.o*--•,,.34/ 4 •tht.:6l/otet "7:ittet44.(clt.e.e.-e. VOL. LVII. TWENTY YEARS AGO. EMEMED I've wandered in the village, Tom—l've sat beneath the tree— Upon the school-house playing ground which shel tered you and me But none were there to greet me, Tom, and few were left to know That played with us upon the green some twenty years ago. The grass is just as green, Tom,—free booted boys at play Were sporting just as we did then, with spirits just • as gay ; But the master sleeps upon the hill, which coated o'er with snow, Afforded us a sliding place just twenty years ago., The old school-house is altered now, the benches are By new ones very like the same our pen-knives had defaced ; - But the same old bricks are in the wall—the bell swings to and fro, Its music's just the same, dear Tom,—as twenty years ago The spring that bubbled 'neath the hill, close by the spreading beach. Is very low--'twos once so high that we could al most reach And kneeling down to got a drink. dear Tom, I star ted so, To see how much I had changed, since twenty years Near by the spring upon the elm, you know I cut your name,— Your sweatheart's just beneath it, Tom—and you did mine the same, Some heartless wretch bath peeled the bark—'twas dying sure but slow, Just as the one whose name we cut, died twenty years ago My eyelids had been dry, Tom, but tears cause in my eyes, I thought of her I loved so well—those early broken ties, I visited the old church yard and took some flowers to strew Upon 4 the graves of those we loved some twenty years ago. Some aro in the church' yard laid—some sleep be neath the sea, But tew are left of our old class, excepting you and And when our time shall come, Tom, and we are called to go, 1 hope they'll lay us where we played just twenty years ago EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH OF BON. WM. BIGLER, Delivered in the Senate of the United States, Monday, December 8, 1856. But 1 cannot agree that this act of the President is unprecedented. If I am not mistaken, President Jackson discussed the question of a national bank in such a man ner as to correct the misrepresentations of his political opponents. President Polk discussed the question of war with Mexico in the same spirit. It is the right and du ty of the President to inform Congress of the state of the Union ; and entertaining the views he does as to the dangerous ten dencies of the doctrines of certain political parties in the country, the obligation on the present Executive to communicate his apprehensions became imperative. Sena tors May scout and discard the reasoning of that officer, but they should remember that President Washington, even in his early day, felt required to warn the people against the dangerous tendencies of geo ulgraphical parties in our country, and efforts to array one section of the country against another ; and that Thomas Jefferson com pared this sectiona 4 l agitation to the start ling alarm of a fire-bell in the night. Nor, sir, will exceptions to the language used by the President serve to break the force of his overwhelming argument in support of what he regards as the true policy of the nation. I agree, sir, that the criticism of the action of a large class of his fellow citizens by the President, and the condem nation of the tendency of such action, how ever strongly qualified in protectives of the motives of the actors, is a most deli - °ate task, and should only be performed on great occasions; but the President has confined his strictures to partizan leaders —men seeking political power by means that would hazard the peace of the country; and I think the people will agree that they deserve the rebuke. But, sir, it is not my main purpose to defend the President. This has already been done with more ability than I can command. This much I will say, however —now that he is near the end of his term of - Office, and when my motives cannot be misunderstood—that I believe time and ex perience will prove the wisdom of most of his measures, and that the day is not far in the future when the purity and patriotism of his . motives will be acknowledged by all. iint, sir, senators have been endeavoring to determine what questions have been settled by the result of the late election, some taking exception to the definition as given by the President; and on this point I have a word to say. I am qui4 sure, sir, that one great fact settled by the result is, that James Buchan an is to be President for four years from the 4th of March next, and that John C. Breckinridge will be Vice President for a like period. Another still more potent fact is, that the principles of the Democrat ic party, as defined a6Ciucinnati and ex pounded by Mr. Buchanan—the most prom inent feature being that the people of the States who go into the Territories shall \ enjoy the ri ht to determine the character of their own al institutions in their own way, including , at of domestic slavery— are to be in theitscendency till the year 1861. Another fact as distinctly settled is, that the modern and miscalled republi can party, against which the democracy contended, has been found in a minority in twenty-three out of the thirty-one States, and has been rejected in the Union by a popular Majority of not less than one million three hundred and seventy-five thousand; being a minority of more than all the votes cast for their candidate, and in a minority in the Northern States alone of near two hundred thousand, Another is, that the modern American or know-nothing party, with its intolerant dogmas of faith, and against which the democracy also con tended, has been repudiated in thirty out of the thirty-one States, and by a popular majority of over two millions. But the result seems to be misunderstood even by senators. The senator froii New Hampshire has evidently not liked the re turns of the election well enough to look at them, or he would not claim a large majority for the republicans in eleven Stares, when the figures show that they were in a minority in all but eight. He certainly ought to have known that there was a popular majority