ptf.
m
OL. 52.
fIiIIRICAN ' TOLUISTEER.
every Thursday uonmxa by
P4f#?^B A TarOW & KERNEDT.
' 'f. , f TERMS: .
?!’■ > f. :SVMBbi>tio!».— Two D»Uara if paid within tho
Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid
l-iria&titho year. These terms will bo rigidly ad
: every instance. No subscription dis
[ until all arrearages nro paid Unless at
of tbo Editor. ,
1 ji en'ts —Accompaniedby thocAsn, and
i, one square, will bo inserted three
* 52.00, and twenty-five cents for each
i* :: 'addi&Wil*'inaofW 0 ’ n * Those of a greater length in
- prbpoftidn.
1 —Such as Hand-hills, Posting-bills
Blanks, Labels, Ac. Ac., executed with
at (lie shortest notice.
j®. SUTLER,
V ;JIT'rOItNEY A T LAW,
. v ; ■ CARLISLE. PA.
I,'tj ; t .:;.OrFi°E with V?u. J. Shearer, Esq.
1815-ly.
jno.c.gkah am 7 •
T 0 11 N E Y AT-LAW,
F|i occupied by Judge Gishtun,
».! stscot, Carlisle. [sept. 7,'6j-ly
UtL .•
\V. F. SAULER,
ft.- ■ • ■■
•4 AT LAW,
CARLISLE, Pa.
j£-‘ In Volunteer Building Scuth Hanover
; 1801—ly.
m:
JR l?i. WEAMi.ES’,
tornevatlAW, ,
lil . ‘J^SSjf-'E^Pi.CJi cm South Ilnnovor street, in the
\ n %_j? -room lonuarly occupied by A. R. Sharpe.
1 V’^pfSrS^TSßS— Dm-.
NEW SHAM,
“rf J* yT O -fir AEJ r AT LAW,
■ \ -with Wm. n. Miller, Esq., south
. 'ixJTlwoßfc corner of Hanover and Poinfret itreota.
lB62—tf
E. MA«tL.A.U«iaL.IN,
>V X 0 R N E Y-AT-L A W.
IQ- ■ .- , , ,
in InhoEPs building, just opposite
■ VxtUaMarkei House.
ilb«! March 13, 18B2—ly. ± .
fjrf EOULK, Atiornej at Law.
hk .Jt44®i)fßco with James R. Smith, Esq., Rhoon. s
iij ' HillMßbusineas entrusted to him will ho prompt
ly F°b- 6- 1863.
'ssss, JM. c. HERMAN,
TOENEY AT LAW.
Bill /A'jfejpjE in Rheom’s Hall Building, in
eUlt; of tho Court House,.next door to tic
him HotatdVH-Qffioo i Carlisle. [Fob VQ,
te' JAMES A'. DENBABL
I** TORNEY AT LAW.
i p? CARLIBLB, PA.
' tin ling office.
• a fewfdiSors west of Hannon’s hotel.
I |nl L . 186
■: l F. E. BEIVJfZIIOOVER,
* \ SHitisNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LA W,
J. CARLISLE, PKNN’A.
atl>i| /fTjlfJ-IjCE on South Hanover street, oppo
ijoto' AJf j-aite Bontz’s store.
nW/ * "XB)SBpßiaial artiingomont with the Pa tuft Office*
cUm 'MtomMil# securing Patout Rights.
-;iwSs& m«-it
bilifc” • «■.'***r. l '
CEO. S. SEAKIGBaX,
i. ' Bixltimnre Vollctj* of Dental Snryery
residence of h\p mother, East Louth
ir-fllrleV t throc doors below Bedford.
Dec. 22,1862.
voJ(cf
i o» : '
JO)*.'*’
SM». & -C. I>oo.luS, OlliX
! Haaremovcd from Bout.li Hanover street to Host
Pom'fret street, opposite tUo Female High School,
: • [April 28, 1864.
'"'l fensipn Examining Surgeon
. and Adjacent Country •)
rcflfc,. •, ■ ,
al, e TP\fe.'. J. C. KINKLE, Office, (up stairs) In
Building. South East Cornet of Matko
feqttn¥e» f C,urlislo. [Kov. 2, 'O5-tf.
Bi?||ANJ) LUMBER YARD ’
having leased the Yard
occupied by Armstrong A Hotter,
kn(Tpor phased the stock of
AND LUMBER,
together with an immense now stocky
f. on band and tarnish to order
"T'*' hll kwd&*Qd quality of seasoned
Is!. i EuiSis,
#n ii' ••-Yitu'^BOAKIJS,
' ‘ SCANTLING.
•■ - fbamestupi,
Vrt filing,;blistering, Lath, Shinpling Lath, worked
(, yiootiXLft.Atid, WoatUerboatdlng, Poets and Kails,
-1 'And every Article that belongs to a Lumber Yard.
L ' AU klnds of Shingles, to wit : WhitopSne, Hora
look’-aOd OaU, of.different qualities., Having cars
bf mrdW l I dan.futnißh' bills to order of any
lengUSind lftso at tho shortest notice and on the
moßtyeasonable terms. My vrorlrtd boards will bo
kept under cover so theyoaa bo furnishtod dry at
kll times,, . . - . ■
• I havVoonslanlly on band all kinds of FAMI
LY QO'4l* under cover, which I will deliver clean
to of the borough. To wit: LyKonsVal
ley. Egg, Scoie and Nut, Ldke Fiddler.
