ptf. m OL. 52. fIiIIRICAN ' TOLUISTEER. every Thursday uonmxa by P4f#?^B A TarOW & KERNEDT. ' 'f. , f TERMS: . ?!’■ > f. :SVMBbi>tio!».— Two D»Uara if paid within tho Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid l-iria&titho year. These terms will bo rigidly ad : every instance. No subscription dis [ until all arrearages nro paid Unless at of tbo Editor. , 1 ji en'ts —Accompaniedby thocAsn, and i, one square, will bo inserted three * 52.00, and twenty-five cents for each i* :: 'addi&Wil*'inaofW 0 ’ n * Those of a greater length in - prbpoftidn. 1 —Such as Hand-hills, Posting-bills Blanks, Labels, Ac. Ac., executed with at (lie shortest notice. j®. SUTLER, V ;JIT'rOItNEY A T LAW, . v ; ■ CARLISLE. PA. I,'tj ; t .:;.OrFi°E with V?u. J. Shearer, Esq. 1815-ly. jno.c.gkah am 7 • T 0 11 N E Y AT-LAW, F|i occupied by Judge Gishtun, ».! stscot, Carlisle. [sept. 7,'6j-ly UtL .• \V. F. SAULER, ft.- ■ • ■■ •4 AT LAW, CARLISLE, Pa. j£-‘ In Volunteer Building Scuth Hanover ; 1801—ly. m: JR l?i. WEAMi.ES’, tornevatlAW, , lil . ‘J^SSjf-'E^Pi.CJi cm South Ilnnovor street, in the \ n %_j? -room lonuarly occupied by A. R. Sharpe. 1 V’^pfSrS^TSßS— Dm-. NEW SHAM, “rf J* yT O -fir AEJ r AT LAW, ■ \ -with Wm. n. Miller, Esq., south . 'ixJTlwoßfc corner of Hanover and Poinfret itreota. lB62—tf E. MA«tL.A.U«iaL.IN, >V X 0 R N E Y-AT-L A W. IQ- ■ .- , , , in InhoEPs building, just opposite ■ VxtUaMarkei House. ilb«! March 13, 18B2—ly. ± . fjrf EOULK, Atiornej at Law. hk .Jt44®i)fßco with James R. Smith, Esq., Rhoon. s iij ' HillMßbusineas entrusted to him will ho prompt ly F°b- 6- 1863. 'ssss, JM. c. HERMAN, TOENEY AT LAW. Bill /A'jfejpjE in Rheom’s Hall Building, in eUlt; of tho Court House,.next door to tic him HotatdVH-Qffioo i Carlisle. [Fob VQ, te' JAMES A'. DENBABL I** TORNEY AT LAW. i p? CARLIBLB, PA. ' tin ling office. • a fewfdiSors west of Hannon’s hotel. I |nl L . 186 ■: l F. E. BEIVJfZIIOOVER, * \ SHitisNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LA W, J. CARLISLE, PKNN’A. atl>i| /fTjlfJ-IjCE on South Hanover street, oppo ijoto' AJf j-aite Bontz’s store. nW/ * "XB)SBpßiaial artiingomont with the Pa tuft Office* cUm 'MtomMil# securing Patout Rights. -;iwSs& m«-it bilifc” • «■.'***r. l ' CEO. S. SEAKIGBaX, i. ' Bixltimnre Vollctj* of Dental Snryery residence of h\p mother, East Louth ir-fllrleV t throc doors below Bedford. Dec. 22,1862. voJ(cf i o» : ' JO)*.'*’ SM». & -C. I>oo.luS, OlliX ! Haaremovcd from Bout.li Hanover street to Host Pom'fret street, opposite tUo Female High School, : • [April 28, 1864. '"'l fensipn Examining Surgeon . and Adjacent Country •) rcflfc,. •, ■ , al, e TP\fe.'. J. C. KINKLE, Office, (up stairs) In Building. South East Cornet of Matko feqttn¥e» f C,urlislo. [Kov. 2, 'O5-tf. Bi?||ANJ) LUMBER YARD ’ having leased the Yard occupied by Armstrong A Hotter, kn(Tpor phased the stock of AND LUMBER, together with an immense now stocky f. on band and tarnish to order "T'*' hll kwd&*Qd quality of seasoned Is!. i EuiSis, #n ii' ••-Yitu'^BOAKIJS, ' ‘ SCANTLING. •■ - fbamestupi, Vrt filing,;blistering, Lath, Shinpling Lath, worked (, yiootiXLft.Atid, WoatUerboatdlng, Poets and Kails, -1 'And every Article that belongs to a Lumber Yard. L ' AU klnds of Shingles, to wit : WhitopSne, Hora look’-aOd OaU, of.different qualities., Having cars bf mrdW l I dan.futnißh' bills to order of any lengUSind lftso at tho shortest notice and on the moßtyeasonable terms. My vrorlrtd boards will bo kept under cover so theyoaa bo furnishtod dry at kll times,, . . - . ■ • I havVoonslanlly on band all kinds of FAMI LY QO'4l* under cover, which I will deliver clean to of the borough. To wit: LyKonsVal ley. Egg, Scoie and Nut, Ldke Fiddler. Locust Mountain, Lobbory, which 1 i>iedjssSyself to Sell at tho lowest prices. / ; Be?’fc!quality of ;. a nid w arid Blacksmiths’ Coal , tbs -Alwa;wdn hand which I will soil at the lowest fig- west cldc of Grammar School, Main sf> W; ding". ■ jrain- -1 : #4' SB, rlii'r 10E.—I still retain the same position ta of DBLANCY <fc BLAIR, which will bo »h as energetically aa thoir cld ir the Gas house. As oar purchases will /together at tho head of the market, wo idenb by. so doing to bo able to accommo \ customers and tho public on the most jo terms. Having relinquished tho tan fill doovto my entire attention to. tho Coal mber business.' AU kinds of Coal and Gcopt ooastantly on band and in tho best (q. The Lumber Yard will bo managed, by % Zuloff, whoso experience and skill is well v b tho community. By strict, attention to short profits, and a desire to do right we lecuro a liberal share of public patronage. ANDRE# 11. BLAIR. 1865-tf •;»«ft m/ I, sfiuli) —6OO pairs of Traces Chains, kinde, with a largassortmcnt of HaUooahius, “ . * Fifth “ -• i-*SBjfc. “ Tongue • a Spreads, Sr*, Sus, - H the Cheap Hadwaro Sturo of * jSIB 27 * 1863. IL SAXTON. *r. i of Every Description, in large and Mali pcokagos, Linseed Oil, &c„ at JWWW Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives; To express gratitude to God, in the name of the people, for the preservation of the United States, is ray first duty in addressing you. Oar thoughts next revert to the death of the late President by an act of parricidal treason. The grief of the nation is still fresh ; it finds some suiaco in the considera tion that ho lived to enjoy the highest proof of its confidence by entering on the renewed term of the Chief Magistracy to which he had been elected ; that he brought the civil war substantially to a close ; that his loss was de plored in all parts of the Union ; and that foreign nations have, rendered justice to his memory. His removal oast upon mo a heav ier weight of caros than ever devolved upon any one of his predecessors. To fulfil my trust I need the support and confidence ol all who are associated with mo in the various departments of Government, and the support and confidence of the people. There is but one way in which I can hope to gam their necessary aid ; it is to state with