against Mr. Fremont in New York of over forty-five thousand, and in Qhio of eleven . thousand, and in lowa of one hundred and fifty thousand. He and other senators seem to be under the impression that their party came very near carrying all the free States. The Senator from Ohio said, the other day, that they would have done so had the issues been fairly put on the dem ocratic side. The senator from Maine said they would have succeeded had the vote been a fair one. Why, sir, the figures in dicate differently. Out of 460,000 votes in Pennsylvania, their candidate received but 147,447 votes—leaving him in a mi nority of more than 165,000. He was also in a minority of 43,695 in New Jersey, 46,- 089 in Indiana, 46,615 in Illinois, and, from the returns we have from California, he has not received more than one fourth of the popular vote in that State, claimed to be his own. Whatever consolation and encouragement they can draw from such figures I leave them to enjoy. They ,cer tainly cannot claim fellowship with the Fillmore vote, for 3jr. Fillmore was him self among the first to denounce them as a sectional party, attempting to maintain doctrines and practices that would certain ly dissolve the Union. But they deny that their party is sec tional, and make the charge of sectionalism against the democracy. Well, Mr. Presi dent, I shall not consume much time on ; this issue but, sir, if the republican be not a sectional party, I would be glad to learn how a party can be sectional. i can not conceive what characteristics or prac tices of a sectional party the republican party lacks. Both of their candidates were from one section of the Union, they were nominated by delegates front the same section, and they received all their votes in that section. In fifteen of the States, differing from the others only as to one local institution, their party made no serious attempt to get votes, but they en deavored to gain power by exciting preju dice and passion in the popular mind in their own section against a local institu tion of the other. How else could you con stitute a sectional party It is sectinnal, distinctly and dangerously sectional, and it is useless for senators to deny it. It is just the kind of organization which the greatest and best man who ever lived in our country anticipated with alarm. But it is far otherwise with the democ racy. One of our candidates was from the North, and the other from the South.— They were nominated by delegates from all the States, and were voted for in all the States. Their party declared principles and a policy acceptable to the whole family of States. Those princfples could be ex pounded alike in all, and orators from the North and the South met daily on the same stands to do so. A constant theme was the equality of the States, the constitution al rights of all, and the necessity for fra ternity of feeling amongst the people of all. How idle and fallacious the charge of sec tionalism against such a party. Mr.. Wade. Does Mr. Buchanan be lieve that the people of a Territory, while in a territorial state, have the power to ex clude slavery ? Mr.. Bigler. Does the senator from Ohio wish to present the constitutional difficulty that has been raised here fre quently, in regard to the power of the leg islature of a Territory ? Mr. Wade. I want to know what Mr. Buchanan's opinions are in regard to the constitutional difficulty which has been so often spoken of ? Mr. Bigler. I cannot answer the sena tor as to Mr. Buchanan's views of the con stitutional qUestion. I can give my own, if the senator is willing to hear them. Mr. Wade. Well, let us have your opinions, if you please. Mr. Bigler. It is no new proposition that the senator from Ohio has presented. It has been here before, and discussed be fore; and I endeavored, at least upon one occasion, to make myself understood.— There can be no difference of opinion as to what the Kansas-Nebraska bill means.— Its terms are explicit. It confers upon the people of the Territory all the law-making power which Congress possesses under the constitution. If the authority delegated be sufficient, the people have a lawmaking power equal to any question. This is a point, however, as to the meaning of the constitution of the United States. My cogstruction of that instrument certainly is of very little importance, but still I am willing to express it. lam of opinion that the people, through their local legislature, have that power. I arrive at this conclu sion because I can see but two sources of law-making power for a Territory—the one, Congress; and the other, the people. I hold that when Congress has conferred upon the people of a Territory all the law making power which it possesses under the constitution the power is complete in the people, equal to the question of domestic slavery, or any other subject; but this is a legal question, and I, for one, should be gratified to see it decided. Mr. Wade. The reason why I asked the question and wished the senator's opinion upon the subject was, that towards the close of the last session the senator from Illinois, (Mr. Trumbull,) in an amendment to a pending bill, proposed to declare what was the true intent and meaning of those peculiar words in the Nebraska bill, name ly, that it wavintended that the people, through their territorial legislature, should have the power to prohibit slavery in the Territories. Upon that proposition, if I am not mistaken, the senator voted in the negative. Mr. Bigler. Mr. President, every mem ber of this body understands that subject very well. The senator from Illinois upon the other side did offer that proposition as an amendment to what is known as the Toombs bill. He offered it to a bill to which it was not germaine, and I should not have voted for it, however I had be lieved in its truth. It was out of place when offered to a bill where the question did not properly arise. But not only that, sir ; a vote in the Senate of the United States to decide a judicial question was agreed on all hands to be unnecessary, if not improper. I declared my views upon that occasion, and I voted against the amendment. In what I said then and now on this point, I mean simply to express the opinion that, should the question be sub mitted to the Supreme Court, the decision would be that the people have the right, under the Kansas-Nebraska law, to control the subject of slavery, through their local legislature. That is all. Why, Mr. President, who in the North "THAT COUNTRY IS THE MOST PROSPEROUS WHERE LABOR COMMANDS THE GREATEST REWARD." LANCASTER CITY, PA., TUESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 23, 1856. 