Locust Mountain, Lobbory, which 1
i>iedjssSyself to Sell at tho lowest prices.
/ ; Be?’fc!quality of
;. a nid w arid Blacksmiths’ Coal ,
tbs -Alwa;wdn hand which I will soil at the lowest fig-
west cldc of Grammar School, Main
sf> W;
ding". ■
jrain- -1 :
#4'
SB,
rlii'r
10E.—I still retain the same position
ta of DBLANCY <fc BLAIR, which will bo
»h as energetically aa thoir cld
ir the Gas house. As oar purchases will
/together at tho head of the market, wo
idenb by. so doing to bo able to accommo
\ customers and tho public on the most
jo terms. Having relinquished tho tan
fill doovto my entire attention to. tho Coal
mber business.' AU kinds of Coal and
Gcopt ooastantly on band and in tho best
(q. The Lumber Yard will bo managed, by
% Zuloff, whoso experience and skill is well
v b tho community. By strict, attention to
short profits, and a desire to do right we
lecuro a liberal share of public patronage.
ANDRE# 11. BLAIR.
1865-tf
•;»«ft
m/
I,
sfiuli)
—6OO pairs of Traces Chains,
kinde, with a largassortmcnt of
HaUooahius,
“ . * Fifth “
-• i-*SBjfc. “ Tongue •
a Spreads, Sr*, Sus,
- H the Cheap Hadwaro Sturo of
* jSIB 27 * 1863. IL SAXTON.
*r. i
of Every Description, in large and
Mali pcokagos, Linseed Oil, &c„ at
JWWW
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives;
To express gratitude to God, in the name
of the people, for the preservation of the
United States, is ray first duty in addressing
you. Oar thoughts next revert to the death
of the late President by an act of parricidal
treason. The grief of the nation is still
fresh ; it finds some suiaco in the considera
tion that ho lived to enjoy the highest proof
of its confidence by entering on the renewed
term of the Chief Magistracy to which he had
been elected ; that he brought the civil war
substantially to a close ; that his loss was de
plored in all parts of the Union ; and that
foreign nations have, rendered justice to his
memory. His removal oast upon mo a heav
ier weight of caros than ever devolved upon
any one of his predecessors.
To fulfil my trust I need the support and
confidence ol all who are associated with mo
in the various departments of Government,
and the support and confidence of the people.
There is but one way in which I can hope to
gam their necessary aid ; it is to state with
frankness the principles which guide my
conduct, and their application to the present
state of affairs, well aware that the efficiency
of my labors will, in a great measure, de
pend on your and their undivided approba
tion
The Union of the United States of Ameri
ca ■nil's in fended by its authors to last as long
as the States themselves shall last. “ The
Union shall ho perpetual” are the words of
the Confederation. “To form a more per
feet Union," by an ordinance of the people
of the United States, is the declared purpose
of the Constitution. The hand of Divine
Providence was never more plainly visible
in the affairs of men than in the framing and
the adopting of that instrument. It is, be
yond comparison, the greatest event in
American history ; and indeed is it not of all
events in modern times, the most pregnant
with consequences for every peunle of the
ea’rth ?
The members of the convention which pre
pared it brought to the work the experience
of the confederation, of their several States,
and of other republican governments, old and
now ; hut they needed and they obtained a
wisdom superior to experience. And when
for its validity it.required (ho approval of a
people that occupied a large part of >a conti
nent, and acted separately in many distinct
conventions, what is more wonderful than
that after earnest cqptontion and long dis
cussion, gll feelings and all opinions were ul
timately drawn in one way to its support.-
X'he Constitution to which life was thus
imparted contains within itself ample re
sources for its own preservation. It has pow
er to enforce the laws, punish treason, ami
ensure domestic tranquility. lu case of the
usurpation of the Government of a State by
one man, or An oligarchy, it becomes a duty
of tho United States to make good the gunr
antco to that State of a republican form of
government, and so to maintain the homoge
neousness of all. Does the lapse of time re
veal defecth ? A simple mode ’
is provided in.the Constitution itself so that
its conditions can always be made to conform
to the requirements of advancing civilization.
No room is allowed tho thought
of a possibility ol its coming to an end. And
these powers of self preservation have always
been asserted in their complete integrity by
every patriotic Chief Magistrate—bv Jeffer-.
son and Jackson..not loss than by “Washing
ton and Madison. The (parting advices of
the Father of his Country, while yet XJrcsi
dent, to the poonle of the Uni r ed States,,was,,
Mint “the free Constitution, which was the
work of their hands, might be sacredly main
tained and the inaugural words of Presi
dent, Jefferson hild up “ the preservation of
tho General Government in its constitutional
vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at
homo and safety abroad/ 7 The Constitution
is the work of 11 the People of tho United
States/ 7 and it should be as indestructible as
the people.
Is it not strange that tho framers of the
Constitution, which had no model in the past,
should not have fully comprehended the ox
cellenoe of their own work. Fresh* from a
struggle against arbitrary power, many pa
triots suffered from harassing (ears of an ab
sorbtion of the State Governments by tho
General Government, and many front a dread
that the Suites would break away from tboir
orbits. But the very greatness of our coun
try should allay tho apprehension of en
croachments by the General Government.—•
The subjects that come unquestionably with
in its jurisdiction are so numerous, that it
must ever naturally refuse to be embraced
by questions that lie beyond it.
