazed around the room and per
ceiVed that such was the fact. The candle
had long since expired in its socket ; but
there was no more need of it, as the first
grey light of dawn was streaming into the
windows. •'lt is time that I was on the
spot," said the executioner, glancing at
the clock, "Warren is to die at eight."—
With these words he arose and left the
room, with a presentiment of evil, for
which he could not account, upon his
spirits.
Within the suburbs of Paris, a scaffold
had been erected for the execution of
Warren, the daring highwayman. At an
early hour, and despite the gloomy aspect
of the weather, a number of spectators
were assembled upon the scene, eager to
witness the execution of so noted a
character, who, it was rumored, had shot
down the officers before he was captured.
As the fatal hour approached, the excite
ment became intense, and the mob swelled
to thousands. At last, the prisoner was
led forth upon the scaffold, as calm and
collected as though nothing was going to
happen. He was, truly, a handsome man,
of about thirty years. His frame was
moulded in lines of strength and grace,
and his dark hair curled naturally about his
finely formed head. Near him, and leaning
upon his huge axe, stood " Bloody Tom,"
the executioner. He was as pale as death,
and his hand trembled violently as he held
the axe. A sickening sensation crept over
him, for which he could not account, and
he leaned heavily on his axe. The priso
ner kneeled down, and placed his head
upon the block, and then said, in a firm
tone :
4c Strike !"
The executioner nerved himself—lifted
his heavy axe—struck the blow, and the
head of his victim rolled at his
feet ! A murmur of horror ruse up from
the group below. As the executioner
gazed upon the headless trunk of the rob
ber,he beheld a golden chain dropping from
its bosom. He stooped down, and, draw
ing it out, perceived that a locket was at
tached to it. Something in the style of
its workmanship instantly attracted him.
He looked at the miniature—it was that
of his own mother !
" Good heavens ! can it be ?" he gasped
—" can it be ? Yes, I now recollect that
expression of the eye which so struck me
a moment ago ! lam the executioner of
my own brother !" And with these words,
the wretched man sank senseless upon the
scaffold!" •
The executioner was soon restored to
consciousness ; but, as recollection flashed
back upon his mind, his whole frame shook
with agony. He learned, soon after, that
papers had been found on the person of
the robber, proving his name to be William
Jones, instead of Warren. A brain fever
attacked the miserable man, which lasted
some time, and when he recovered from its
effects, he was entirely bereft of reason.—
The idea that he had imbrued his bands
in the blood of his only brother, and that
brother the one to whom he had been so
attached in early years, was enough to
craze a much stronger mind than that of
the executioner. He is now one of the
inmates of a mad-house, in Paris, and is
pointed out to the visitor as the executioner
of his own brother.—N. Y. Mercury.
THE BoY PREACHER.—Rev. J. B. Ful
ler,of Missouri, the boy preacher, has, with
in the last five weeks, delivered in Marion
county fifty-four sermons, and been instru
mental in the conversion of one hundred
and forty-four persons. lie has been
licensed to preach only about two months,
during which time he has delivered up
wards of fifty discourses, and two hundred
and forty persons have been converted
through his instrumentality. It is said
that he never studies his sermons or makes
any notes, and frequently does not select
his text until he rises up in the pulpit to
preach, and yet, it is said, no two of his
discourses are alike, either in point of ar
rangement or composition. He sneaks
most eloquently, and uses the most chaste
and beautiful language. Calls to preach
at various points are daily pouring in upon
him.—St. Louis Democrat.
MARRIAGEABLE GrIRIS FOR CALIFOR
NIA.—Miss Sarah Pellet, the reformer,
has turned up again ; she proposes to for
ward to California a consignment of five
thousand marriageable girls from the New
England States. They are to be consign
ed to the various divisions of the Sons of
Temperance, who arc to provide for their
wants—hnsbands included.
DIE COMIMG SITMAIER.-It is said that
the Earl of Rosse, one of the first astron
omers in Europe, has told a gentleman in
England that he anticipates one of the
most intensely hot summers this year that
has ever been known, and he advises far
mers to build sheds for their cattle, by
way of protection against the extreme heat.