'has ever pretended to advocate the estab lishment of slavery in Kansas ? No man ; no one of all the orators whom I met in the canvass, whether from the South or North, did any such thing. Their uniform doc trine was, that the people, through a proper law-making power, should carry out their own views. But it is obvious that the object of this debate, on the part Of senators on the other side, is to make the impression iu the coun try that we have not achieved victory on a fair and full discussion of the main point at issue, and thus revive the sinking hopes of their followers. Mr. Wade. Will the gentleman allow me to ask him one question ! Re is not so explicit as I could wish. Mr. Bigler. The senator can proceed. Mr. Wade. The gentleman has just stated that he is for leaving the question of freedom in the Territories to be decided by the people of the Territories as they please. In the next breath he tells us there is a constitutional question to be de cided by the courts. *I do not'understand how he reconciles these two ideas. Mr. Bigler. I did not raise a constitu tional question. There is one, and let it be decided. I ant claiming that the people have full power. Mr. Wade. Then, why talk of devolv ing it on the courts? Why is it improper for us to declare that we mean to exercise the power, if we hate it? Mr. Bigler. You can raise the question and have it decided. As the senator from Ohio claims the entire power to be in Con gress, he must be perfectly satisfied that the entire power has been delegated to the people. Sir, I cannot speak of the canvass in Indiana or Illinois, for I was not iu those States; but of New Jersey and Pennsyl vania I can speak, and in these States I know that the issues were met boldly and broadly. In the whole range of my ob servation and reading I cannot call to wind au instance where a public speaker or a democratic newspaper demurred to the democratic doctrine ou the slavery question as e ed at Cincinnati. Indeed, it was the beau and force of this broad doctrine that abled the democracy to Withstand the varied and potent elements of prejudice and passion employed on the other side. But, Mr. President, the honorable sena tors from Ohio and Massachusetts are evi dently unhappy because of the use of the term " free Kansas" in connexion with a democratic meeting. I hope it has not taken these senators till now to discover that the democracy are the advocates of real freedom for Kansas—that kind of free dom which our fathers achieved in the con flict with the forces of George 111. We are for leaving the people of Kansas free to make their own institutions, and are, therefore, for free Kansas. The republi can party, on the other hand, talk' most about freedom in Kansas, but distinctly propose that, as to the white population, the exercise of their judgment shall not be entirely free. We say Kansas will be free when her people do as they please as to their domestic institutions. The republi cans say not so : Kansas will be free when her people. obey their dictation as to a por tion of these institutions. They propose to enslave the will of the people by dicta ting what they shall do. We leave them to the dictates of their own judgment.— They say we are for negro slavery in the Territories ; this we deny. We say they propose to enslave the will of the white people to some extent, and that they can not dispute. Herein is the difference. In this connexion, and in this way, we talked about " free Kansas in the canvass for President; but I never heard a demo cratic speaker suggest that Kansas should not come into the Union whatever her de cision might be, nor did 1 ever hear a speaker on the other side who expressed a willingness to see , her admitted unless she decided in accordance with' his views ou the subject. The senator from Maine, the other day, declined to say what he would do in such a contingency. The senator from Ohio, however, with less reserve, de clared as follows : "Union or no, Union. ; come what may, I believe it to be .the settled purpose of the northern people to limit slavery to the Slates in which it now exists." Many, very amity, of the republican speakers in the North took this ground boldly, and made it the basis of appeal for votes for their candidate. The senator from Massachusetts says that the members of the House who voted for Mr. Dunn's bill last session were called pro-slavery men in the canvass.. I never heard any such allegation. It is true, that in reply to the charge so constantly made by the Fremont party, that the dem ocrats were seeking to increase slavery, we said that the only attempt that had ever been made to increase slavery by an act of Congress was that of the republican mem bers bill. House who voted for Mr. Dunn's bill. This we did say; and be cause that bill proposed to maintain slavery in Kansas up to the year 1858, and pro vided that children born of slave parents in the Territory, and sold in the mean time to a slave State, should be slaves for life, and holding as we did that the increase of slavery can only be brought about by the increase of the numbdr of beings in bondage, we did maintain that Mr. Dunn's bill was virtually to increase slavery. Mr. Trumbull. Will the senator from Pennsylvania allow me to interrupt him for a moment Mr. Bigler. No, sir. I beg the sena tor from Illinois to excuse me, if he pleases. I find that if I yield to further interrup tions my speech will be much longer than I intended. Mr. Trumbull. I wished to correct the senator in regard to that bill. Mr. Bigler. It