Were it otherwise, the Executive would
sink, beneath the burden; the channels of
justice would be choked; legislation would
be obstructed .by excess ; so that there is n
greater temptation some of the
functions of the General Government through
the States than to trespass on their rightful
sphere. ** The absolute acquiescence in the
decisions of the majority” was; at the begin
ning of tho century, enforced by Jefferson
"as the vital principle of republics" and the
.events of the last four years have established,
we will hope forever, that there lies no ap
peal to force.
The maintenance of the Union brings with
it the support of “ the State Governments hi
all their rightbut it is not one of the
rights of any State Government to renounce
its own place in the Union, or to nullify the
laws of tho Union, the largest liberty is to
be maintained in the discussion of the acts
of the Federal Government; but there is no
appeal from its laws, except to the.various
branches of that Government itself, or to the
people, who grant to tho members of the Leg
islature and of tho Executive Departments no
tenure but a limited one, and in that manner
always retain tho powers of redress.
“ The sovereignty of the States" is the
language of tho Confederacy, apd not the
language of tho Constitution, The latter
contains the emphatic words: “ The Consti
tution and tho Laws of tho United States
which shall be made in pursuance thereof,
and all treaties made or which shall be made
under the authority of the United States shall
be the supreme law of tho land ; and tho jud
ges in every State shall bo bound thereby,
anything in the Constitution or Laws of any
State to tho contrary notwithstanding. 77
Certainly the Government of the United
States is a limited Government; and so Is
every State Government a limited Govern
ment, With us, the idea of -limitation
spreads through everyform of administration,
general, State, and municipal, and rests on
the great distinguishing principle of the
recognition of the rights of man. The an
cient republics absorbed the individual in the
State, proscribed his religion and controlled
his activity. The American system rests on
the assertion of tho equal right of every man
to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness;
to freedom of conscience, to tho culture and
I exorcise Jof all his facilities. As a cqqsq
ANDREW H. BLAIR.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
"OUR COUNTRY—MAY XT AUWAYS BE RIGHT—BUT RIGHT Oft WRONG OUR COUNTRY.”
quenco tho State flovorninont is limited as to
the General Government in tho interest of
tho Unipn, as to the individual citizen in tho
interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of power
are essential to the existence of the Constitiv
tion of the United States. At the very com
mencement, when wo assumed a place among
the Powers of the earth, the Declaration of
Independence was adopted by States; so ah
so wore the Articles of Confederation;, and
“the People of the Unitod States" ordained
and established the Constitution, it was the
assent of the States, one by one, which gave
it vitality. In the event, too, of any amend
ment to the Constitution, the proposition of
Congress needs the confirmation ot States.
Without States, one great branch, of the
legislative government w-mld be wanting.—
And. if wo look beyond ih) lettcrof the C m
.stitution to the character of our country, its
capacity for comprehending within it-* juris*
diction a vast continental empire is duo to
the system of States. The best security for
the perpetual existence of the States is the
" supreme authority" of the Constitution of
the United States. The perpetuity of the.
Constiiution.brings with it the perpetuity of
the States, their mutual relation makes us
what we are, and in our political system
their connection is indissoluble. The whole
cannot exbt without the parts, nor the parts
without the whole. So long ns* the Constitu
tion of the United States endures, the States
will endure ; the destruction of the one is the
destruction of the other ; the preservation of
the one is the preservation of the oilier.
I have thus explained my views of the mu
tual relations of the Constitution und the
States, because they unfold the principles on
which I have sought to solve the momentous
questions and overcome the appalling diffi
culties that mot me at the very commqpeo
meat of my administration. It has been my
steadfast object to escape from the sway of
momentary passions and to derive a healing
policy irom the fundamental and uriebanging
principles of the Constitution.
I found the Sfiiloa suficplng from the nflfputfl
of a ciyil war. Resistance to the General
Government appeared to have exhausted it
self. The United States, had received pos
session of their forts and arsenals ; and their
armies were in the occupation of every Stale
which had attempted to secede. Whether
the territory within the limits of those States
should be held as conquered territory, under,
military authority emanating from the Pres
ident as the head of the army, was the first
question that presented itself fur decision.
Now, military governments, established
for an indefinite period, wpuld have offered
no security for the early suppression of dis
content'; would have divided the people into
the vanquishers and the vanquished ; and
would have envenomed hatred, rather than
have restored affection. Once established, no
precise limit to their continuance was con
ceivable, They would have occasioned an
incalculable and exhausting expense. Peace
ful emigration to and from that portion of
the country is one ot the l)2st moans that can
be thought of for 1 lie restoration of harmony
and that emigration would have boon preven
"tsd7"ftfi r *wlmt 'emigauiCf^m - ab fo ad j wtfat
industrious citizen at home, would place
himself willingly under military rujo?
The ciiief persons who would have followed
in the train of the army would have been de
pendents on the General Government, or men
who expected profit from the miseries of their
erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patroo
age-and-rulo which would have boon exer
cised under the President over and
populous, and naturally wealthy region, are
greater than, unless extreme necessity, I
should be willing (n entrust to any one man ;
they are such as, for myself, I could never,,
unless on occasions of groat emergency, con
sent to exercise. The wilful use of such
powers, it continued through a period of
years, would have endangered the purity of
the general administration and the liberties
ot the States which remained loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule over a
omquered territory would*have implied that
1 the States whose Inhabitants may have taken
nnrt In- the Rebellion had, by (he act of'those
inhabitants, ceased to exist. But the true
theory is that all pretended acts of secession
were, from the beginning, null and void.—
The Staie< cannot commit treason, nor screen
the individual citizens who may have com
mitted treason, any more than they can
make valid treaties or engngo in lawful corn
mere with any foreign Power, The States
attempting to secede placed themselves in a
condition whore their viiality was impaired,
but aot extinguished—their functions suspen
ded, b'ut hot destroyed.