frankness the principles which guide my conduct, and their application to the present state of affairs, well aware that the efficiency of my labors will, in a great measure, de pend on your and their undivided approba tion The Union of the United States of Ameri ca ■nil's in fended by its authors to last as long as the States themselves shall last. “ The Union shall ho perpetual” are the words of the Confederation. “To form a more per feet Union," by an ordinance of the people of the United States, is the declared purpose of the Constitution. The hand of Divine Providence was never more plainly visible in the affairs of men than in the framing and the adopting of that instrument. It is, be yond comparison, the greatest event in American history ; and indeed is it not of all events in modern times, the most pregnant with consequences for every peunle of the ea’rth ? The members of the convention which pre pared it brought to the work the experience of the confederation, of their several States, and of other republican governments, old and now ; hut they needed and they obtained a wisdom superior to experience. And when for its validity it.required (ho approval of a people that occupied a large part of >a conti nent, and acted separately in many distinct conventions, what is more wonderful than that after earnest cqptontion and long dis cussion, gll feelings and all opinions were ul timately drawn in one way to its support.- X'he Constitution to which life was thus imparted contains within itself ample re sources for its own preservation. It has pow er to enforce the laws, punish treason, ami ensure domestic tranquility. lu case of the usurpation of the Government of a State by one man, or An oligarchy, it becomes a duty of tho United States to make good the gunr antco to that State of a republican form of government, and so to maintain the homoge neousness of all. Does the lapse of time re veal defecth ? A simple mode ’ is provided in.the Constitution itself so that its conditions can always be made to conform to the requirements of advancing civilization. No room is allowed tho thought of a possibility ol its coming to an end. And these powers of self preservation have always been asserted in their complete integrity by every patriotic Chief Magistrate—bv Jeffer-. son and Jackson..not loss than by “Washing ton and Madison. The (parting advices of the Father of his Country, while yet XJrcsi dent, to the poonle of the Uni r ed States,,was,, Mint “the free Constitution, which was the work of their hands, might be sacredly main tained and the inaugural words of Presi dent, Jefferson hild up “ the preservation of tho General Government in its constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at homo and safety abroad/ 7 The Constitution is the work of 11 the People of tho United States/ 7 and it should be as indestructible as the people. Is it not strange that tho framers of the Constitution, which had no model in the past, should not have fully comprehended the ox cellenoe of their own work. Fresh* from a struggle against arbitrary power, many pa triots suffered from harassing (ears of an ab sorbtion of the State Governments by tho General Government, and many front a dread that the Suites would break away from tboir orbits. But the very greatness of our coun try should allay tho apprehension of en croachments by the General Government.—• The subjects that come unquestionably with in its jurisdiction are so numerous, that it must ever naturally refuse to be embraced by questions that lie beyond it. Were it otherwise, the Executive would sink, beneath the burden; the channels of justice would be choked; legislation would be obstructed .by excess ; so that there is n greater temptation some of the functions of the General Government through the States than to trespass on their rightful sphere. ** The absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority” was; at the begin ning of tho century, enforced by Jefferson "as the vital principle of republics" and the .events of the last four years have established, we will hope forever, that there lies no ap peal to force. The maintenance of the Union brings with it the support of “ the State Governments hi all their rightbut it is not one of the rights of any State Government to renounce its own place in the Union, or to nullify the laws of tho Union, the largest liberty is to be maintained in the discussion of the acts of the Federal Government; but there is no appeal from its laws, except to the.various branches of that Government itself, or to the people, who grant to tho members of the Leg islature and of tho Executive Departments no tenure but a limited one, and in that manner always retain tho powers of redress. “ The sovereignty of the States" is the language of tho Confederacy, apd not the language of tho Constitution, The latter contains the emphatic words: “ The Consti tution and tho Laws of tho United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which shall be made under the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of tho land ; and tho jud ges in every State shall bo bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or Laws of any State to tho contrary notwithstanding. 