was the practice of the Fremont party in the canvass to charge the democracy with seeking to increase slave ry, and we availed ourselves of the facts I have stated in retort. So far from look ing to the increase of slavery by act of Congress, I know of no means by which such a work could be accomplished, except through the recommencement of the slave trade, and no one would entertain such an idea. But the republicans in the House, holding that slavery has no legal existence in the Territory of Kansas, voted to recognise and maintain it till 1858, and to provide that the issue of slave parents, if sold to a slave State in the mean time, should be slaves for life, virtually attemp ted, according to their own doctrine, to increase the number of slaves by act of Congress. Many persons are in the habit of oon- founding the increase of slavery with its territorial extension ; and some, Joubtless, voted the republican ticket because they believed that the inhibition of slavery as to Kansas was to retard the growth of the institution. Were 1 i citizen of Kansas, with my present impressions, I should vote against the establishment of slavery; but in doing this I would feel that I was not doing anything to prevent the increase of the number of slaves or to improve their condition. 'l'o scatter the slaves over a greater area will do them good rather than harm, and to restrict the institution to its present limits will not affect the increase of the number of slaves for a century ; for it will, in my judgment, require all of that period to fill up the unoccupied territories in the slaveholding States. In Texas alone there are over ninety millions of acres of soil untouched by the implements of the agriculturist, rich and.easy of cultivation, favored by a genial climate. The number of slaves in that State do not equal one to every square mile of territory. How, af ter all, then, do the practical and direct consequencas involved in this angry con troversy diminish as wo approach them ; and how like mountains on a plain do they loom up as we recede from them! And how painful the conviction that there are those amongst us, found in widely separa ted communities, who talk seriously of breaking up the government for causes so insufficient. Tae honorable senator from Maine, [Mr. Fessendend whiist lamenting and descri bing the prejudicial influence of slavery upon the physical improvement of the States where it exists, upon their growth in population, commerce, trade, and agri culture, remarked as follows : " I do not look upon this question as a question of States. The States, as political corporations, have no direct interest in the Territories. Ido not recognize the State of Virginia, or the State of Texas, as a State, as having a particle of interest in them ; nor the State of Maine, nor the State of Massachusetts, nor New York, nor any other free State. It is a-question with the people of the United States." Now, Mr. President, if the States in their corporate capacity ha7ve no interest in the question of slavery in the Territo ries, then why does the senator, and those who act with him, insist that the States shall control the question through the rep resentatitives of their sovereignty on this floor ! I agree that the States as such_ have no direct concern, and that the people of the United States who go to the Terri tories are most interested; and for that reason they should be allowed to determine whether they will have the institution or not. The people who emigrate to the Ter ritories are not only the uiost interested, but they are most competent, and have the best right, to decide. The people of his State and mine exercised that right, and why deny it to the people of those States who may go to the Territories ! The De mocracy contend for, but the republicans deny this right. They say that Congress °l shall prejud g e and decide the question ; that those who are not in the Territories must be permitted to control the decision. The power to shape this domestic institu tion in Kansas, for instance, shall be found everywhere else except in the Territory The democracy say that those who go to Kansas,'sliall wake its institutions ; the republicans say not so, but the people who do not gu to the Territory, through their representatives in Congress, shall decide whether slavery shall bxist there or not— that those who have no interest there, who know nothing of the soil or climate, shall be the unipire. And here is the vital issue between the parties this was the issue put and deci ded in the last contest for President. The senator has a right to claim much consider ation for his superior intelligence, but I can scarcely believe that he is willing to claim for himself and his constituents su perior judgment, patriotism, and sovereign ty over those enterprising and hardy pio neers who have gone into that new country to fell the forest, cultivate the soil, to de velop its natural resources, advance the arts of peace, the ends of civilization, and finally, and very shortly, to add another member to our happy confederacy. The senator concedes the right of the people of a State to have slavery or not. Arc not the people of a Territory just as wise as those of a State Why should they enjoy a less measure of sovereignty ? Is the sovereigntyreserved from the United States government not as good for a citizen of a Territory as for him who resides in a State? Is not the political status of the latter equal in every particular to that of the for mer?? Most certainly. Then, why not permit the power which all agree is con clusive in a State to operate in a Territo ry? Thus it is • seen the guardianship which the senator would set up can, at most, only exist during the territorial pro bation of a State. So soon as the people become a State, congressional shackles will be severed. What 1 mean is this : that the people, when a State , will have the right to change the local Jaws and policy as often as they please, and no power on earth can interfere. Should Kansas come into the Union as a free State, it will be perfectly competent