But if any State negleetsor eefuses t o per
form its offices. there is the mere need that
the General Government should maintain ail
its authority, and, ns soon as practicable, re
sume the exercise of all its functions. On
this principle I have acted, itnd have gradu
ally and quietly, and by almost impercepti
ble steps sought to restore the rightful ener
gy of the General Government; and of the
States. To that end, Provisional Governors
have been appointed for the States, Conven
t.ons called. Governors elected, Legislatures
assembled, qhd Senators and Representatives
chosen to the Congress of the United States.
At the same time; the Courts of the United
States, as far a& could be done, have boon re
opened, so that the laws of the United Slates
may be enforced through their agency. The
blockade has been removed and the custom
bouses established in ports of entry, so that
the revenue of the United States n.ny he col
lected. The Post Office Department renews
its ceaseless activity, and !tho General Gov
ernment is thereby enabled to communicate
promptly with its officers and agents. The
courts bring security to persons and proper
ty ; thifopening of the porta invites the res
toration of industry and commerce; the post
office renews the facilities of social inter
course and of business.
And is it not happy for us all, that the res
toration of each one of those functions of the
General Government brings with it a blessing
to the States over which they are extended ?
Is it not a sure promise of Harmony and re
newed attachment to the Union* that, after
all that has happened, the return of the Gen
eral Government is known only as a benefi
cence?
I know very well that this policy is attend
ed with some risk ; that for its success it re
quires at least the acquiescence of the States
which it concerns ; that ic implies un-invita
tion to those States, by renewing their alle
giance to the United States, to resumo their
functions as States of the Union. But it is a
risk that must be takendn the choice of diffi
culties, it is the smallest risk ; and to dimin
ish; and, if, possible, to remove all danger, I
have felt it incumbent on mo to assort one
other power of the General Government—tho
power* to pardon.
As no State can throw a defense over the
crime of treason, tho power of pardon is ex
clusively vested in the Executive Govern
ment of the United States. In exercising
that power, I have taken every precaution to
connect it with the dearest recognition of
CARLISLE, PA.. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 14,1865.
the binding force of the laws of the United
States, and tin unqualified acknowledgement
of the groat social change of condition in re
gard. to slavery which has grown out of the
war.
Tho next/dep which I hare taken c to re
store the constitutional relations of the States
has been an invitation to them to participate
in the high office of amending the Constitu
tion. Every patriot must wish for a general
amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with
public safety. Pur this great -pod there is
need of a concurrence of all opinions, and the
spirit of mutual conciliation. All parties in
the late terrible conflict must work together
in harmony.
It ia not too much to .ask, in the name of
the whole people, that on the one side, the
plan of restoration shall proceed in conformi
ty with a willingness to east the disorders of
toe past into oblivion ; and that, on the other,
the evidence'of sincerity in the future main
tenance of the Union shall be put beyond any
doubt by the ratification of the proposed
amendment to the Constitution, which pro
vides, for the abolition of slavery forever with
in the limits of our country. So long ns the
adoption of this amendment is delayed, so
long will doubt, und jealousy, and uncertain
ty prevail. This is the measure which will
efface the sad memory of the past: this is the
measure which will most certainly call pop
ulation and capital, and security to those
•parts of the Union that nsed them most.
Indeed, it ia not too much to ask of the
States which are now resuming their places
in the family of the Union to give this
, pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace. Un
til it is done the past, however much ivbmay
do.-iirc ic will not be forgotten* The adoption
of the amendment. reunites us beyond all
power or disruption. It heals the wo'und
that is still imperfectly closed; it removes
slavery, the element which has so long per
plexed and divided the country; it makes of
ua once more a united people, renewed and
strengthened, bound more than over to mu
tual affection and support.
TJie ivmcmlmcut u > die Constitution Iselng
adopted, it would remain for the States,
whoso powers have been so long in abeyance,
to resume their places in the two brunches
of the National Legislature, and thereby
complete the work of restoration. Here it is
for you, follow-citizens of the Senate, and for
you, fellow-citizens of the House of Repre
sentatives, to judge, each of you for your
selves, of the elections, returns, and qualifi
cations of your own members. - •
The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government requires the holding of
Circuit Courts of the United States within
the districts where their authority has been
interrupted. In the present posture of our
public affairs, strong objections, have been
urged to holding those courts in any of the
States where the Rtbollion has existed ; and
it was ascertained, by inquiry that the Cir
cuit Court of the United States would not bo
held within the District of Virginia during
the autumn or early winter, nor until Con
gress should have “ an odportunity to consid
er and act on the whole subject.”
To your deliberations the restoration of this
"branch"of the civil authority of the United'
States ia therefore necessarily referred, with
the hopfl that eai ly provision will bo made for
the resumption of all its functions. It is
manifest that treason, most flagrant in char
acter, has been committed. Persons who are
charged with its commission should have fair
and impartial trials in the highest civil trib
unals of the counffy, in order that the Con
stitution and the laws may be fully vindi
cated ; the truth clearly established and
affirmed that treason is a crime, that traitors
should bo punished and tho offense piide in
famous ; and at the same lime, that the qnes
tion may he judicially settled, finally and for
ever, that no State of its own w.iil has the
right to renounce its place ic the Union.