CARDS.
DE DIO V A L.--WILLIADI S. AMWEG,
Atmrney at Law, has rraptvtsl his otlire from his
former place into Sundt link:: .street, nearly opposite the
Trinity Lutheran Ch u itch. apr 8 If 12
~...AMUEL 11. REYNOLDS, Attorney at
0 Lao. attire, No. 14 North Doke street, opposite the
Court House. may 5 tf 16
WELCH ENS & PRIGG, SURGEON
DENTISTS.—Office, Krnipah's Buildings, second
floor, North East corner of North and Orange
erects, Lancaster, I's: inn 20 tf 1
W T. 111ePHAIL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
mar 31 ly 11 STRAS111:111i, Lancaster Co., Pa.
DR. JOHN 11I'CALL A, DENTIST,--Office
No. 4 East K ing street, Lancaster, l'a. ape 18 tt 13
NT EWTON LIGHTNER, ATTORNEY
,k 1 AT LAW, has his Office iu North Duke street, needy
opposite the Court House.
Lahcaster, apr 1 ti 11
A LDUS J. NEFF, Attorney at Law.--
±l, Office with B. A. Slneffer. Esq., 'south-west corner of
Centre Square. Lancaster. may 15, 'ssly 17
DEMOVAL.--WILLIAM B. FORDNEY,
JUL Attorney' at Low, line removed his 0111, from North
Queen street to the building in the south•enet curlier of
Centre Square, formerly' kuuwu as Hubley's lintel.
Lancaster, april 10
- LIDWARD 11.1 9 GOVERN,
ATTORNEY AT LA W,
No. 5 NORTH DCKE STREET—NEAR THE CoURT ❑OUSE.
LANCA, , TER, l'A.
apr 6 t fl 2
JESSE LANDIS, Attorney at Law.--Of
lice one door east of Lechler's Hotel, East King street,
Lancaster, Pa.
tm. All kinds of Scrivening—such as writing Wllle.
Deeds. Mortgages. Accounts. &r., will be attended to with
correctness mud despatch. may 15 , '55 tf-17
WILLIAM WHITESIDE, SURGEON
DEN'2I:I 4 T.-0111ce in North Queen street, 3cl door
from Orange, and directly over Sprenger .4 Weethaeffer's
Book Store.
Lancaster, may 27, 1856. ly 16
JAMES BLACK, Attorney at Lavv.--Of
tice in East King street, two doors e ist of I.,echler's
Hotel. Lancaster, Pa.
Ake - All business connected with his profession, and
ell kinds of writing, such as preparing Deeds. Mortgages,
Wills. Stating Accounts, Ac., promptly attended to.
may 15. tf.l7
JOHN F. BRINTON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW
PHILADELPHIA, PA.,
lies removed hie office to his residence, No. 249 South 6th
Street, above Spruce.
Refers by permission to lion. H. G. Lo
" A. L. HAYES,
FERREE BEINTON,
nov 24 lyr 45 " THADDEUS STEVENS.
A LEXANDER HARRIS, Attorney nt
A
LAW. Office South Queen St., Wert side, near Vine
St. REFERENCES:
Governor James Pollock, Harrisburg.
lion. Andrew G. Curtin, do.
Lion. Joseph Casey. do.
lion. Andrew Parker, Miftlintown.
Hon. James M. Sellers, do.
A. K. McClure, Esq., Chambersburg. apr i lyl2
CUMMING'S UNRIVALLED HAY
STRAW AND FODDER CUTTER, Star
Corn Sheller. Horse Powers, Threshers. Grain
Fans, Root. Cutters, he., In large variety.
BOAS, SPANGLER & CO.,
Seed and Implement Warehouse,
fob 2 tf 3 627 Market st., billow 7th.
SPICE 9, &c.--Cinnamon , Cloves, Sala-
RATITS, BAKING SODA, URE TARTAR, NUT
MEGS, Ire., For sale at THOMAS ELLMAKER'S
. .
Drug t Chemical Store, West Mpg street, Dancer.
foto 9 tf 4
FARE AT PRIVATE SA_LE,..eiThe dub
scribers will sell their FARM at private sale. Said
Farm is situated in Martic township, Lancaster county,
on the road leading from Manic Forge to McCall's Ferry,
about 2 mites west of Rawlinsville, and contains about 72
acres, more or leas, the greater portion well fenced and Ma
good state"( cultivation. The balance Is composed of young
timber and sprout land and meadow bottom. The
improvements UP a two-story Lox
DWELLING DOUSE, SEE
I E
a now Frame Barn, and other out-building's.—
There is a
. 4ocsi Apple Orchard and other Fruit Trees. The
Farm is well watered with a number of streams, and a
Spring near the house.
Terms will be made easy, and possession given on the
let day of April, 1857.
Any person wishing to Mew the premises will call on
either of the subscribers, residing at Mount Nebo, one mile
north-west of the property.
WILLIAM ARMSTRONG,
JOSEPH ENGLES.
The subscriber svill also sell, at prl.
rate sale a 11UUSE AND LOT in the village of Mount Ne
bo. There are 3 ferea and 136 perches of hind In the lot,
and the improvements are a two-story FRAME HOUSE, a
Frame STABLE, and other out-buildings. There la an ex
cellent spring of water on the Int, and the land Is well
1 . 00-e , l and in a good state of cultivation.
Terms made easy. Apply to JOSEPH ENGLES.
ang2s if 82
IRGINIA FARM FOR SALE..-IGREAT
V INDUCEMENT Full CAPITALLSTS.—WIII be sold at
private sale, the valuable Farm known as the" Wheatland
Estate," containing 810 ACRES, situate in what la called
the Hickory Level, Buckingham county, Va., 5 miles
north of Maysville, the county seat, and 7 miles from
Hard wiol.vilk—a bridge crossing the James river to the
canal at this p ,int. About 000 acres are cleared, and al
most level Land—the balance well timbered. The
land is very productive, and celebrated for the growth of
Wheat, Gull and Tobacco. It is also well watered.
The improvements are a new, handsome and
convenient DWELLING HOUSE, so situated on
an elevation so to command a View of nearly the,, 7i
whole estme—and the Barn and Out Houses are
:111Ipla and convenien , ly located. There are good Orchards
on the premises of Apple, Peach, Cherry and other trees.—
I t is seldom that such au estate is offered, laying as It does
in so intelligent and healthy neighborhood, convenient to
markets, churches, he,, and so highly productive,
and level in every portion as that all the imple
ments of husbandry can be used to the very best ad
vantage. If 1 sell, my object is to remove to a warmer
climate. A large portion of the land cost me $4O per acre
—but 1 will sell it, with the crop of Wheat from the sow•
ing of 150 bushels, the entire stock, and 18 likely negi - oes,
fur $40,000: or without the negroes, for $25,000. My ob
ject for wishing to dispose of the slaves with the land, is
to prevent the separation of families. ,
1' ER )IS—Use third Cosh, (or in two or three months,) and
the balance iu equal instalments of one, two and three
years, with interest.
Address the editor of the Lancaster Intelligencer, (GEO.
SANDERSuN) Agent for It. L. Parressmt, Mt. Vince, Buck
ingham county, Va. fob 13 tf 6
VAL U A 11.14 E FRANKLIN COUNTY
FARMS FOR SALE.—The subscriber, living in
Chambersbnrg, will sell his TWU FARMS In Guilford
township, Franklin county, situate on the public road
leading to tire...tie, about one and a half miles from
Chambersburg. The,os farms ale in the highest state of
cultivation and well improved, with running water through
one of them and the other has a splendid spring. They
are sold for want of time to attend to them. The one con
tains I'2, acres and the other 166. Terms made known by
the subscriber. These farms contain a good portion of
timber. The attention of Lancaster C,unuty Farmers Is
tuvited to therio farms, which are well worthy their atten
lion. Laug 25 tf:33] WM. HEYSEIt,
t . OTE OF THE BEST STORE STANDS
IN THE CDUNTVI—The undersigned will lease for
one or mere years, that hest of Store Stands, together with
is Two Story Dwelling Ileums, adjoining the same, situate
il) Centre Square, In the Borough of Mount Joy, Lancaster
County, together with a Store House, and all appertaining
to said Store and Dwelling. Possession will be given ou
the first day of April next, (1857.)
Persons desirous of renting will please call on the un
dersigned residing in the city of Lancaster, Pa.
_
• N. B. Should persona prefer buying to renting, they
will be afforded an opportunity of either buying the same
or any of the other properties owned by the undersigned In
said Borough of Mt. Joy. S. 11.
2 tf 16
C IRCUL AR
The true spirit of Pill LA vrinoll'i tenches us to study
the pains and ilk of,uttering hu:eanity and attend to
their daily WWI
In this benighted age of monetary atralre, there Is noth
ing that salutes us more frequently thou the cry of " !lard
Times," •'What shall Idu to matte money 1"
It is a true• axiom in domestic economy. that "a penny
gaped is el penny calmed," and If we can dernonvtrate this
practically to the community, we certainly claim to be, not
only Philanthrimic, but the instrument for the difitribu
thm of the great Panacea. that we hove discovered In the
priucidle of MUTUAL l'ltitbiTti.
==l
Ire lot, Fin e Thousand Donors, in umfol articitot, Mal tor
will (104 ramie. in robe front Town/ yfit , r Corti to Pity
istriarr. h, earl, persou prseu tiny our cerfilicule, duly num
bered, every Friday.
o every dollar you expend you hove n direct interest in
the petit.
Every tinie you buy ONE LW LI, AWS worth of goods,
you be-ono a sr telt holder, and entitled by virtue of a car.
ilicate, to s share of the profits In goods.
E.alt person purchasing front us. goods to the value of
one Dollar, and paying cash, will receive n ticket; when
they receive three tickets, they can have them eschangcd
for a certificate which will entitle the holder to a share in
the profits in Goons.
Each person purchasing goods to the value of Three Doh
lars. and paying cash, will receive a certificate which will
entitle the holdeg to a share of the profits in goods, and for
every additional Three Dollars an hintra Certificate.
The slinres of profit will range from '25 cents to $5O 10.
Erero article :told mill be at the Imo's! market ralue—thus
!tiring all 'Ara prufil to the customer.
MUSLINS, CLOTHS. SILKS,
VESTINGS, SHAWLS, HOSIERY,
MERINOS. TICK INGS, SArrINETS,
GLOVES,
CALICOES,
FLANNELS CASSIMEItS.
GINGIIAMS. lIANDK'FS,
EMIIDOIDEIII ES, MUS DE LAIN ES and every variety
of new styles for Dresses, MOURNING GOODS, GAUNT
LETT, and every variety of Collars, Laces and Edgings,
new and desirable style of Dry Goods.
WENTZ BROTHERS.
East King street and Centre :quire.
Marin
REED, 111 cGR ANN, KELLY & CO,
BANKERS,
GRANITE BUILDING, NORTH QUEEN ST., LANCE,
Will receive money on Uepoeit and pay interest thereon as
follows:
5 per cent. for any length of titan.
s,< t " for one year.
Collections made in all parts of the United States.
Money Kent to England, Ireland, Germany, France. &c.
P/1.9.,1ge certificates for Mir from Liverpool to New York,
or Lancaster.
laod warrants and oncurront moony bought nod sold
Spanish and Mexican dollars, old U. d. gold and silver
comae bought at a premium.
Special attention will be paid by G. K. Reed to the Nego
tiation of Commercial paper, Stocks, Loans, and all market
able securities in New York or Philadelphia.
Our friends may rely upon promptness, and our personal
attention to their interests in the transaction of any busi
ness which may be intrusted to IN, and we hold ourselves
individwdly liable, for all money Intrusted to our care.
OEO. K. REED,
RICHARD McGRANN, Sr.,
PATRICK KELLY,
A. McCONOMY.
joot
VALUABLE BOOKS FOR THE PEO—
PLE, AT THE CHEAP BOOK STORE.—Now is the
time to buy cheap Books from a large andwell selected
stock. the largest 5t , ...k of Books to be found baWeen
Philadelphia and Pittsburg. It entbrarea
a full variety nt choice Literature of every
cloec of such as IIISTO-
Itl ES, BIOGRAPHIES. TRAVELS. the
POETS: MECHANICAL. THEOLOGICAL and MEDICAL
WoRES; LAW BOOKS, ANNUALS, ALBUMS, FAMILY
BIBLES in large quantities, HYMN and PRAYER BOOKS;
SCHOOL BoOES of every possible variety in use; Station
ery, in addition to a general miscellaneous stock compris
ing everything in the Book line. The stock has been bought
in quantities at the very lowest tralt.sale and city prices,
and selected by those of long experiehce in the business,
with caution and an eye to the wants of the people.—
QUICK SALES AND SMALL PROFITS is our motto, for CASH
cheaper than over at wholesale and retail.
Every 0110 whe studies his erwn interest should call and
1..111 iI, the stork of the Cheap Book Store before purchas
ing ebewhere. The time fur making our heavy Spring
DDErDss.-s is near at hand, and from now until that time
we 'Ater special Inducements in order to reduce the stock,
which will enable as to buy in larger quantities and conse
quently at lower rates. Those desiring to Improve their
Libraries by making valuable literary accessions ate very
Spoil] now is the time to do It from the extensive
stock of selected standard Books at the Cheap Book Store
of
MURRAY, YOUNG It CO.
tf 9
STATES' UNION HOTEL .-- NO. 200
1.1 Market street, above 6th street, Philadelphia, Pa.—
The undersigned, late of the American House,
Columbia, Penn‘., takes pleasure In Informing his
friends, and the public generally, that he has taken the
above well-known and popular HOUSE, (long known
as the Red Lion hotel,) which he has tilled up with
entirely New Furniture and Bedding of a superior
quality. The house has also been renovated and impro
ved in a manner which will compare favorably with any
of the Hotels in the City, and cannot fall to hive satisfac
tion to those who may patronise this establishnient.
The TABLE will always be supplied with the choicest
Provisions the market affords; and the Bar with the PU
REST AND BEST LIQUORS. Nothing shall be left undone
to make his Guests comfortable, and he Setters himself
that by strict attention to bust nose, he will merit and re
colon a liberal share of public patronage...
. .
may 22 tf.lB
TOFARMERS.--Having been appoint.-
1 ed by Messrs. Allen & Needles agents in Lancaster for
the sale of their celebrated
SUPER PHOSPHATE OF LIME,
we would call the attention of Fanners to this Fertilizer, it
being superior to all others; and from tho testimony of
those who have used It for some years past, we feel author
ized in saying it is the bed application for Corn, Oats,
Wheat, Grass and other crops which require a vigorous
and permanent stimulant, that has ever been offered to
the public. Apply to CEO. CALDER & CO.,
East Orange street, 2d door from North Queen st., and at
Graeff's Landing on the Conestoga.
WOOD. --Hickory, Oak and Pine Wood
of the beet quality, for sale by
GEORGE CALDEIt & CO.,
Office East Orange street, 2d doosfrom North Queen, and
at Oradea Landing on the Conestoga. fju 20 tf 24
TITHY LABOR SO HARD . WHEN
Vy WASHING? I have a chemical process for cleaning
clothing by the use of which the clothes can be washed
very clean without boiling, and with very little rubbing.
By this method much hard labor can be Bayed; the washing'
can be done in half the tsme, and the clothes are very white
and clean, and last much longer, •fot they are not worn by
rubbing as by the old way of washing by , machines &c.—
The articles need cost but little, and are easy to obtain. I
mail tha receipt to order, postage paid, upon nmaipt of 59,
cents; three cent postage stamps good se mons7, Addreo6 -.
' • •'/Yl.
Thatipore ,c4y,
jan 123 m 62
NO. 13
Ml=
G. W. HINKLE,
Proprietor