for the people, after wards, to establish slavery ; and vice ver sa. Thus it is seen ths.t.this absorbing and angry controversy, which at times seems to menace the peace of the country, if not the existence of the government, is quite limited in ils practical effects. If the rule of decision by the popular will be a slavery rule, as alleged by some, how are we to get clear of it? It makes the very foundation of our whole republican eystem ; it underlies the institutions of each and all of the States ; it is the very essence of true republicanism : it is neith er more nor less than self government. * * * # * The aggressions of slavery is a favorite theme of the senator from Ohio ; but he has not, to my knowledge, Mr. President, at any time, specifically defined what he means by the phrase. lam not willing to submit to any aggression from slavery or the slave States, or the slaveholding people; and if the senator will point out aggres sions on the part of either, I may possibly join him in resisting and repealing them. But I can discover, as yet none of their consequences. In what do these agres sions consist ? In what department of government are they to be found ? The reverse of aggression is obvious to all.— The controlling power which the slave States once possessed in all departments has passed away, and probably forever.— When the constitution was framed, and the Union secured, the slave holding states had -BUCHANAN the control of all branches of the govern ment. Now they control none. Then there were eleven slaveholding States, and one non-slaveholding. Now there are sixteen free and fifteen slave States, with six or seven Territories to come in as free States. Then we shall have twenty-two free States and fifteen slave States, Kansas dis puted, and with the right iu Texas of mak ing two slave States. Surely there is nothing in this picture to alarm the senator from Ohio : as au element of political power he certainly does not fear it. Ile northern States have an ascendency in both branches of Congress, and the electoral college. Where then, shall we look for aggression ? Is it in territorial acquisition ? Certainly not.— When our independence was established, the States north of Mason and Dixon's line, (as shown by the senator from Ala bama, [Mr. Clay,] in his speech made during the last winter,) possessed an area of but one hundred and sixty-four thou sand square miles, and those south of the same line an area of six hundred and for ty-seven thousand square miles. Now, the slavehoiding States possess an area of eight hundred and eighty-two thousand square miles, and the free States, with the Terri tories inevitable to become free States, an area of over one million seven hundred thousand square miles. Surely the sena tor and his party cannot be alarmed at such aggression as this. And yet this charge of agression was a constant and fruitful subject of discnssion for the repub lican party during the late campaign. The fugitive slave law was another.— The law was talked of even by men of po sition in society as though it had no con stitutional authority—as though it were the mere act of Congress—and that by its agency alone slaves were reclaimed. They knew better, Mr. President. They knew that the law on this subject was nothing— the constitution everything. The law gave no man the right to his fugitiv . e slave.— The constitution has done this, and the Supreme Court of the United States has so decided ; and the law is but the execution of the constitutional provision. Therefore, those who rail against the law rail against the constitution;and those who regret any portion Of tat instrument repudiate all its blessings. The senator from Ohio has not hesitated to rloqiis, and yet he claims, I believe, to be a friend of the Union. Senators representing States, the legislatures of which have taken distinct ground against the execution of this law, say they are for the Union and the consti tutional rights of all the States. Now, was not tnis constitutional provision one of the compacts of the Union ; was it not one of the compromises of the constitution ; cer tainly it was ' and no man has a fair claim to friendship for either who will not hold that it is to be faithfully executed. The denunciation of this law was one of the po tent means of the campaign to swell Mr. Fremont's vote. Ilow much of loyalty to bur people and their free institutions there is in it I leave to others to decide. But I do not wish to be misunderstood. I ant not standing here either as the advo cate of slavery or the defender of the South. I speak but to vindicate the hiss- ; tory of the late presidential contest, which' has been so unfairly referred to. Ido riot desire, nor have 1 ever sought the exten sion of slavery : and heartily do I concur with the senator from South Carolina, Plr. Butler,' when he said the other day, "I do not want the extension of slavery." Mr. Butler. I beg to be undcrstoood. correctly. The senator from Maine asked me how the remark which I made was to be construed I said that I now main tain, as I have always maintained, that all lines of distinction being wiped out, I was in what lawyers call a condition of indif ferency. I said, let the institution go where it would, I would not attempt here either to restrain or extend it. Mr. Bigler. I think that is the sub stance of the quotation I was about to read. The senator from South Carolina remarked : " I do not want the extention of slavery ; I have never contended for it. If I had the right to vote to extend it by act of Congress, I would not undertake to do so ; I would lave that to the choice of those who settle the new Commonwealths." That is all I have ever desired. It is all the democratic party contend for. The senator from Texas, (Mr. • Rusk,) if. I un derstood him, expressed the same senti ment. Is there not authority enough here, sir, to show that the wide-spread allegation that we seek the extension of slavery, by the agency and power of the government, is untrue ? I do not agree, neither do I sympathize, with much that is said in the South on