The relations of the General Government
towards the fourmilUonsbfinhabitanta whom
the war has called into freedom has engaged
my most serious consideration. On the pro
priety of attempting to make the freedmen
electors by the proclamation of the Executive,
I took for my cousel the Constitution itself,
the interpretations of that instrument by its
authors and their contemporaries, bnd recent
legislation by Congress. When, at the first
movement towards independence, tl.e Coi\-
. gross of the United States instructed the sev
3ral States to institute govenments of tHeir
own, they left each State to decide for itself
the conditions for enjoyment of the elective
franchise.
During the period of the Confederacy there
continued to exist a very great diversity in
the qualification of electors in the several
States; and even within a State a distinction
of qualification prevailed with regard to the
officers who were to be chosen. The Con*
stitution of the United States recognizes thees
diversities when it enjoys that, in tha choice
of members of the House of Representatives
of the United States, “the electors in each
State shall have the qualifications requisite
for electors of the most numerous branch of
the State Legislature.”
After the formation of the Constitution, it
remained, as before, the uniform usage for
each State .to enlarge the body of its electors,
according to its ewn judgment; and, under
their system, on© State after anotherhaa pro
ceeded to increase the humber of its electors
until now universal suffrage, or something
very near it, is the general rule.
So fixed wn<s this reservation of power in
the habits of the people, and so unquestioned
has been the interpretation of the Cmistitu Lion
that during the war the lute President never
harbored the purpose—certainly never avow
ed the disregarding it; and in
the acts of Congress, during that period,
nothing can be found which, during the con
tinuance of hostilities, much less after their
close, would have, sanctioned any departure
by the Executive from a policy which has been
so uniformely obtained.
Moreover, a o of the elective fran
chiseUo the freedmon, by nctof the President
of the United States, must have been exten
ded to all colored men, wherever found and
so must have established a olmngo of suffrage
in the Northern, Middle; and Western States,
not leas than in the Southern and Southwest
ern. Such an act would have created a now
class of voters, and would have been an as
sumption of prtwer by the. President which
nothing in. the Constitution or laws of the
United States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con
flict is avoided when the settlement of the
questions is referred to the several States.
They can, each for itself, decide on the meas
ure,* and whether it is to bo adopted 'at. once
and absolutely, or introduced gradually and
with conditions. In my judgment, the freed
men, If they show patience and manly virtues,
•will sooner obtain a participation in the elec
tive franchise through theStatesthan through
the General Government, even if it had pow
er to intervene. When the tumult of emo
tions that have been raised by the sudden
ness of tho social change shall have subsided,
;t mo/ ptovo that they will receive tbo kind-
Uest usage from some of those on whom they
have heretofore most closely depended.
But while I have no doubt that now, after
the close of the wAr, it is not competent for
the General Government to extend the elec
tive franchise in the several States, it is equal
ly clear that good faith requires the secu
rity of the froodraeh in their liberty and their
property, their right to labor, and their right
to claim the just return of their labor. I can
not too strongly urge-a dispassionate treatment
of this subject, which should be carefully
kept aloof from all party strife. Wo must
equally avoid hasty assumptions of any natu
ral impossibility for the two races to live side
by side, iu a state of mutual benefit and good
will. The experiment involves us in no in
consistency ; Jet ua then go on and make
that experiment in good faith, and not bo too
easily disheartened.
The country is iu need of labor, and Ibo
freedmen are in need ot employment, culture,
and protection. While their right of volun
tary migration and expatriation is not to be
questioned, I would not adyiso their forced
removal and colonization. Let us rather en
courage thorn to honorable and useful indus
try, where it may be beneficial to themselves
and to the country; and, instead of hasty
anticipation of the ceriauity of failurd, let
there be nothing wanting to the'fair trial of
the experiment.’ The change in their con
dition is the substitution ofiabor by contract
for tiiu status of slavery- Tho freedmen
cannot fairly bo accused of unwillingness to
work, so long as a doubt remains about his
freedom of choice in his pursuits, and the
ocrtaimy of his recovering his stipulated
wages.
In this the interests of the employer and
the employed coincide. Tho employer de
sires in his workmen spirit and alacrity,
and those can be permanently secured in no
other why. And if tho one ought to bo ablo
to enforce the contract, bo ought the other.
Tho public interest will bo best promoted if
tho .several States will provide adequate pro
tection and remedies fur the freodmou. Until
tills ia In some way accomplished, there is no
chance for tho advantageous use of their
labor; and the blame of ill-success will not
rest on them.
1 know that sincere philanthropy is earnest
for tho inmodiato realization of it* remotest
aims; but lime is always au element ia re
form. It is one of the greatest acts on record
to have brought four millions of people into
freedom. The career of free industry must
be fairly opened to them ; and their future
prosperity and condition must, after all, rest
mainly on themselves. If they fail, and so
perish away, let us be careful that the fail
ure shall not be attributable to any denial of
justice. In all that relates to tho destiny of
tho freedmen, we need not bo too anxious to
read the future ; many incidents which, from
a speculative poiiUof view, might raise alarm
will quietly settle themselves.
New that slavery is at an end, or near its
end, the greatness of its evil, in the point of
view, of public economy, becomes more and
more apparent. Slavery was essentially a
monopoly labor and as such locked tho States
where ft prevailed against' tho incoming of
"froeTlfdubify.”“W’lreTo labor wiis tho property
of the capitalist, tbe-white man WiS excluded
from employment, or had but the second
best clmnco of finding it, and the foreign
emigrant turned away from the region where
his condition would be so precarious. With
tho fiostruotion of the monopoly, free labor
will iiastcn from all parts of the civilized
world to assist in developing various and im
measurable resources which hare hitherto
lain d rm.int. .
Tbo eight er nine State’s nearest tho Gulf
of Mexico have a soil of exuberant fertility,
a climate friendly to long Uto, and can sus
tain a denser population than is found as
yet in any part of our country. And the
future influx of population to them will be
mainly f.om the North, or irom the most
cultivated nations in Europe. From tho
sufferings that have attended them during
our late struggle, let us look away to tho
future, which is sure to be laden for them
with greater prosperity than hns ever be
fore boon known. The removal of the mo
nopuly of cluVo labor is a pledge that those
regions will be peopled by a numerous an I
ontetpming population, when will vie with
any in tho Union in compactness, inventive
genius, wealth and industry.
Our Government springs from and was
made for the people, not the people for-the
Government. To them it owes allegiance ;
from them it mustderive ittf courage, strengtn
and wisdom. But while the Gouernmcntr is
bound to defer to tbo people, from whom it
derives its existence, it should, from tho very
consideration of its origin, bo strong in its
origin, bo strong in its power of resistance to
the establishment of inequalities. Monopo
lies; perpetuities, and class legislation are
contrary to the genius of free government,
and ought not to bo allowed. Here there is
no room for favored classes or monopolies ;
tho principle of our. Government is that
of equal laws and freedom of.industry.
Wherever monopoly attains a foothold, it is
sure to be a source of danger, discord and
trouble. Wo shall but fulfil our duties as
legislators by according “ equal and exact
justice to all men,” special privileges to none.
"The Government is subordinate to the people ;
but, ns the agent and the representative of
the people, it must be held superior to. mono
polios, which, in themselves, ought never to
be granted, and which, whore they exist,
must bo subordinate and yield to the Govern
ment.
Tha Constitution confers on Congress the
right to regulate eoamidfoe among the sever
al States. It is of the first necessity, fur the
maintenance of tha Union, that that com
merce should bo free and obstructed. No
State can bo justified in any device to tax the
transit of travel and commerce between
States. The position of many States is such
that, if they were allowed to take advantage
'of it for purposes of local revenue, the com
merce between States might be injuriously
burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It is
best, while the country is still young, and
while the tendency to dangetous monopolie<
of thifj kind is still feeble, to use the power
of Congress so ns to prevent any selfish im
pediment to the free circulation of men and
merchandise. A tax,on travel and merchant
dise in their Iramit, constitutes one of the
worst forms Of monopoly.and the evil is in
creased it coupled with a denial of tho choice
of route. When the vast extent of our ooun
try is considered, it is plain that every ob
stacle to the free circulation of commerce
between .the States ought to bo sternly
guarded against by appropriate legislation,
within tho limits of ihe-Constitution. ’
The report of the Soorstary of tho Interior
explains the condition of tho public lands,
the transactions of tho Patent Office and lire
Pension Bureau, the management of our In
dian affairs, the progress made in tho con
slruotiqji of the Pacific Railroad, and fur
nishes inf iraia ion i i icfjronoe 10,niff-tors of
local interest in the District of Columbia.
It also preseota evidence, of the successful
operation of kite Homestead Aot, under the
provisions of which 1,100,533 acres of the
public lands wore entered during the last
fiscal year—more than one-fourth of the
whale number of acres sold or otherwise dis
posed of during that period.
It is estimated that the receipts derived
from this source arc sufficient to cover the
expenses incident to the survey and disposal
of tho lands entered under this Act, and
that payments iu cash to the extent of from
forty to fifty per cent, will bo made by set
tlors, who may thus at any time acquire ti
tle before the expiration of the period at
which it would otherwise vest. The Homo-
Btoad policy was established only after long
and earnest ; experience proves
its wisdom. in the hands of in
dustrious settlors, whoso labor creates wealth
and contributes io tho public resources, are
worth mure to the United States than if they
had been reserved as a solitude fur future
purchasers.
Tho lamentable events of the last four
years, and the sacrifices made by tho gallant
men of our Army and Navy, have swelled
tho records of tho .Pension Bureau to an un
precedented extant. On tho 30th day of
Juno last, tho total number of pensioners
was 85,986, requiring for their annual pay,
exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,445.
Tho number of applications that have been
allowed since that date will ’require, a large
increase of this amount for the next fiscal
year. Tho moans for tho payment of the
stipends duo under existing lavra, to our dis
abled soldiers and sailors, and to the families
ot such as have perished io the service ; of the
country, will no do.ubt bo cheerfully and
promptly granted. A grateful people will
not hesitate to sanction any measures having
for their object the relief of soldiers muti
lated nod families mado fatherless in the
efforts to preserve our national existence.
The Report of tho Postmaster-General pre
sents an encouraging exhibit of the opera
tions of the Post Office Department during
the year. Tho revenues of tho pa«fc year
from tho loyal States alone ‘exceeded the
maximum annual receipts from all tho States
previous to the* Rebellion, in tho sum of
$0,038,091; and the annual average increase
of revenue during the last four years, com
pared with vhe rovenffenof tho four years im
mediately preceding the Rebellion, was $3,-
533.845.
The revenues of the last fiscal year amount
ed to $14,552,158, and tho expenditures to
$13,094,728; leaving a surpluss of receipts*
over expenditures of $801,430. Progreso has
been made in restoring tho postal .service in
the Southern States. Tho views presented
by tho Postmaster-General ag.tiust the policy
of granting subsidies to-ocean and mail
B'eamship lines upon established routes, and
in favor of continuing the present system,
which limits the compensation for ocean
service to tho postage earnings, are recom
mended to tho careful consideration of Con
gress.
It appears, from tho report of the Secre
tary of tho Navy, ttiat while, at the com
mencement of the present year, there were
iu commission 530 vessels of all classes and
descriptions, armed with—3ooo—guns—and
manned with 51,000 men, tho number of ves
sels at present in commission is 117, with
830 guns and 12,128 men. By this prompt
reduction of the naval forces tho expenses of
the Government have been largely dimin
ished, and a number ,of vessels, purchased
fornaval purposes'from tho merchant marine,
have boon returned to tho peaceful pursuits
of commerce.
Since the suppression of actrvo hostilities
our foreign squadrons have been re-estab
lished, and consist of veasoU much more
efficient than those, employed on similar s*r
vice previous to the 'Rebellion; The sug
gestion for the enlargement of the navy
yards, and especially for the establishment
of one in fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is
deserving of consideration, as is also the re
commendation for a different location* abd
u*oro ample grounds for the Kavnl Academy.
In the. report of the Secretary of Vfar, a
general summary is given of the military
campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending in the
suppression of armed resistance to tVie na
tional authority ia the insurgent States.
The operations of the general administrative
bureaus of the.-Wry; Department during the
past year are detailed, and an estimate made
ot the appropriations that* will be required
for military purposes*ia the fiscal year com
mencing the 30:h day of June, 1853. Xhe
national military force on the Ist. of. May,
ISGS, numbered 1,000,516 men. It ia pro
posed to reduce the military establishment
to a peace footing, comprehending fifty
thousand troops of till arms, organized s) us
to admit of an enlargement by filling up the
ranks to eighty-two thousand six hundred, if
the circumstances of the country should re
quire an augmentation of the army.
The. volunteer force has already been re
duced by the discharge from service of over
eight hundred thousand troops, and the Do
partmeut is proceeding vapidly in the work
of further reduction. The war estimates are
reduced from §516,240,131 to §33,814,461,
which amount, in the opinion of the Depart
ment, is adequate for a peaco establishment.
The measures of retrenchment in each Bu
reau and branch of the service exhibit a dili
gent ecohomy worthy of commendation, lie-
Terence is also made in the report to the ne
cessity of providing for a uniform militia sys
tem, and to the propriety of making suitable
provision for wounded and disabled officers
and soldiers.
Xho revenue system of the country is a
subject of vital interest to its honor and pros
perity, and should command the earnest con
sideration of Congress. The Secretary of the
Treasury will lay before you a full and de-.
tailed report of the receipts and disburse
ments of the last fiscal year, of the first quar
ter of the present fiscal year, of the probable
receipts and expenditures for the other three
quarters, and the estimates for the year fol
lowing the 30th of Juno; 18GG. I might con
tent myself with a reference to that report,
in which you will find all the information re
quired for your deliberations and decision.—
But the paramount importance of the subject
so presses itself on my own mind, that I eah
not but lay before you.my views of the men
suree which are required for the good olmr
aoter, and, X might also say, for the existence
of this people.
The life of a republic lies certainly- in the
energy, virtue and intelligence of its citizens,
but it is equally true that a good revenue sys
tun is the life of an organized Government.
I meet you afa time when the nation has
voluntarily burdened itsnlf with a debt un
prcoodentod in our annals. Vast os is its
amount, it fades away into nothing when
mm.mred with the. countless blessings that
will bo conferred up in ourcountry and upon
man by the preservation of the nation's life.
Now, on the first oocdsjon of the meeting of
Congress since the return of peace, it is of
the utmost importance to inaugurate a just
policy, which shall at once he put in motion,
and which shall commend itself to those who
come after ua for its ooatinuanoo.
IVe must aim at nothing less than tho
complete effaoement of the financial evils
that necessarily followed a state, of civil war.
IVo must: endeavor to apply the earliest
remedy to the deranged state of the currency,
and riot shrink from dovisjngm policy which,,
without being oppressive ito the people, ehall
immediately begin to effect a i eduction of
tho debt, and. if persisted.in, discharge it
fully within a definitely fixed number of
years.
It is our first duly to prepare in earnest for
our recovery from the ever increasing evils of
an irredeemable currency, without a.sudden
revulsion, and vet without untimely procras
tination. For that end wo must, each in our
respective positions, prepare the way. I
hold it the duty of. the Executive to insist
upon frugality in tho expenditures ; and a
sparing economy is. itself a great national re
source. Of the banks to Which' authority
has been given to issue notes secured by
bonds of tho United Slates, wo may require tho
greatest moderation and prudence, and tho
jaw irinat he rigidly enforced when its limits
arc exceeded.
Wo may, ouch of uo, counsel our active
and antorprising countryman to bo constant
ly pn their guard, to liquidate .debts .con
tracted in a paper currency, and, by conduet
ing business as nearly as possible op a system
of cash payraenlij or short credits, to. bold
■tHemselvos prepared to return to the stand
ard of gold and silver. ,To aid our fellow
oitizens in the prudent management ot their
monetary affairs, tbe doty devolves on us to
diminish by law the amount ot paper money
now in ciroulntion.
Five years ago the bank note circulation
of the country amounted to not much more
than §200,000,000. Now the’ circulation,
bank and national, exceeds, 15700,00.0,000.
The simple statement of the fact recommends
more strongly than any words of mine could
do, the necessity of our restraining this ex
pa isii n. The gradual reduction of the cur
rency is the only measure that can sa*o the
business-of the coun try from disastorous ca
lamities; and this can be almost impercepti
bly accomplished by gradually funding the'
national circulation in securities that mav bo
made redeemable at the pleasure of the Gov
ernment. ’ ;
.Our debt is diiubly secure—firstin the actual
V/oaltli and'B ill greater Undeveloped resourc
es of the country; and next in the character
of our institutions. The ,most intelligent ob
servers among political economists have not
failed to remark, that the pqbiic debti.pf
a ocuhtrj is safe in’ proportion a’S its people
are Iroo; that a debt of a republic is the
safest of all. Our histofy ednfirms and es
tablishes the theory, and is, I Irmly believe,
destined to give it a still move signal illustra
tion.
The secret of this superiority springs not'
merely from tho fact that in a' republic the
national obligations are distributed mare
widely through countless numbers in all'
classes of society ; it.tms its root in tho char
acter of our.laws* Hero all men contribute
to the public welfare, and bear tliojr .fair
share oftbe public burdens. During the war,
_undcr-tho-i«ipulBes'-of-patHotUm 1 7‘tlie-moa of
the groat body of tho popple, without regard to
their own comparative-want of wealth throng
ed to onr armies and filled our fleets of war, -
and held themselves ready to offer their lives'
for the public good'. • Now, in their turn, the
property and inoom' of tho country should
boar their just proportion of the burden of
taxation, while in our impost system, through
moans of which increased vitality is
ally imparted to all tho industrial interests of
the natibnj’the duties'should.bo 'SO' adjusted
ns to fall most heavily on ahislas of luxury,
leaving the necessaries of life as free front'
taxation as the absolute wants of tho Govern
ment, economically administered,will justify.'
No favored" class’ should demand . freedom,
from assesment, and tbe taxes should be so
distributed as not to fall.unduly on the poor,
but rather on the aoumulatod woaltn of the
country. Woshouldlcokat'the national debt
just as it is—not as a national' blessing, but
as a heavy burden on the.-industry of the
country, to be discharged without unneces
sary delay. r
U is estimated by the Secretary of thoi-
Treasury that the expenditures fur the fiscal
year ending the 30th of June, 1806, will ex
ceed the receipts 5112,194,047. It is gratify
ing, however, to state that it is also estl'ma-'
ted thas the revenue for the'year ending the
30tH of. Juno, 1807, will cxcied the expendi
tures in the sum of 5111,082,818. This
amount, or so riiueh as indy be deemed suffi
cient for tho purpose, may be applied to the
reduction of the public debt, which, pri the'
31st day of October, 1805, was §2,740,854,-
750. *' ' • '
Every reduction .will diminish the total
amount of interest to bo paid, and so enlarger
the means of still further reductions^-‘until
the whole shall be liquidated ; and this, as
will bo seen from the estimates of the Score-*
tary of the Treasury, may be accomplished
by annual payments even within a period not
exceeding thirty years. I have faith that
wo shall do all this within a reasonable time;
that, as wo have amazed the world by the
suppression of a civil war which was thought
to be beyond the control of any (ioy'ernmo»:t,
so we shall equally sjuiw the superiority of
our institutions by the prompt and faithful
discharge of our national obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under its
present direction, ia. accomplishing much in
developing and agriculture
al capabilities of the country, and for infor
mation respecting the details ol itamaqage
ment reference is made to the annual report
of tho Commissioner. - •'*
I- have dwelt thus fully on our domestic af
fairs because of thoif transcendent'impor
tance. Under any ciroumstanoes, our gtet
extent of territory and variety’of climate,
producing almost everything that is necessa
ry for the wants, and even the comforts of
man, make us singularly independent of tbp
varying policy of foreign Powers, and 'pro-'
teot us against every temptation to “ entan
gled alliances,” while at the present moment'
the re-establishment of harmony, and the?
strength that conies from harmony. Will bo'-
our best security against " nations who feel
power and f irgot right.’ 1
For myself, it has been and it will bo ray
constant' aim to promote peace nod amity
with all foreign nations and Powers ; and I
hare every reason to believe that they all,-
without exception, are animated by the sains
disposition.- Our relations with the Emperor
of China, so recent in their Origin, are most
friendly. Qur commerce with his dominions -
U receiving new developments; and it
very pleasing to find that the Government of
that great Empire mi aTests satisfaction with
our policy, and reposes just confidence in the
fairness which marks our intercourse. t
The unbroken harmony bet ween the United
S atus and the Emperor of Russia is receiv
ing a new support from an enterprise de
signed to’carry telegraphic lines across the
continent of Asia, 1 through-.his dominions,
and so to connect with all'Europe by & new
channel of intercourse. Our commerce with
[cONTINOSD OK t*COBO PXOE-]
NO. 26.