77 Certainly the Government of the United States is a limited Government; and so Is every State Government a limited Govern ment, With us, the idea of -limitation spreads through everyform of administration, general, State, and municipal, and rests on the great distinguishing principle of the recognition of the rights of man. The an cient republics absorbed the individual in the State, proscribed his religion and controlled his activity. The American system rests on the assertion of tho equal right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to tho culture and I exorcise Jof all his facilities. As a cqqsq ANDREW H. BLAIR. PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. "OUR COUNTRY—MAY XT AUWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT RIGHT Oft WRONG OUR COUNTRY.” quenco tho State flovorninont is limited as to the General Government in tho interest of tho Unipn, as to the individual citizen in tho interest of freedom. States, with proper limitations of power are essential to the existence of the Constitiv tion of the United States. At the very com mencement, when wo assumed a place among the Powers of the earth, the Declaration of Independence was adopted by States; so ah so wore the Articles of Confederation;, and “the People of the Unitod States" ordained and established the Constitution, it was the assent of the States, one by one, which gave it vitality. In the event, too, of any amend ment to the Constitution, the proposition of Congress needs the confirmation ot States. Without States, one great branch, of the legislative government w-mld be wanting.— And. if wo look beyond ih) lettcrof the C m .stitution to the character of our country, its capacity for comprehending within it-* juris* diction a vast continental empire is duo to the system of States. The best security for the perpetual existence of the States is the " supreme authority" of the Constitution of the United States. The perpetuity of the. Constiiution.brings with it the perpetuity of the States, their mutual relation makes us what we are, and in our political system their connection is indissoluble. The whole cannot exbt without the parts, nor the parts without the whole. So long ns* the Constitu tion of the United States endures, the States will endure ; the destruction of the one is the destruction of the other ; the preservation of the one is the preservation of the oilier. I have thus explained my views of the mu tual relations of the Constitution und the States, because they unfold the principles on which I have sought to solve the momentous questions and overcome the appalling diffi culties that mot me at the very commqpeo meat of my administration. It has been my steadfast object to escape from the sway of momentary passions and to derive a healing policy irom the fundamental and uriebanging principles of the Constitution. I found the Sfiiloa suficplng from the nflfputfl of a ciyil war. Resistance to the General Government appeared to have exhausted it self. The United States, had received pos session of their forts and arsenals ; and their armies were in the occupation of every Stale which had attempted to secede. Whether the territory within the limits of those States should be held as conquered territory, under, military authority emanating from the Pres ident as the head of the army, was the first question that presented itself fur decision. Now, military governments, established for an indefinite period, wpuld have offered no security for the early suppression of dis content'; would have divided the people into the vanquishers and the vanquished ; and would have envenomed hatred, rather than have restored affection. Once established, no precise limit to their continuance was con ceivable, They would have occasioned an incalculable and exhausting expense. Peace ful emigration to and from that portion of the country is one ot the l)2st moans that can be thought of for 1 lie restoration of harmony and that emigration would have boon preven "tsd7"ftfi r *wlmt 'emigauiCf^m - ab fo ad j wtfat industrious citizen at home, would place himself willingly under military rujo? The ciiief persons who would have followed in the train of the army would have been de pendents on the General Government, or men who expected profit from the miseries of their erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patroo age-and-rulo which would have boon exer cised under the President over and populous, and naturally wealthy region, are greater than, unless extreme necessity, I should be willing (n entrust to any one man ; they are such as, for myself, I could never,, unless on occasions of groat emergency, con sent to exercise. The wilful use of such powers, it continued through a period of years, would have endangered the purity of the general administration and the liberties ot the States which remained loyal. Besides, the policy of military rule over a omquered territory would*have implied that 1 the States whose Inhabitants may have taken nnrt In- the Rebellion had, by (he act of'those inhabitants, ceased to exist. But the true theory is that all pretended acts of secession were, from the beginning, null and void.— The Staie< cannot commit treason, nor screen the individual citizens who may have com mitted treason, any more than they can make valid treaties or engngo in lawful corn mere with any foreign Power, The States attempting to secede placed themselves in a condition whore their viiality was impaired, but aot extinguished—their functions suspen ded, b'ut hot destroyed. But if any State negleetsor eefuses t o per form its offices. there is the mere need that the General Government should maintain ail its authority, and, ns soon as practicable, re sume the exercise of all its functions. On this principle I have acted, itnd have gradu ally and quietly, and by almost impercepti ble steps sought to restore the rightful ener gy of the General Government; and of the States. To that end, Provisional Governors have been appointed for the States, Conven t.ons called. Governors elected, Legislatures assembled, qhd Senators and Representatives chosen to the Congress of the United States. At the same time; the Courts of the United States, as far a& could be done, have boon re opened, so that the laws of the United Slates may be enforced through their agency. The blockade has been removed and the custom bouses established in ports of entry, so that the revenue of the United States n.ny he col lected. The Post Office Department renews its ceaseless activity, and !tho General Gov ernment is thereby enabled to communicate promptly with its officers and agents. The courts bring security to persons and proper ty ; thifopening of the porta invites the res toration of industry and commerce; the post office renews the facilities of social inter course and of business. And is it not happy for us all, that the res toration of each one of those functions of the General Government brings with it a blessing to the States over which they are extended ? Is it not a sure promise of Harmony and re newed attachment to the Union* that, after all that has happened, the return of the Gen eral Government is known only as a benefi cence? I know very well that this policy is attend ed with some risk ; that for its success it re quires at least the acquiescence of the States which it concerns ; that ic implies un-invita tion to those States, by renewing their alle giance to the United States, to resumo their functions as States of the Union. But it is a risk that must be takendn the choice of diffi culties, it is the smallest risk ; and to dimin ish; and, if, possible, to remove all danger, I have felt it incumbent on mo to assort one other power of the General Government—tho power* to pardon. As no State can throw a defense over the crime of treason, tho power of pardon is ex clusively vested in the Executive Govern ment of the United States. In exercising that power, I have taken every precaution to connect it with the dearest recognition of CARLISLE, PA.. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 14,1865. the binding force of the laws of the United States, and tin unqualified acknowledgement of the groat social change of condition in re gard. to slavery which has grown out of the war. Tho next/dep which I hare taken c to re store the constitutional relations of the States has been an invitation to them to participate in the high office of amending the Constitu tion. Every patriot must wish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with public safety. Pur this great -pod there is need of a concurrence of all opinions, and the spirit of mutual conciliation. All parties in the late terrible conflict must work together in harmony. It ia not too much to .ask, in the name of the whole people, that on the one side, the plan of restoration shall proceed in conformi ty with a willingness to east the disorders of toe past into oblivion ; and that, on the other, the evidence'of sincerity in the future main tenance of the Union shall be put beyond any doubt by the ratification of the proposed amendment to the Constitution, which pro vides, for the abolition of slavery forever with in the limits of our country. So long ns the adoption of this amendment is delayed, so long will doubt, und jealousy, and uncertain ty prevail. This is the measure which will efface the sad memory of the past: this is the measure which will most certainly call pop ulation and capital, and security to those •parts of the Union that nsed them most. Indeed, it ia not too much to ask of the States which are now resuming their places in the family of the Union to give this , pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace. Un til it is done the past, however much ivbmay do.-iirc ic will not be forgotten* The adoption of the amendment. reunites us beyond all power or disruption. It heals the wo'und that is still imperfectly closed; it removes slavery, the element which has so long per plexed and divided the country; it makes of ua once more a united people, renewed and strengthened, bound more than over to mu tual affection and support. TJie ivmcmlmcut u > die Constitution Iselng adopted, it would remain for the States, whoso powers have been so long in abeyance, to resume their places in the two brunches of the National Legislature, and thereby complete the work of restoration. Here it is for you, follow-citizens of the Senate, and for you, fellow-citizens of the House of Repre sentatives, to judge, each of you for your selves, of the elections, returns, and qualifi cations of your own members. - • The full assertion of the powers of the General Government requires the holding of Circuit Courts of the United States within the districts where their authority has been interrupted. In the present posture of our public affairs, strong objections, have been urged to holding those courts in any of the States where the Rtbollion has existed ; and it was ascertained, by inquiry that the Cir cuit Court of the United States would not bo held within the District of Virginia during the autumn or early winter, nor until Con gress should have “ an odportunity to consid er and act on the whole subject.” To your deliberations the restoration of this "branch"of the civil authority of the United' States ia therefore necessarily referred, with the hopfl that eai ly provision will bo made for the resumption of all its functions. It is manifest that treason, most flagrant in char acter, has been committed. Persons who are charged with its commission should have fair and impartial trials in the highest civil trib unals of the counffy, in order that the Con stitution and the laws may be fully vindi cated ; the truth clearly established and affirmed that treason is a crime, that traitors should bo punished and tho offense piide in famous ; and at the same lime, that the qnes tion may he judicially settled, finally and for ever, that no State of its own w.iil has the right to renounce its place ic the Union. The relations of the General Government towards the fourmilUonsbfinhabitanta whom the war has called into freedom has engaged my most serious consideration. On the pro priety of attempting to make the freedmen electors by the proclamation of the Executive, I took for my cousel the Constitution itself, the interpretations of that instrument by its authors and their contemporaries, bnd recent legislation by Congress. When, at the first movement towards independence, tl.e Coi\- . gross of the United States instructed the sev 3ral States to institute govenments of tHeir own, they left each State to decide for itself the conditions for enjoyment of the elective franchise. During the period of the Confederacy there continued to exist a very great diversity in the qualification of electors in the several States; and even within a State a distinction of qualification prevailed with regard to the officers who were to be chosen. The Con* stitution of the United States recognizes thees diversities when it enjoys that, in tha choice of members of the House of Representatives of the United States, “the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.” After the formation of the Constitution, it remained, as before, the uniform usage for each State .to enlarge the body of its electors, according to its ewn judgment; and, under their system, on© State after anotherhaa pro ceeded to increase the humber of its electors until now universal suffrage, or something very near it, is the general rule. So fixed wn<s this reservation of power in the habits of the people, and so unquestioned has been the interpretation of the Cmistitu Lion that during the war the lute President never harbored the purpose—certainly never avow ed the disregarding it; and in the acts of Congress, during that period, nothing can be found which, during the con tinuance of hostilities, much less after their close, would have, sanctioned any departure by the Executive from a policy which has been so uniformely obtained. Moreover, a o of the elective fran chiseUo the freedmon, by nctof the President of the United States, must have been exten ded to all colored men, wherever found and so must have established a olmngo of suffrage in the Northern, Middle; and Western States, not leas than in the Southern and Southwest ern. Such an act would have created a now class of voters, and would have been an as sumption of prtwer by the. President which nothing in. the Constitution or laws of the United States would have warranted. On the other hand, every danger of con flict is avoided when the settlement of the questions is referred to the several States. They can, each for itself, decide on the meas ure,* and whether it is to bo adopted 'at. once and absolutely, or introduced gradually and with conditions. In my judgment, the freed men, If they show patience and manly virtues, •will sooner obtain a participation in the elec tive franchise through theStatesthan through the General Government, even if it had pow er to intervene. When the tumult of emo tions that have been raised by the sudden ness of tho social change shall have subsided, ;t mo/ ptovo that they will receive tbo kind- Uest usage from some of those on whom they have heretofore most closely depended. But while I have no doubt that now, after the close of the wAr, it is not competent for the General Government to extend the elec tive franchise in the several States, it is equal ly clear that good faith requires the secu rity of the froodraeh in their liberty and their property, their right to labor, and their right to claim the just return of their labor. I can not too strongly urge-a dispassionate treatment of this subject, which should be carefully kept aloof from all party strife. Wo must equally avoid hasty assumptions of any natu ral impossibility for the two races to live side by side, iu a state of mutual benefit and good will. The experiment involves us in no in consistency ; Jet ua then go on and make that experiment in good faith, and not bo too easily disheartened. The country is iu need of labor, and Ibo freedmen are in need ot employment, culture, and protection. While their right of volun tary migration and expatriation is not to be questioned, I would not adyiso their forced removal and colonization. Let us rather en courage thorn to honorable and useful indus try, where it may be beneficial to themselves and to the country; and, instead of hasty anticipation of the ceriauity of failurd, let there be nothing wanting to the'fair trial of the experiment.’ The change in their con dition is the substitution ofiabor by contract for tiiu status of slavery- Tho freedmen cannot fairly bo accused of unwillingness to work, so long as a doubt remains about his freedom of choice in his pursuits, and the ocrtaimy of his recovering his stipulated wages. In this the interests of the employer and the employed coincide. Tho employer de sires in his workmen spirit and alacrity, and those can be permanently secured in no other why. And if tho one ought to bo ablo to enforce the contract, bo ought the other. Tho public interest will bo best promoted if tho .several States will provide adequate pro tection and remedies fur the freodmou. Until tills ia In some way accomplished, there is no chance for tho advantageous use of their labor; and the blame of ill-success will not rest on them. 1 know that sincere philanthropy is earnest for tho inmodiato realization of it* remotest aims; but lime is always au element ia re form. It is one of the greatest acts on record to have brought four millions of people into freedom. The career of free industry must be fairly opened to them ; and their future prosperity and condition must, after all, rest mainly on themselves. If they fail, and so perish away, let us be careful that the fail ure shall not be attributable to any denial of justice. In all that relates to tho destiny of tho freedmen, we need not bo too anxious to read the future ; many incidents which, from a speculative poiiUof view, might raise alarm will quietly settle themselves. New that slavery is at an end, or near its end, the greatness of its evil, in the point of view, of public economy, becomes more and more apparent. Slavery was essentially a monopoly labor and as such locked tho States where ft prevailed against' tho incoming of "froeTlfdubify.”“W’lreTo labor wiis tho property of the capitalist, tbe-white man WiS excluded from employment, or had but the second best clmnco of finding it, and the foreign emigrant turned away from the region where his condition would be so precarious. With tho fiostruotion of the monopoly, free labor will iiastcn from all parts of the civilized world to assist in developing various and im measurable resources which hare hitherto lain d rm.int. . Tbo eight er nine State’s nearest tho Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertility, a climate friendly to long Uto, and can sus tain a denser population than is found as yet in any part of our country. And the future influx of population to them will be mainly f.om the North, or irom the most cultivated nations in Europe. From tho sufferings that have attended them during our late struggle, let us look away to tho future, which is sure to be laden for them with greater prosperity than hns ever be fore boon known. The removal of the mo nopuly of cluVo labor is a pledge that those regions will be peopled by a numerous an I ontetpming population, when will vie with any in tho Union in compactness, inventive genius, wealth and industry. Our Government springs from and was made for the people, not the people for-the Government. To them it owes allegiance ; from them it mustderive ittf courage, strengtn and wisdom. But while the Gouernmcntr is bound to defer to tbo people, from whom it derives its existence, it should, from tho very consideration of its origin, bo strong in its origin, bo strong in its power of resistance to the establishment of inequalities. Monopo lies; perpetuities, and class legislation are contrary to the genius of free government, and ought not to bo allowed. Here there is no room for favored classes or monopolies ; tho principle of our. Government is that of equal laws and freedom of.industry. Wherever monopoly attains a foothold, it is sure to be a source of danger, discord and trouble. Wo shall but fulfil our duties as legislators by according “ equal and exact justice to all men,” special privileges to none. "The Government is subordinate to the people ; but, ns the agent and the representative of the people, it must be held superior to. mono polios, which, in themselves, ought never to be granted, and which, whore they exist, must bo subordinate and yield to the Govern ment. Tha Constitution confers on Congress the right to regulate eoamidfoe among the sever al States. It is of the first necessity, fur the maintenance of tha Union, that that com merce should bo free and obstructed. No State can bo justified in any device to tax the transit of travel and commerce between States. The position of many States is such that, if they were allowed to take advantage 'of it for purposes of local revenue, the com merce between States might be injuriously burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It is best, while the country is still young, and while the tendency to dangetous monopolie< of thifj kind is still feeble, to use the power of Congress so ns to prevent any selfish im pediment to the free circulation of men and merchandise. A tax,on travel and merchant dise in their Iramit, constitutes one of the worst forms Of monopoly.and the evil is in creased it coupled with a denial of tho choice of route. When the vast extent of our ooun try is considered, it is plain that every ob stacle to the free circulation of commerce between .the States ought to bo sternly guarded against by appropriate legislation, within tho limits of ihe-Constitution. ’ The report of the Soorstary of tho Interior explains the condition of tho public lands, the transactions of tho Patent Office and lire Pension Bureau, the management of our In dian affairs, the progress made in tho con slruotiqji of the Pacific Railroad, and fur nishes inf iraia ion i i icfjronoe 10,niff-tors of local interest in the District of Columbia. It also preseota evidence, of the successful operation of kite Homestead Aot, under the provisions of which 1,100,533 acres of the public lands wore entered during the last fiscal year—more than one-fourth of the whale number of acres sold or otherwise dis posed of during that period. It is estimated that the receipts derived from this source arc sufficient to cover the expenses incident to the survey and disposal of tho lands entered under this Act, and that payments iu cash to the extent of from forty to fifty per cent, will bo made by set tlors, who may thus at any time acquire ti tle before the expiration of the period at which it would otherwise vest. The Homo- Btoad policy was established only after long and earnest ; experience proves its wisdom. in the hands of in dustrious settlors, whoso labor creates wealth and contributes io tho public resources, are worth mure to the United States than if they had been reserved as a solitude fur future purchasers. Tho lamentable events of the last four years, and the sacrifices made by tho gallant men of our Army and Navy, have swelled tho records of tho .Pension Bureau to an un precedented extant. On tho 30th day of Juno last, tho total number of pensioners was 85,986, requiring for their annual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,445. Tho number of applications that have been allowed since that date will ’require, a large increase of this amount for the next fiscal year. Tho moans for tho payment of the stipends duo under existing lavra, to our dis abled soldiers and sailors, and to the families ot such as have perished io the service ; of the country, will no do.ubt bo cheerfully and promptly granted. A grateful people will not hesitate to sanction any measures having for their object the relief of soldiers muti lated nod families mado fatherless in the efforts to preserve our national existence. The Report of tho Postmaster-General pre sents an encouraging exhibit of the opera tions of the Post Office Department during the year. Tho revenues of tho pa«fc year from tho loyal States alone ‘exceeded the maximum annual receipts from all tho States previous to the* Rebellion, in tho sum of $0,038,091; and the annual average increase of revenue during the last four years, com pared with vhe rovenffenof tho four years im mediately preceding the Rebellion, was $3,- 533.845. The revenues of the last fiscal year amount ed to $14,552,158, and tho expenditures to $13,094,728; leaving a surpluss of receipts* over expenditures of $801,430. Progreso has been made in restoring tho postal .service in the Southern States. Tho views presented by tho Postmaster-General ag.tiust the policy of granting subsidies to-ocean and mail B'eamship lines upon established routes, and in favor of continuing the present system, which limits the compensation for ocean service to tho postage earnings, are recom mended to tho careful consideration of Con gress. It appears, from tho report of the Secre tary of tho Navy, ttiat while, at the com mencement of the present year, there were iu commission 530 vessels of all classes and descriptions, armed with—3ooo—guns—and manned with 51,000 men, tho number of ves sels at present in commission is 117, with 830 guns and 12,128 men. By this prompt reduction of the naval forces tho expenses of the Government have been largely dimin ished, and a number ,of vessels, purchased fornaval purposes'from tho merchant marine, have boon returned to tho peaceful pursuits of commerce. Since the suppression of actrvo hostilities our foreign squadrons have been re-estab lished, and consist of veasoU much more efficient than those, employed on similar s*r vice previous to the 'Rebellion; The sug gestion for the enlargement of the navy yards, and especially for the establishment of one in fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is deserving of consideration, as is also the re commendation for a different location* abd u*oro ample grounds for the Kavnl Academy. In the. report of the Secretary of Vfar, a general summary is given of the military campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending in the suppression of armed resistance to tVie na tional authority ia the insurgent States. The operations of the general administrative bureaus of the.-Wry; Department during the past year are detailed, and an estimate made ot the appropriations that* will be required for military purposes*ia the fiscal year com mencing the 30:h day of June, 1853. Xhe national military force on the Ist. of. May, ISGS, numbered 1,000,516 men. It ia pro posed to reduce the military establishment to a peace footing, comprehending fifty thousand troops of till arms, organized s) us to admit of an enlargement by filling up the ranks to eighty-two thousand six hundred, if the circumstances of the country should re quire an augmentation of the army. The. volunteer force has already been re duced by the discharge from service of over eight hundred thousand troops, and the Do partmeut is proceeding vapidly in the work of further reduction. The war estimates are reduced from §516,240,131 to §33,814,461, which amount, in the opinion of the Depart ment, is adequate for a peaco establishment. The measures of retrenchment in each Bu reau and branch of the service exhibit a dili gent ecohomy worthy of commendation, lie- Terence is also made in the report to the ne cessity of providing for a uniform militia sys tem, and to the propriety of making suitable provision for wounded and disabled officers and soldiers. Xho revenue system of the country is a subject of vital interest to its honor and pros perity, and should command the earnest con sideration of Congress. The Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you a full and de-. tailed report of the receipts and disburse ments of the last fiscal year, of the first quar ter of the present fiscal year, of the probable receipts and expenditures for the other three quarters, and the estimates for the year fol lowing the 30th of Juno; 18GG. I might con tent myself with a reference to that report, in which you will find all the information re quired for your deliberations and decision.— But the paramount importance of the subject so presses itself on my own mind, that I eah not but lay before you.my views of the men suree which are required for the good olmr aoter, and, X might also say, for the existence of this people. The life of a republic lies certainly- in the energy, virtue and intelligence of its citizens, but it is equally true that a good revenue sys tun is the life of an organized Government. I meet you afa time when the nation has voluntarily burdened itsnlf with a debt un prcoodentod in our annals. Vast os is its amount, it fades away into nothing when mm.mred with the. countless blessings that will bo conferred up in ourcountry and upon man by the preservation of the nation's life. Now, on the first oocdsjon of the meeting of Congress since the return of peace, it is of the utmost importance to inaugurate a just policy, which shall at once he put in motion, and which shall commend itself to those who come after ua for its ooatinuanoo. IVe must aim at nothing less than tho complete effaoement of the financial evils that necessarily followed a state, of civil war. IVo must: endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the deranged state of the currency, and riot shrink from dovisjngm policy which,, without being oppressive ito the people, ehall immediately begin to effect a i eduction of tho debt, and. if persisted.in, discharge it fully within a definitely fixed number of years. It is our first duly to prepare in earnest for our recovery from the ever increasing evils of an irredeemable currency, without a.sudden revulsion, and vet without untimely procras tination. For that end wo must, each in our respective positions, prepare the way. I hold it the duty of. the Executive to insist upon frugality in tho expenditures ; and a sparing economy is. itself a great national re source. Of the banks to Which' authority has been given to issue notes secured by bonds of tho United Slates, wo may require tho greatest moderation and prudence, and tho jaw irinat he rigidly enforced when its limits arc exceeded. Wo may, ouch of uo, counsel our active and antorprising countryman to bo constant ly pn their guard, to liquidate .debts .con tracted in a paper currency, and, by conduet ing business as nearly as possible op a system of cash payraenlij or short credits, to. bold ■tHemselvos prepared to return to the stand ard of gold and silver. ,To aid our fellow oitizens in the prudent management ot their monetary affairs, tbe doty devolves on us to diminish by law the amount ot paper money now in ciroulntion. Five years ago the bank note circulation of the country amounted to not much more than §200,000,000. Now the’ circulation, bank and national, exceeds, 15700,00.0,000. The simple statement of the fact recommends more strongly than any words of mine could do, the necessity of our restraining this ex pa isii n. The gradual reduction of the cur rency is the only measure that can sa*o the business-of the coun try from disastorous ca lamities; and this can be almost impercepti bly accomplished by gradually funding the' national circulation in securities that mav bo made redeemable at the pleasure of the Gov ernment. ’ ; .Our debt is diiubly secure—firstin the actual V/oaltli and'B ill greater Undeveloped resourc es of the country; and next in the character of our institutions. The ,most intelligent ob servers among political economists have not failed to remark, that the pqbiic debti.pf a ocuhtrj is safe in’ proportion a’S its people are Iroo; that a debt of a republic is the safest of all. Our histofy ednfirms and es tablishes the theory, and is, I Irmly believe, destined to give it a still move signal illustra tion. The secret of this superiority springs not' merely from tho fact that in a' republic the national obligations are distributed mare widely through countless numbers in all' classes of society ; it.tms its root in tho char acter of our.laws* Hero all men contribute to the public welfare, and bear tliojr .fair share oftbe public burdens. During the war, _undcr-tho-i«ipulBes'-of-patHotUm 1 7‘tlie-moa of the groat body of tho popple, without regard to their own comparative-want of wealth throng ed to onr armies and filled our fleets of war, - and held themselves ready to offer their lives' for the public good'. • Now, in their turn, the property and inoom' of tho country should boar their just proportion of the burden of taxation, while in our impost system, through moans of which increased vitality is ally imparted to all tho industrial interests of the natibnj’the duties'should.bo 'SO' adjusted ns to fall most heavily on ahislas of luxury, leaving the necessaries of life as free front' taxation as the absolute wants of tho Govern ment, economically administered,will justify.' No favored" class’ should demand . freedom, from assesment, and tbe taxes should be so distributed as not to fall.unduly on the poor, but rather on the aoumulatod woaltn of the country. Woshouldlcokat'the national debt just as it is—not as a national' blessing, but as a heavy burden on the.-industry of the country, to be discharged without unneces sary delay. r U is estimated by the Secretary of thoi- Treasury that the expenditures fur the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1806, will ex ceed the receipts 5112,194,047. It is gratify ing, however, to state that it is also estl'ma-' ted thas the revenue for the'year ending the 30tH of. Juno, 1807, will cxcied the expendi tures in the sum of 5111,082,818. This amount, or so riiueh as indy be deemed suffi cient for tho purpose, may be applied to the reduction of the public debt, which, pri the' 31st day of October, 1805, was §2,740,854,- 750. *' ' • ' Every reduction .will diminish the total amount of interest to bo paid, and so enlarger the means of still further reductions^-‘until the whole shall be liquidated ; and this, as will bo seen from the estimates of the Score-* tary of the Treasury, may be accomplished by annual payments even within a period not exceeding thirty years. I have faith that wo shall do all this within a reasonable time; that, as wo have amazed the world by the suppression of a civil war which was thought to be beyond the control of any (ioy'ernmo»:t, so we shall equally sjuiw the superiority of our institutions by the prompt and faithful discharge of our national obligations. The Department of Agriculture, under its present direction, ia. accomplishing much in developing and agriculture al capabilities of the country, and for infor mation respecting the details ol itamaqage ment reference is made to the annual report of tho Commissioner. - •'* I- have dwelt thus fully on our domestic af fairs because of thoif transcendent'impor tance. Under any ciroumstanoes, our gtet extent of territory and variety’of climate, producing almost everything that is necessa ry for the wants, and even the comforts of man, make us singularly independent of tbp varying policy of foreign Powers, and 'pro-' teot us against every temptation to “ entan gled alliances,” while at the present moment' the re-establishment of harmony, and the? strength that conies from harmony. Will bo'- our best security against " nations who feel power and f irgot right.’ 1 For myself, it has been and it will bo ray constant' aim to promote peace nod amity with all foreign nations and Powers ; and I hare every reason to believe that they all,- without exception, are animated by the sains disposition.- Our relations with the Emperor of China, so recent in their Origin, are most friendly. Qur commerce with his dominions - U receiving new developments; and it very pleasing to find that the Government of that great Empire mi aTests satisfaction with our policy, and reposes just confidence in the fairness which marks our intercourse. t The unbroken harmony bet ween the United S atus and the Emperor of Russia is receiv ing a new support from an enterprise de signed to’carry telegraphic lines across the continent of Asia, 1 through-.his dominions, and so to connect with all'Europe by & new channel of intercourse. Our commerce with [cONTINOSD OK t*COBO PXOE-] NO. 26.
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