the subject of slavery. I have seen articles from the southern press philosophizing on the relations of white and black, from which I utterly and entirely dissent. I have no sympathy with the Barnwell Rhett school of politics in the South; who talk so incessantly and so flippantly of a dissolution of the Union, as though it had cost our fathers nothing, as though it were worth nothing, and its dissolution would remedy a single one of the evils complained of ; and I certainly have no respect for the suggestion of Governor Adams, of South Carolina, that the slave trade should be recommenced. I condemn, discard, and re pudiate the fatal suggestion ; and I am gratified to believe that southern statesmen and the southern people will do the same thing. I have, however, an admiration for that class of southern statesmen who de clare distinctly and emphatically that they can only remain in the Union as equals. There is another class of political philos ophers, widely separated from those of whom I have just been speaking, for whose opinions I have still less respect. I leer to Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Theodore Parker, Henry C. Wright, Gerritt Smith, Spooner, and sitdilar fanatics, who, in at tempting illegally to abolish slavery in the States where it now exists, would dissolve the Union and aggravate the evils they lament. Although, in the main, these men acted with the Republican party in the late canvass, yet 1 am not uncharitable endugh to hold the mass of that party ac countable for the monstrous sentiments of those traitors to our beloved institutions. And with the madeaps of the South gi would throw overboard the fanatics of the East, and take care of the country without the aid of either. Mr. President, I have been forced to speak of the bad feeling entertained by a olass of people in the North towards the people of the South, and of another class in the South towards the people of the North ; and the task has been by no means a pleasant one. I have do sympathy with that crimination and recrimination which is so calculated to estrange those who should be friends and brethren. The people whom I represent in part on this floor have no sympathy with a sectional conteSt.— There may be some in the ranks of the opposition who would press their opinions • to the dissolution of the Union; but so far as Pennsylvania is concerned, 1 say, with pleasure, that the mass of the opposition ' would, if they deemed the danger imminent, rise, free from the shackles of the leaders, to stand by their country. .The democracy are a unit upon the question. In Penn sylvania they have an affection which is coextensive with all our people, and with all of the States of the confederacy. Her creed embraces the South as well as the North. She has been, and she ever will I be, just to all. Among the first to adopt, she will be the last to disregard, the cove nants of the Constitution and the Union. Her people remember well how we came to be united, and how the Union has been maintained. We do not forget that when our independence was declared southern and northern men counselled together ; that the constitution was the joint produc tion of the patriotism and intellect of both sections, and that upon every battle-field men of the South and men of the North stood or fell together under the resplen dent banner of the nation—that they did so in the war of 1812, and in the war with Mexico. Are not the events of the latter war fresh in our memory Do we not recollect that away down upon the Rio Grande, and at Buena- Vista, the sturdy volunteers of the North and of the South, under a southern general, gained immortal victories over a hostile enemy We do ; and we remember, too, that upon the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, wending their way to the city of the Montezumas, to vindicate the honor and dignity of their country, were found together the Pennsylvania vol tigeur and the Palmetto volunteer, under a northern general. We of Pennsylvania are for a fraternity of the States, and of the people of the States. All that we are -all that we have been—we owe to the Union. It is our hope in the future.— Such is the feeling of Pennsylvania. I would not be vain of my State, but I must confess that when I heard a promi nent public man say the other day "Penn sylvania is the heart of the republic" my pride was excited. If the sentiment be true, then, sir, the body-political .will be healthful. Every limb will be invigorated. That heart' will pulsate only in unison with the best interests and happiness of the peo ple of every section. The vital strength will be distributed alike to every part, and dis ease will hopelessly assail what must be so pure and healthful. Neither fanaticism nor fillibusterism can make any impression upon_that good pld Commonwealth. The storm of faction may rage, but she will come dut of it more erect in her noble pa than ever. The more terrible the closer will her people cling to the constitution the ark of our'common safety. Central in her geographical position, and still more, so, I hope, in the confidence and affection of her sister States, and equally so as to the sources of that spirit of dis content which at times would seem to men ace the existence of the government, she may best perform the high office of Key stone of the Federal Arch. I believe she will perform it should the crisis come, and that, though the controversy between the North 'and the South, so much lamented by all patriots, may go on for centuries, she will maintain her integrity to time Union, and be found standing like some impassable isthmus betwwn t . o heaving seas, defiantly resisting tWe bitt r waves of discontent, whether they dash ainst her northern or southern side. CARDS. TV.. John. 111 , Calltt, DENTIST--to 4 Ent 1/ Ring street, Lancaster, Pa. a IS ti-E1 TUNIUS B. KAUFMAN, ATTORNEY AT LAW, t) has removed his office to his - residence, in Duka street, 01,1 door south of the PartneN . Bank' near the G., t house. ap 1 ly 11 ljo EMOV AL .—WI LLI M S. AM WINI. Arm NEY it AT LAW. Im4 removed his I,Miee'from his former place, into North Duke street opposite the new Court Huse. Removal. --ISAAC E. lllESTER—Attorney :It Law . Has removed to an Office in North Duke st reel, nearly pposite the nen - Court (louse. Lancaster, Pa, api Nv i D L E r..; Nt A is A .r i_ o -,1 n 1 7, 01. iD i I n T N E "or S thg E uee ' S Queen atr ijß ,:et G 3 E d door :PN from Orange, and directly over Sprenger k WPathaeffer's Book Store. =II XrEWTO." LIGHTNER, ATTORNEY I.lt AT LAW. Li : removed his Office to North Duke street, to the room recent occupied by Hon. I. E. Hiestvr. Lancavter, apr 1 tf 11 fesse Landis,—Attorney nt Law. Office one door east of Lechler's Hotel, E. King St., Lunrant.r ts,k_ All kinds of Serlvening—such as writing I".k.ohr. Nlortgagos. Accounts, Sr., will he attended to with correctness and despatch. may 15, 1.5 tf-17 Aldno J. Nett', Attorney at Law.—uffire with it. A. SMetrer, Esq.. south-west corner of Centre Square, next door to 'Wager's Wine Store, Lancaster. may 15, 1855 Tames Black.—Attorney at Law. Office in E 0 King street. twn doors east of Lechler's Hotel. Lan caster, • Jar A❑ business connected with his profession. and all kinds of writing, such as preparing Deods. Mortgages, Wills, Stating Accounts, dc.. promptly attended to. Removal.—WlLLAM B. FORDNEY, Attorney at Law has removed his office from N. Queen st. to the building in the South East corner of Centre Square. for merly known as Llubley's Hotel. Lancaster, april 10 lAr. J. T. Baker, llornepathle PhyFidan. ~uccesxor !to Dr. 3PAllister. Office in E. Orange St., nearly "nppn•lte the First (ler. man Reformed Church Lancaster, April 17 TEDICAL.—DIt. Jas. J. Strawn, late rf Philadel -111. phis, and a Graduate of the University of Penn'a., of I'4t, has located himself and opened an Offlie in the Vil lage of Paradise. Lancaster county, where he ran at all times be consulted, except when professionally engaged. may 13 3m' 17 - 13 allroad House, European style Hotel rk., IDS Restaurant. No. 48 Commercial and No. 87 Clay Streets, SAN FRANCISCO. HALEY cir THOMPSON, Proprietor, ANDEL H. REYNOLDS, Attorney at LAW, Real Estate' Agent and Conveyancer. Unice. No. 4 Nvrth Doke street, opposite the Court Ilus. REFERS TO • Ex-Gov. W.F. Johnston, Pittsburg. William Bigler, Philadelphia lion. G. W. Woodward, Alex. Jordan, SunburT. Peter McCall, Esq., Joshua W. Comly, Esq., Danville. Hon James T. Hale, Bellfonte. Henry Brockerhoff, " J StARTIX.I Az 6181.81117110. J. LINILIAD, ..TNENT STRY.—MAIRTIN KINIIEAD, having 1) associated together in the practice of DENTISTRY, will endeavor to vender entire satisfaction in all opera tions entrusted to their care. Being prepared for the Man ufacture of TEETH, we will ba enabled to BUR all cases, with Block, Single Gum or Plate Teeth, either on Gold, Silver or Gutta Yercha. a-Office—Main Street, 3 doors East of Ecbternaeht'e Hotel, Stntaburg, Lancaster county. N. IL—I take this method of tendering thanks for the liberal patronage heretofore received, and 'hope by the present arrangement to bo enabled at all times to attend to those requiring our Ices july 22 ly 27 JOHN CPBYRNE, 41 North E.l4 4 lUth St., Philadelphia, reminds the public that his stock of FURS is unequalled for quantity, quality or rarity. One can purchase of him a good outfit of Fore from 1 3 ttP to 8500. His goods are all warranted. His custcnners will be politely waited on, and no false representations as to the kind or quality of Furs. will be tolerated in the establish ment. All kinds of Pura altered, and if not well dons, no &harp made. no? 11 im 43 LANCASTER COUNTY EXCHANGE AND DEPOSIT OFFICE. C " Corner of Emit King and Duke Street., BET. TIIE COURT DOUSE AND SPRECIIER'S. ROTEL Lancaster City. T OLIN K. REED A CO. pay intereat on deposits at the fol t) lowing rte, 5!..,* per cent for one year.and longer. 5 do. •• 30 days •• do. dal'•Also. buy and sell Reid Estate and Stock, on cow mission. negotiate loans, collect elaitni, fie., An. Alli The undersigned are individually liable to the extent of their e.dates. for all the tlepoeits and other obligations of John K. Reed A Co. .101 IN K. REED. DAVID SHULTZ. d« 25, , CHER et., BAUMAN, TA.N nors and Co rrior. Store. bark of Robt, Bloderwell's Vointnis,ion '0 trell girl, fronting on the Railroad and North Prilo, •ir•.ot. Cheap for trash, or approved credit. Constonll !Milli full assortment of all kinds Saddler's and Slorquakor'. ,ether, of sup,lor quality, including ••ltouzre'r .4 ole Leather," also, Leather Saadi, aril str,•t•liod. >nintlllr b r all kinds ,if machinery, of any Mid el.llll requirml, da of a superior quality of LaTlov. Yuri., Hollow, Blin I lacing Leather, Gar de.•ronoor's oil. Currier's *.ols, Moroecoe, Shoo Findings, Air. o;il Lem her Ismglifin the gi, rn tot and cloto. in rash order attended 1r A. Rockafleld & Co., Next to Krampb's .I.Clothing Store. East orange street, I..nes.tor Pa. Dealers iu all the new and popular FAMILY MlOl. N kl It FT 'ME HY, ke., Wholesale and Retail. They have just received a fresh supply of Wolfe's Celebrated A vinintle Scheidarn Schnapps and will sell to retailers nt Prioprietor'S prices. June 26 tf-2S , I , HE °slice of t he Lancaster Savings In mit anon to open daily from 9 o'clock, A. M.,. troth 4 °lock. P. M. Those depositors who hare not exchanged certificates ere requested to roil et the Office with as little delay so possible and receive the new certitleatee now being Is sued in exchange for those hiruod prior to June 6th, 1866, in order that the Institution may proceed in the.reguisr ft...action of business. Seey. I ADIES' FANCY FURS.—JOIN FAREIRA, NO. iB4, MARK ET Street, above Bth, Philadelphia. Importer, Manufacturer and Dealer in all kinds of FANCY FURS, for Ladles and Children. J. F.. would call the at tention of the Ladles and others to his immense assortment. Being the direct Importer and 3lanuilictuier of all my FURS, I feel confident in saying that I can offer the Etieat est inducements to those in went, and at the same time will have one of the largest itssortments to select from. Storekeepers and the trade will please give me a call before purchasing, as my Wholesale department is well .upplied to meet the demand for every article In the Fur line,and at the lowest' possible Manufacturer's prices. pt I , a 4nl lopperware Manufactory.—SAMUEL UIL VI.Elt returns thanks for the, liberal patronage hereto• fore bestowed upon him, and respectfully informs his cuss touiers and the public generally, that he still continues at the old stand. In West King street. nearly opposite Fulton and to prepared to manufacture to order Copper Ware, In all its various branches, and on the most reasonable terms. 14, invites his country friends especially to give him a call, as he is confident of being able to please. 'Avery Stable. . lle also keeps eonstultly on hand, for hire, HORSES, CA lilt lAG KS, IIA Itollel I ES, &e., &e., all in excellent order, aud furnished at the lowest rates. ilk, him a cull when , you need anything of the kind, and he will suit you ton nicety. SAND: SAND!—Five Hundred Loadn of Sand on hand, olda. will I,e ,JelDered to any part of the city. Homes and Carts to he had at all times, at the Livery Stable of SAMUEL DILLEIt, West King at., Lancaster. 1 r 2.2 11.14 - 10 AL —The undersigned are now receiving their ki supply of LVK ENS VALLEY COAL, BA LTIMORE COMPANY COAL, PINE GROVE COAL, SHAMOKIN COAL. BROAD TOP COAL, Carefully seleoed, and which they will deliver in good or der to any port of the city at low prices. Lime burmis and Blacksinithe Coat always on hand. Apply to OEO. CALDER & CO., Office East Orange street, doiM from North Queen, and at the yard at firears I.andlng. mug ISTOLIi DYE HOUSE, NO. .10 1 MILLER'S 110 W. LANCASTER, PA. ThoPropriot or of which takes title method to inform the inhabitants of Lancaster and vicinity, that ho will DYE, CLEANSE and FINISH in a superior style, at the ithortost notice, the fol. lowing articles: Ladles' Drosses of Silk, Satin, Thibet, Crape, Pongee, Cast, mere. Alpaca.,Do Lain, Do Bage and Mohair. • Cloaks—Broadcloth, Ladies Cloth, Thibet, Silk and Satin. Shawls—Crape, Cashmere, Thibet, Silk and Bay State. •• Bonnets—Silk, Straw and Leghorn. .` Veils—Lace, Crape and Bobbinetts. tiloves—Kid, Silk, Woolen and Cotton. •• Woolen and Cotton. liscellaneous—Such no' Cravats, Ribbons, Parasols, Sun. shades, Ate., be. Also, Gontlerpn's garments of every description Dyed. Cleansed and:Pressed, to look like new. N. B.—All goods warranted not to smut. WALTER H. DOUGLAS, Proprietor. 3m 39 APER HANGING DEPOT.—Removed to E No. 10 Courtiand xi., New York, directly opposite the Western Hotel. The CROTON MANUFACTURING CO., (Organized in 1&48, under the General Manufacturing Law of the State of New York,) offers at wholesale, in quantities to suit purchasers, at Manufacturer's Lowest Prices, for mall or approved credit. Paper Hangings, of every variety of style and price Borders to match. Fire-Board Prints, In great variety: Transparent Window Shadee. Oil Painted Window Shades. Wide Window Curtain Papers, and Window Shade Fixtures, of the latest styles and superior finish, all of their own man ufacture and importation. A. their stock Is large and en tirely new, they Invite Merchants, Booksellers and Dealers In these articles to call and examine their styles and prices whenever they visit the city. mar 4 IV( JOHN GYGER & CO. r BANKERS, LANCASTEIr; PA. Allow FIVE PER CENT. INTEREST per annum on the daily balances of regular depositors, the whole or any por tion of balance being SUBJECT TO CHECK without notloe. Allow live per cent. Interest per annum on their Certifi cates of Deposit issued for any length of time over thirty days. - Depositors not drawing interest, will always be accom modated in proportion to the value of their accounts. Stocks bought and sold orecontruission only. Uncurrent money bought at lowest rates. Collections promptly made, and drafts drawn on Phila. dolphin, New York and Baltimore. The members of the firm are individually liable for all the obligations of John Clyger & Co., consisting of JOHN GYCIER, BENJ. ESHLEMAN, DAVID BAIR, HENRY MIISSELMAN. • sop it tra6 RODERT CLARSbON, Cashier. TISS LUCY'S ALPHABETICAL AD -111. VICE. A-II Ladies, for n fashionable Cloak or Telma, go to Wentz's. B-eautiful and cheap CLOAKS and TALMAS open now at Wentz's. C-loths—most fashionable shades for Taints., to be found at Wentz's. "D-etermined to EXCEL" Is the motto In Talmas, now at Wentz's. E-very body says, 'for cheap SHAWLS or Talmaa," go to Wentz's.- F-a.shionable, handsome and cheap—the Dri at Wentz's. "G-ood" Cloaks, Shawls and Tall - gas—head q Wentz's. It-ow beautiful and cheap the DE LAINES Wentz's. I- advise all in want of a SHAWL, Brocba, J-udge for yourselves, examine closely, and buy at Wentz's. K-nowledge teaches us, for cheap shawls, to L-ATEST STYLES—TaImaa and Cloaks—la' Wentz's. M-oney always receives its FULL value, In Wentz's. N-ow's the time—from late auctions—SHAW l 0-pen now for examination, the best Silks-4 at Wentz's. P-ersons wishing SHAWLS, at auction price at Wentz's. Q-tile an excitemeotanitrtiz tbo ladles—Cloak at Wentz.. Rich, rare and beautiful the DRESS SILKS .* J y bay a FRENCH 31ERINO or CAS I‘S i nALL Ton n de z's cide at Went. O . -ho real Lopes. French Merinoes, 75 rents, all colors, at Wentz's. U-eeful and elegant—the Gents' Mande or Shawls at Wentz's. very many persons buy all their Dry Goads at Wentz's. W-by? Beams° they save at leaste per cent. by buying • at Wentz's. X.-L. N. T. is the variety of LADIES' MILL CLOTHS at Wentz's. Yon can be pleased Wentz's. In Dress Goods, Cloaks or Shawls at Z-eal in a determination to please all, le the true secret of the metes' at Wentz's Store. ztoo-II 1143 EIMZEI Dred 1 Dred i Dred I 10W DREADFUL! HOW •THWILLINGI; Tpe peat tale of She Dismal Swamp, by H. B. Beyikeuthare eels Tom's Cabin. Its sale will be ltrummae. /t tetabe bad at **Cheap Book Store of BRIBILAY, TOM do. NO 49. AMOS S. HENDERSON. ISAAC E WESTER, tf iD ogh ; highest prime ill ib':birlmypetily By Order of the Board of Trustees. h. SCIIE/LITER, President. oet 30 tf 41 JOHN FAHEIKA, • '284 Market Street. M=Effi
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers