. ... ,---,y, ), , . Co ~. , . vr—,. -- --1 --- - -7- --: -%":•`.= .- - 4 '.` 11 1 / '' '''' / / - --- ;,.. P • it, - ': 1;1, ... diei .,.,. , I. r4Ol r ..:-,'=-1-.6 r: ~.,, • _ ..„, __,. 4 t r. .. , .. ,,,,,v,.....,. , , _ :„ .. ,..e ... ; ‘ , . 1, .;,:::—.„,_ , r g,\, -.‘ -... , .„,; „,itt --- , ' t . \ : • ~ ,f,,‘' '.. . . • "- - ii- 1 t - iffilt-: ~T: , L1C1CT0,4....4. . :.. ,. .;,,,12.; J.7' , "..;.... ' ‘,,,\ \\, I (1 1 4 ~,,-. f , 4''.'5 45.) -e-'2'.. :tel-._:,:) , 1 ,, , , r,4,15.4 ..._. : 7, . .: iTt:,,.. .., 7 :, , , 1 ...._ ,i ,: ....e.r.,_,ii . :_ ;.r . ..._: 7.i,„4 , ~,,,,,,.. . t_ ... : --. .. - l_''t 'OW': -.• . , .- 6 : ::: : : 1 1 - ~ ..Z ::: :'': ::' : 4' /'/ . ...:...:: - ,- 1 1 .. :(f7- .7 4 .:, : .. - . C --, - ` ,, c,, -7 :-= - . -- -• L ~. l s e:••A ' n . ", ~ .N, __-.- , ~-, • , .. !.- , . ~ . r,.... t. ,. 7;.5.. -- ... "rt, ''•.,1'0 . ;" ' X ~.,....' ). !,.',‘ 1 n v . , .,i;.ti1 pt..; i',.. -- i . C..Z., '" r . ,./ ... - -..-..- . . •-‘,...._ . 2 . 4":",e , N, ,-s_ , - -n .- .--9., ,_, ,4 ~ ..ix• ' 111 , ''" - ~''' . .. r :' „et ~ ---,.....—: ~ p,-§,,,,„r,t, „ ,--1.1,04x..11.: ..-A., ... a t 9. ". ' . . DEPEN° ' 4c- "'""."-'s VOL. 51. IHEKICAN _YOLUNTEER. fBILISBED BVBUY THURSDAY UOHNIKQ BT JOHN S. BRATTON. TE II M Ss InlCßiPTiojf. —Two Dollars if paid witbin tbo rtarjgnd Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid [llbin the year. Those terms will bo tigidly ad lered to In every instance. No subscription dis jjatioucd until all arrearages are paid unless at \lt option of tbo Editor. AorBRTiSBMKNts —Accompanied by theoAsn, and let exceeding one square, will bo inserted three Hoes for $1.50. and twenty-five cents for each idJitionul insertion. Those of a greater length in proportion. Joud'niNTiso —Such as Hand-bills, Posting-bills Piopbluls, Clunks, Labels, Ac. Ac., executed with icuracy itud at tbo shortest notice. |Wcnl. PROGRESS OF THE AGE. LIFE IN 1776. Han to the ploVr, "Wife to tbo cow, “Boys to tbo Barn, And all dues settled. LIFE IN 1830. Man becomes a show, 'Girls at the piano, Boy to Greek and Latin, Wives to silk and satin, all bands happy. LIFE IN 1859. Men for speculation, Wives in flusteration, Tbo Boys arc lazy squirts, Girls in patent .skirts, And everybody giddy. LIFE IN 1801. Niggerhcads in power, Bound for civil war, Mobs and Lincoln law, The Stales to overawe, And most of the people crazy. LIFE IN 1861. Tariff tux and dubt, ) 500,000 yet, 'I Thieves and pimps and spiel, Widows, orphans, sighs, And war lor the nigger. HOW SHALL IT BE. Elect our little Mac, Bring our nation back-, To peace, law and order, Hoist tbo shoddy and crow, Tbo thieves and Lincoln too, And stop tho dance of deu'h. Mistellaiieoas. MY CODS IN FANNY. Fanny, rnv cousin, was ft .wild, frolHck -sme f-ort of a girl, and as full of fun as any irl dared to he, without meriting the rcpul- Ive appellation of Tom boy. She was up to all sorts of tricks, and would ky sumo most unmerciful jokes on mo Lenevcr an opportunity presented itself. 1, at that time, was a young man of twon •twi). just graduated from the principal 'S l ' School, and naturally, as most young coda at that age, thought myself of some Wanec to the community. Mynfcmo was~-nu matter, Fanny always Hed “ Con?. Frank.” I was paying a short visit at Uncle John's l '|«ul was thrown a groat deal in Fanny’s jMty. I, of course, became very intimate iih her. If Funny '6V6t played practical jokes on *> I certainly was very litthe behind her,' flam naturally very much of a tease. I'imnd anything would annoy her, that PUhe very thing I was sure to do. jlfslie disliked a certain book t was sure J he cnntin-aally ‘quoting from it. |u she abhoffed a particular person, I was pays talking übout him, and would bring F t«» the house until she would grow fran- Fami seek relief in a flood ot tears, which Ivariably had the desired effect to make me JS pardon and promise better conduct ia Bo future— for t never eoilld ntiifid tears. |lt was a glorious evening and Funny in-; Ned having a few of her young lady ac- Nntanues with her to while away the toura pleasantly. She was very fond of gmpany and always entertained her friends Wilfully. W Fanny was to havo company, and t Jncluded thatj I would have some amuse- | e . nlllt the invited young ladies’ expense. I* Solved several plans in my imagina |J' finally concluded that I would slip Bthe betl-rQoHi^unobserved, where the girls Bud bo likely to leave their capes, shawls, Sh,etc., carry out my practical joke, and If* leave while the girls were busily ert* |N m the parlor. | °. earlv in the evening I hid myself be |S ft wardrobe that stood in ft corner of tho feet from tho wall, fully bent on B n ßMine mischief and having a laugh at ll W nBe Fanny and ber friends. I, l:i d not been in my hiding place long * Mr ? a bev y of young ladies, all talking at Qd If Beeme( | to me, made their appearance, waV | Un dive9tin S themselves of hats, and other wearing apparel. |lj said Bertha, a young lady to Sm '«t ad een paying particular atten rDiKhtT’'° n^er Aether Frank will be here "Itll k- tell, ®°rtlia,” replied Fanny.— 11l m!i ui * expected company, and that 'y would bo one of the party, but eating Sa "l; “Ah indeed,” and waited off iiich S' BnD of a mischievous smile, i n „ c °uld not interpret. There is one. !r e ,J°. u ma y depend upon; if ho is not ’ horri'l'i 1,1 W 0 ' T '*' b ® tt P l have some tif ojl . u °J l| tes played upon Ua ;so keep a' •a ir „ ou . girls, and let’a turn tables on “y 1 Possible.” tlo'hl ro I ) '‘ e 'l Bertha, “it would be snob „ Pay a K „ U(1 j „ ko on Fran k o IVosi ‘n y bo >OTed Bertha, would it?” . , a w * lo ther I am to be denied The “Part.” I mentally said : ini tt L 8 "aftng relieved themselves of all r dio h,J? garments, and looked eiteh one the napi? 11 1 H" 10 ■“ tbo glass withdrew 1 boj.fo. r ’ an ,'afP n, e sole occupant of Icj ii ß r. an “ having the necessary ar ort. 8 1110 with whioh to make' some 1 tatio5 8U *‘ °^, m 7 hiding-place, I prooo '■ v.rin., P oa > cloaks and shawls together 'ktUs’n'a'k 80 of which I attached d bonnet* without number* I in- tended to sprinkle Cayenne popper over the 'whole, and give the girls n sneeze ; to do this I must go to the kitchen after the pepper. Noiselessly I stole out of the room into the kitchen, found tHo Cayenne bottle, and was just on the point of retracing my steps, when I heard the whole troupe of girls coming pell mell, as though the old llarry was after them. What was I to do under the existibg cir cumstances? It wouldn’t do for mo to stand still and bo caught in that position. It cer tainly wouldn’t be policy to rtish out of the back door, and thereby excite the girls’ sus picious. I looked around in dismay, when suddenly my eyes‘fell upon, the new sWill-barrel Fan ny’s mother had got that day. and which had been Iqft standing in One corner of the kitch en until a proper plabo could bo found fbr it. It was perfectly clean, and would have boon fit to hold flour. It had a cover on it, with an Opening about ton inches*in diameter. Quicker than aivink’lwna in the barrel and out of sight of the girls, who came in the kitchen laughing and talking as though they were having the bcst .of-times.. They evidently werb.goihg to stew some 'Oysters, and I, O Lord ! would have to remain b prisoner until such time as they concluded to leave. Well, it could not be helped, so 1 settled myself as beat I coul I, fully resolved to stick to tho barrel as long as it afforded 'nle shelter. To work they went. The oystferg wore soon out of the shells, and Fanny, brushing the shells in a pan, approached tho barrel.— Good Heavens 1 She was going to empty the Bhells on riiy head. Ugh I down came a shower of shells with such force as to nearly stun mo, and Fanny with n laugh, cried: “Girls, I’ve christened the new swill bar rel,” at which droll'saying tho girls all gig gled *vrr “ Well," thmlght I, “ many tilings might be worse ; and tho girls may not have occa sion to use rho swill barrel again." But hardly had the thought passed through 'my brb.in, than splash, down came a promis cuous mess of potfithfe peelings, old bread and cabbage leaves. This display of hOspitklity was accompanied with a hearty laugh from tho cfirls, andT hoard Fanny remark,that she was making good food for hofcfc. *• I wonder why Frank don.t make his ap pearance!” I hoard Bertha say. “ Don't know,” replied Fanny, “’Onlfcss he is enjoying himself better elsewherewhich ‘remark elicited another laugh from tho girls. “ Enjoying himself hotter elsewhere,” thought I with a groan. “ Uugh, very much ■indeed, Miss Fanny, and I hope at some fu ture lime to he able to give you tv taste of the pleasure I am enjoying.” “Nellie,” I heard Tbmny say, “oysters cannot live tvithon't water,” and immediately a largo pan foil of dish-water was precipita ’ ted on me, completely raining my new c<»at Which I had p’undiaseil only the day before, and making me feel mure like a drowned rai than a human being. 1 heard a hearty laugh from the girls, and the suspicious flushing across me that the gilds were aware ot my presence. I was in the act of jumping from tho barrel, when oh. down came a handful of flour, completely blinding mo for ft moment, {n an instant I was out of the barrel And iri the midst of a laughing group of girls. “ Hamlet’s Ghost!” cried Fanny. Then a loud laugh from the girls. I could endure no more. Rushing to the door, I was met full in tho face by a basin of wftter and an ‘‘Excuse mo. sir,” by Bertha, ftliild a Soft ball of dougi struck me on the back of my neck, nearly knocking mo senseless. I rushed from the house and aowrt aback street, half a dozen dogs following, yelling at the top of their voice. I distanced them.all nnd soon found myself in a room of my friend Harry Wilson, fainting for breath. “Good Lord,” cried Harry, “ what have you been doing to get yourself in such a plight I—Rolling1 —Rolling in the gutter?” “Ho, ho, Harry!” I replied. “ give me n suit of your clothes and a basin of water” and I will tell ypu nil tho particulars, provided you promise'screcy.” While renovating myself, I related to liar ry my adventure, and I thought he would kill himself iauhing. After 1 had concluded, ho slapped mo on the shoulder and said:— “ The best jok6 of the season, tfrank.” “ I don’t see it in that lights I replied. I remained with Harry that night, and the next morning went back to Uncle John’s. The first person I met was Fanny-, who burst into a fit of laughing on seeing me, I tried to ho angry but couldn’t, and as I took her proffered hand, I said; “ A truce to all practical jokes, Fanny.” “ With all aiy lierab,” she replied ; nnd you may depend dppn it, I never afterward tried to joke with ray cousin Fanny. A Flank Moves>ent.— -One of SigoTs Sol diers gives the following account of a forag ing adventure in old Virginia: “ Veil, you See, t goes down to dat old fol low’s blace, dat has a beech orchard, to stheal beeches, and ven I gets to tho vront gate, vat you dinks I sees dere, a pig pall dog, and ho looks mighty savage. So I dinks I vrighdons him, and I says, ‘Look hero, Mr. Pull-Dog, ethand back, I fights on disiine all zuminer.’ But do pull-dog, bo don’t care for dat, so I vlunks him. “ I goes vay arount, and vep I gets to the back gate, vat you dinks, Vy derel sees dat* pull dog I So I vlanka him againt I goeffimy arount so as he couldn’t zee me, to another little beech orchard, and ven I gets doro; vat you dinks?. Vy dere I see dat same tam old pull dog? So I vlanks him comes in on de odder side aud got at But vat you dink* dat same pull ddg comes Bow Wow 1 Den I dinks I not fight rait you on dia line, so I retreats mit good order, pretty fast, and gets behint Von £ig hay stack, and den. I makes a sthund.— en I dinks Tam your old who cares for your old beeches? My dime is out next month and de codntrry may go to do devil for beeches; so I goes to my dent.” Amusino Incident. —Charles Gates, a mi nor son of Win. E. Gatos, of Lee Mass., wish ed to enlist, three years ago, but his parents objected to it. One morning ne was sent to drive the cows to pasture, on his way to work taking llis>diunerwith him. But at night ho did not come back, because he had run uWuy and enlisted in the 10th regiment. He remain ed through the three years without a furlough mid returned with the regiment unharmed by rebel bullets. lie arrived in the old pas ture at homo one night last week, jdst at “cow time,” and ho leisurely drove up the sauio old cowfl. as if he hadn't been nwrij for throe years. His “ reception” was a joyful one, none the loss so as his coming was a complete surprise. O'n a tombstone in a church-yard in Ulster, England, is the following epitaph ;—“Erect ed to the memory of John Phillips, acciden tally shot as a murk of affection by his broth er." I " otm COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BBT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY." General Slierman’j Opinions on Beemliiuj in Btbel Slates. A Massachusetts State agent, who had ap plied to General Sherman for ibfurmation concerning the best places for opening re el uiting stations in tlib robel States, received the following reply': Headquarters Military Division'of tub Mississippi, in ViiE Field, near Atlanta, Ga., July 80. John A. Spooner, Esq., Agent for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Nashville, Tenn,; Sir—Yours from Chatta nooga, July 28, is received, notifying mo of your appointment by your Slate as Lieuten ant Colonel and Provost Marshal of Georgia; Alabama rnd Mississippi, under the act of 'Congress approved July ,4, 1864, to recruit volunteers to bo credited to the States respec tively. On applying to Gen. Webster, at Nashville, he will griiht you a pass through our linos to those States, and, as I have had considerable experience in those States, would suggest re cruiting depots t 0 bo established at "Macon and Columbus. Miss., Selma. Montgomery and Mobile, Ala., and Columbus, Milledge villo and Savannah. Ga. 1 do not see that tho law restricts you to black recruits, but you are at liberty to col lect white recruits also. It is waste*Of time and money to open rendezvous in Northwest Georgia, for I assure you I have not seen an ablg-bodied man, black or White, there, lit for a soldier, who was not in this army or the one opposed t 6 ‘rt. You speak of tho impression going abroad that I arn opposed to the organization of col ored regiments. My opinions are dsually very positive, and therd is no reaoou Why you fehoffld not know them. .Though entertaining profound, reverence for our Congress, I do not doubt their wisdom in the passage of this law. 1. Because civilian agents about an army arc a nuisance. 2. The duty of citizens to fight for their codritry is too sacred a one to ho peddled off by buying np the rcfhso 6f other States. 3. Itisunjiist to the brave soldiers and volunteers who nrfe fighting, as those who compose this army do, to place them on a par with the class erf i J ecflurtß you are after. 4. Tho negro is in a transition state, and is n6t tho equal of the white man. 5. lie is liberated from his bondage by Act of war; and the armies in the field are enti tled tp fell his assistanccin labor and fighting, in addition to the proper quotas of tho "States. G. This bidding and bartering fur recruits, white and black, ha's delayed the reinforce ment of our armies at the times When such reinforcements would have enabled us to make our successes permanent. 7. The law is an experiment winch, pend ing the war, is unwise and unsafe, and has delayed the universal draft which I firmly believe will become necessary to overcome the wide-spread resistance offered ns ; and I also believe the universal draft will bo wise and beneficial ; for under the Providence oT Gol it will separate tho sheep from the goals, and demonstrate what citizens will light for their country, and what will only talk. No one will infer from this that I am not a friend of the negro as well as 'the white race; f contend that the treason and rebellion of tho master fr6ed tho slave, and the armies I havo commanded have conducted to safe points more negroes than those of any gener al officer in tho arifly; but I prefer negroes for pioneers, teamsters, cooks and servants, others gradually to experiment in the art of the soldier, beginning with the duties of lo cal garrisons, shell as wo had at Memphis, Vicksburg. Natchez, Nashville nnd Chatta nooga ; but I would not draw on the poor race for too large a proportion of its active, athletic youny men, for some m’Uftt remain to •jeok new hoirtns and provide for tho old and young—the.feebbo and nelplcfis. These are some of my peculiar notions, but I assure you they are shared by a largo pro portion of our fighting rrt6n. You may show this to the ng'ertfrs of 'the other States in the same business as yourself, I am, &0., (Signed) T. W. Sherman’, MnjorGen Official copy I. M. Dayton, Aid dc-Camp, SeVENTY-FI yE TItoUSANP Tons OF TtuMAtf Blood. —A writer in the Jefferson County Union has made Bomettdlcnlations relative to the number of men killed thus far in the war and gives the following infer'eStiVig items: There has been enpUgh already slain to en circle our State if their dead bodies were laid in one continuous line. tf they were placed in oonlß* and corded, they would count thirty-nine thousand cords. If laid in a wall twenty-five feet thick and thirty feet high, it Would bo over one and one-forth miles. If five feet thick arid teb feet high the pile would ren’eh across this State. tf piled Upon a ten acre hit, they would be nearly two hundred flSOt high. And if laid liport the ground, they wolild cover every, foot of soil in Jefferson county.' • Seventy-five thousand tons of hmUan blood have been spilled on Dixie soil—enough to turn cVery spindle in Lowell, and if the tears were added to the flood it Would 'turn the machinery of the continent; and the una: yailing sighs would fill eVery ocean sail. The one-half has not yet been told. The millions of wounded and maimed for life must be taken into account in summing lip the . grand total of ,_evila incident to this bloody fiinatical war. And the end is not yet. To Laboring Men.—Men of toil, you con trol the'destinios ot this country. You of the plow and the mine, and the Workshops, can make and unmake administrations. In the name of posterity, in bjllalfof your children, in behalf of the millions who are to come af ter Us, stdy the foul work of the corrupt par ty in power, by striking through the ballot box, and sweeping, as with a huge w.ive, every vestige of that party out of existence. Workingmen, you alone can save the country* for you.are strong and mighty irf numbers.— It is for you to decide whether you will stag ger nnder an increase of burden, which the perpetuation of the present Moody dynasty will inflict upon you, or whether you will arise in your majesty and crush the despots out of political existence.—//audiiar Citizen. DTT’On a certain railway the following in telligible notice appears :—“Hereafter, When trains moving in an opposite direction are' ap proaching each other on separate linos, con ductors and engineers will bo required to bring their respective trains to a dead halt before the point of meeting, and be very care ful not to proceed till eaob train bud passed the other.” The irfosT Curious Xuinc.—A woman who it not curious. CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, AUGUST 25.1864; THE BUBBLE BURSTING. WHAT SUCH “ 10TAI” MEN AS WADE AND 11. WINTER DAVIS TRIM OF “HONEST ABE.” A Scathing Review of the President’s Anti-Union-Restoratioh. Policy— A Mine Exploded Under the Re publican Petersburg—A Chief Magistrate Frittering Away all Chances of an Honora ble Peace—The Truth Spoken at Last—Mr. Lincoln an Enemy to the Restora tion of the Union. To Hie Supporters of Hie Govern'-mtnl. JWe have read without surprise, hat not without indignation, the proclamation of the President of the Bth of July 1064. .The supporters of the Administration are responsible to the country for ita conduct; aud it is their right and duty to check the encroachments of the executive on the au thority r/f Congress, and to require it to con iine itself to its proper sphere. It is impossible to pass in silence this pro clamation without neglecting that duty, and, having taken as inudh responsibility as any others in supporting the Administration, we are not disposed to fail ih,tho other duty of asserting the rights of'Congress. The President did not sign the hill “ to guarantee to certain States whose Govern ments havcheeh Usurped, h. Republican form of Government”—passed by the supporters of his Administration in both HouScb ol Con gress after mature deliberation. The bill did not therefore become a law ; hnd it Vs therefore nothing.' The proclamation is neither an approval nor a veto of the bill* it is therefore a docu ment unknown to the laws and Constitution of the United States. So far as it contains an apology for not signing the hill, itja a political manifesto against of the Government. So far as it proposes to execute the bill which is not a law, it is a grave executive usurpa tion. It is fitting that the facts necessary to en able the friends of the Administration to ap preciate the apology and the usurpation be spread before them. The proclamation says: “ And whereas the said 1)511 fras presented to the President of the United States for his approval less than one hour before the sine <tic adjournment of said session, Aud was not. signed by him” If that he accurate, still this bill was pre sented with other bills which were signed. Within that hour, the time for-(he nine die adjournment was three times piMponed by the voles of both Houses; and the least inti-' mation of a desire for more time by the Pres ident to consider this bill would have secur ed a further postponement. Yet the committee sent to ascertain if the Pi'e-ddcnt had any further communication for the House of .Representatives reported that he had none ; and the friends the bill, who had anxiously waited on him to ascertain its fate, had already been informed that the Pre sident had resolved not to sign it. The tin s .e of presentation, therefore, had nothing lo do with his failure to approve it. The bill has been discussed grid considered for more than a month in the Hou<e of Rep resentatives, which it passed on the 4th of • May; it was reported to the Senate on the 27th of May without material amendment, anti passed the Senate absolutely aw it came from the House on the 2d of July. Ignorance of its contents is out of the question. Indeed, at his request, a draft of a bill Sub stantially the Hairie in all material points, and identical In the points objected toby the pro clamation, had been laid before him for his* consideration in the w.incor of 18(52-1803. There ia, therefore, no reason to suppose the.provision of the bill took the President by surprise. On the contrary, wo have reason to believe them, to haVe been so well knorirn that this method of preventing the bill became a law without the constitutional responsibility of a veto, had been resolved ou long before the bill passed the Senate. AYe Are informed by a gentleman entitled to entire confidence, that before the 22d of June, in Now Orleans, it was stated by tl member of General Bank's staff, in the pres ence of other gentlemen in official position, that Senator Doolittle had written a.letter to the Department that the House Reconstruc tion bill would be staved off iii the Senate to a period too late in the session to require th*6 President to veto it In the ordfer to defeat it, and that Mr. Lincoln would retain the bill, if nfecessary and thereby defeat it. The experience of Senator'Wade, in his Va rious efforts to get the bill conciidof'ed in. the Senate, was quite in accordance with that phln ; and the fate of-the bill wtift accurately predicted by letters received from New Or leans before it hail passed the Senate. Had the proclamation stopped tlicre, it would have been only’one other defeat of the will of the people by an executive perversion of the Constitution. But it goes further. The President says 44 And whereas the said- bill contains, among other things, a plan for restoring the States in rebellion to their propbr practical relation in the Union, which plan expresses the Sense of Congress upon that subject, and which plan it is now thought fit tU lay before the people.for their consideration —” By" what authority of the Constitution? — In whdt forms? The result to be declared by whom ? With what effect tfhen ascer tained ? It is to be a law by the approval of the people tvithodt the approval of Congress ds the will of the President? . Will the President, on his opinion ot the popular approval execute it as idw. Ur i 3 this merely a device to avoid the serious responsibilisy of defeating a law on which so many loyal hearts rep'osed for secu rity ? Bub the reasons now assigned for not proving the bill are full of oiriinous signifi cance. The President proceeds? - 44 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known, thnlt, while I. am (as I was in December last, when my procla mation I propounded a plan for restoration) unprepared by a formal approval olf this bill to bo inflexibly committed to any single plan of restoration— 1 " That is to say the President has resolved that the people shall hot by law take securi ties from the rebel etateu again a renewal of political. the rebellion, before restoring thoir power to govern us. ilis wisdom and prudence arc to bo our sufficient guarantees, lie further says: ** And while ! am also unprepared to de clare that tbo free State constitutions and goycrutn&nfs already adopted and installed In Arkansas and Louisiana shall bo set aside and held fur naught thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have sot up the same as to further effort—” That is to say, the President persists in recognizing those shrewds of Governments in Arkansas and Louisiana, which Congress formally declared shcfald not be recognized— whoso Representatives and Senators were impelled by formal votes both Houses of Congress—•ivhic'h it was declared formally shou'ld have no electoral vote for President and Vice-President. They are the mere creatures of his will. They cannot live A day without his, support. They ni*o mere oltgapohios, imposed on the people by military orders under the forjnqof election, at which Generals; provost-marshals, soldiers ami camp-followers, were the chief actors, assisted by a handful of resident cit izens, urged oh'to premature action by pri vate letters from the President. In neither Louisiana nor Arkansas before Bank's defeat, did the United States control half the territory or half ‘tlio population.— In Louisiana, General Bank's pro'clamation candidly declared:— 44 The fundamental law of the State is mar tial law.” On that foundation of freedom he erected what the President call* “.the free Constitu tion and Government of Louisiana.” But of this State, whose fundamental law was martial law, only sixteen parishes oat of forty-eight parishes", were held by the United States, and m the five of the sixteen we held only our camps. The eleven parishes wo substantially held hnd two hundred and thirty-three thousand one hundred and eighty-five inhabitants; the residue of tho St uo not hold by us, five hundred and seventy-five thousand six hun dred and seventeen. At the farce called an election, the officers of Generla Batiks renamed that eleven thou sand three hnundred and forty-six ballots were cast; but whether any, or bv whom, tho people of tho United States have no legal assonance; but it is probable that four thou sand were cast by soldiers or employees of the United States military or municipal, but uono according to any law, State or national, and seven thousand ballots represent the State of Louisiana. Such is the free Constitution and Govern ment of Louisiana; and like it is that of Ar kansas. Nothing but the failure of a mili tary expedition deprived us of a like one in the swamps of Florida; and before the Pres idential election, like ones may bo organized in every rebel State whore the United States have a camp. The President, by preventing this bill from becoming a law, holds the electoral votes of the rebel States-at the dictation of his per sonal ambition. If th ose votes turn the balance in his favor 'it is to be supposed that his competitor, defea ted by such means, will acquiesce? If the rebel majority assort their suprema cy in those States, and send votes which will elect an enemy of tho Government, will we not repel his claims. And is not that civil war for the Presiden cy inaugumtedhy tho votes of rebel States? Seriously impressed with, these dangers, Congress, “the proper Constitutional author ity,” formally declared that there are no State Governments in the rebio and provided fur their erection at a proper time ; and both t.o Senate and tho House of Rep resentatives rejected tho senators And repre sentatives chosen under the authority of what,, the President cAUb the free'Constitution and Government of Arkansas. The President’s proclamation -‘holds for naught” this judgement, and discards the au thority of the Supreme Court, and strides headlong toward the anarchy his proclama tion of the Btb of December inaugurated. If electors for President be allowed to be choben in either of those States, a sinister light will bo cast on the motives which indu ced the President to “bold for naught” the will of Congress rrilher than his Government in Louisiana and Arkansas. That judgement of Congress which the President defies was the exercise of an author ity exclusively vested in Congress by the Constitution to determine what ia the.estab lished Government in a State, and in its own nature, and by the highest judicial authority binding on all other departments of the Gov ernment. The Supreme Court has formally declared that under the dih.secdon of the I Vth article of tho Constitution, requiring the United States to guarantee to every state a republican form of government “ it rests with Congress td de cide whnt goVbvhhibht Is th'o bstilbliahed one in a stiUe and “ when senators and repre sentatives of a state are admitted into tho councils of tho Uniort ; thfe authority of the government under which they dre appointed as well ns its republican character, is recog nised by the ptopbr constitutional authority, and' its decision is binding on every depart ment of the government, and could riot be questioned in a judicial tribunal. It is true that the contest in this case did not last long enough to bring'the matter to this issue, and, as no senators or representatives were elec ted under tho authority of the government of frhich Mr. Dorr was the head, Congress was not called upon to decide the controversy.— Yet the right to decide is_placed_there. Even the President's proclamation of thei Bth of December, formally declares that “whether members sent to Congress from any state shall be admitted io seats constitu tionally, rests exclusively with thfe respective Houses, and not to dny extent with tho 'at tentive.” And that is not the less true because whol ly inconsistent with the President’s assump tion in that proclamation of a right to insti tute and recognize state governments in the robol states, nor because the President is Un able to perceive that his recognition is a nul lity.if it be not conclusive on Congress. Under the Constitution, the right to, sena turd and representatives is iheperable from a satate gbAorm'enfe. If there be a, dtate gov ernment, the right is absolute. If there be no stiitd government, there can be no senators or rsj rosentatives chosen. The two Houses of Congress are expressly declared to be the sole judges of their own meiiibers. Athoo, therefore, Senators and reprftSnta tjvos are admitted, the state government, un der whose authority they were chosen, is con clusively established; when they nr© rejec ted, its existence is ns conclusively rejected, and dferiied; and to this judgement the Pres ident is bound to submit. The President proceeds to express his un willingness to 44 declare a constitutional com petency ' in Congress to abolish slavery in states” as another reason for not signing the bill. But the bill nowhere proposes to abolish sla vrfly in states. The bill did provide that all slaves in tlib rebel states should be manumitted. But as the President had already signed three, bills manumitting several classes of slaves in states, it is not conceived possible that bo entertained any scruples touching that provision of the billrespecting which he is silent. He had already himself assumed a right by proclamation to free much the larger num ber of slaves in the rebel states, under the authority given him by Congress, to use mil itary power to suppress the rebellion ; and it is quite inconceivable that the President should think Congress could vest in him a discretion it could not exorcize itself. It is the more unintelligible from the fact that, except in respect to a small part of Vir ginia tvnd Louisiana, the bill covered only what the proclamation covered—added a Congressional title and judicial remediofl*by law to the disputed title under the proclama tion, and perfected the jvork the President professed to b'b so n’nxions to accomplish. Slavery as an institution can be abolished only by a change of the Constitution of the United States or of the law of the State, and this is the principle of the bill. It required thefiew constitution oftbestato to provide for that prohibition; and thb Pres ident,in the face of his own proclamation, does not venture to object to insisting on that condition. Nor will the country tolerate Its abandonment—yet he defeated the only pro vision imposing itl I But when he describes himself, in spite of this great blowatemancipation.as “sincere ly hoping and expecting that a constitution •nl amendment abolishing slavery throughout the cation may be adopted;” wo curiously in quire on what his expectation rests, after the vote of the House of Representatives at the recorit session, and in the face of the politi cal complexion of more than enough of tTie states to prevent the possibility of its adop tion within anv reasonable time; and why ho did not indulge his sincere hopes with-so large an instalment of the blessing as hia ap proval of the bill would have secured. After this assignment of hih reason’s for preventing the bill from becoming a law, the President proceeds to declare his purpose to execute it as a law by his plenary dictato rial power. ’ Ho says: “ Nevertheless, I arc fully satisfied with the system of restoration contained in the bill as one very proper plan for the loyal people of aftjr state choosing to adopt it; and that I am, and at dll tinios shall be, prepar ed to give the elective aid and assistance to any such people so soon as the military re sistance to the United States shall have been suppressed in any such state, and the peo ple thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience.to the Constitution and the la\vfj <Vf the United States, in which cases military governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed according to the bill.” A more studied outrage on the legislative authorities of the people has never been per petrated. Congress passed a bill ; the President re fused’to approve it. and then by proclama tion puts as much of it in force as he sees fit, and proposes to execute those parts by offi cers unknown to .‘tho laws of the United States, and not subject to the confirmation of the* Senate! Tho bill directed the appointment of pro vincial governors by and with the advice fcnd consent of the Senate. The President, after defeating tho law, proposes to appoint, withoiit law, and with out tHo advice and consent of the Senate, military governors for tho rebel states I He has already exercised this dictatorial usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated tho bill to prevent its limitation. Henceforth we must reparrl tho following precedent as the presidential law of tho reb el states: Executive Mansion, V Washington. Maph 15, 18G4. J liis Excellency Michael Hahn, Governor oj Louisiana : Until further order, yon are hereby inyos ted with tho powers exercised hitherto by tho military governor of Louisiana. Yours, “ Abraham Lincoln.” This Michael Halm is no officer of the United States ; the President, without law, without the advice and consent of tho Sen ate, by a private note, not even countersigned by tho Secretary.of State, makes him dicta tor of Louisiana I Tho bill provided for llic civil. lidrtiiniatra tion of the laws of the Slate—till it should be in a fit temper to govern itself—repealing all laws recognizing slavery, and making all men equal before tho law. These bgn£ficlent provisions the President baa annulled. People will die, and marry, and transfer property, and buy jiud sell; and to these acta of civil life courts and officers of the law are riecessriry. Congress legislatur ed for these necessary things, and the Pres ident deprives them of tlie protection of' the law! The' President’s purpose to instruct his military governors “ to proceed according to the bill”—a makeshift to culm tho disap pointment its defeat has occasioned—is not merely a grave usurpation, Imt-a transparent delusion, lie cannot “ ph)2epd according to the bill” after preventing it from becoming a law. f Whatever is done will be at bis will and pleasure, by persons responsible to no law, .and_mom_iatercsted_to_scciire,-the_mlex.ests_ and execute the w.ill of tho President than of the people ; and~thb will of Congress is to be “held for naught,” unless the loyal peo ple of the rebel states choose to adopt it;” If they should graciously prefer tho strin geht bill to the essy proclamation, still tho registration will be made under no legal sanction ; it will give no assurance that n ma jority of the people of the states have teken the oath ; if administered, it will fie without legal authority, and trbid ; no indictment will lie for false swearing at. tho election, or tor admitting bad, or rejecting good, votes ; it will be the farce of Louisiana and Arkansas acted over again under the for/iis c’f this bill but not by authority of law. But when we couib to tliS guarantees of future pedee which Congress meant to enact, the forms, as as tho substance of tho bill, must yield to tho President's will that none should be imposed. It was the solemn resolve of Cortgros«*to protect the loyal men of the nation against throe great dangers. (I) the return to pow of tho guilty leaders of tho (2) the continu ance of slavery, and (t) tho burden of" the rebel debt.- Congress required assent to those provis ions by the convention.of the state ; and if refused, it was .to be dissolved. The Presi dent “ holds for naiight” that resolve of Con press, because he isunwillirig “ to be inflex ibly committed to any one plan of restora tion, 1 ' and the people of the United States are not to be allowed to protect themsolvei unless their enemies agree to it. The order to proceed according to the bill is therefore merely at the will of the rebel States; and they have tlieoption to reject if, accept the proclamation of the Bth of Decem ber, and’demand the President’s recognition l ! Mark the contrast I The bill requires a majority, the proclamation is satisfied with one-tenth ; the .bill requires one oath, the proclamation another; the bill ascertains votes by registering the proclamation bj guess; the bill exacts adherence to existing territorial limits, the proclamation admits of others; the bill governs the rebel states by law, equalizing' all before it, the proclama tion commits them to the lawless discretion of military governors and provost marshals; the bill forbids electors for President, (b» proclamation and defeat of the bill threatens ua with civil war for thehdmisHion or exclu sion of such votes ; the bill exacted exclusion of dangerous enemies from power and the re lief of the nation from the rebel debt, and the prohibition of slavery forever, so that the suppression of the rebellion will double our resources to bear or pay the national debt, free the masses from the old domination of the rebel leaders, and erfadicate the cause of the war; the proclamation secures neither of these guarantees. It is silent respecting the rebel' debt and the political exclusion of rebe.leaders; leav ing slavery exnctly where it was bylaw aft the outbreak of the ■ rebellion, and adds no garunten even of the freedom of the slave* ho undertook to manumit. It is summed up in an illegal oath without a sanction and therefore void. The oath is to support all proclamations of the President, during th« rebellion, having reference to slaves. Any government is to be accepted .at th« handi of obe-temh of tl e peoloplo not o >ntn£ vening that oath. Now, that oath noitherefl cure.s the abolition of slavery nor adds any security te the freedom of the slave* th« President declared free. It docs not secure the abolition of slavery ; for the proclamation of freedom merely pro fessed to free certain slaves while it recogni zed the institution. Every constitution of the rebel states at th* outbreak of rebellion may be adopted ■without' the change of a letter; for none of thorn 'contravene that proclamation, none of them establish slavery. It adds no security to the freedom of the slaves. Fur their title is the proclamation! of free dom. If it Immconstitational, an oath to support it is void. Whether constitutional or not, the oath is without authority of law, and thoro furQvoid. If it bo valid and observed, it exacts no enactment by tho State, either in law or Constitution, to add a State guarantee to the proclamation title, and the right of a slave to freedom is an open Question before the State courts on the relative authority of the State law and the proclamation. If the oath binds tho one-tenth who take it it is not exacted of tho other nine-tenths who succeed to the control of the State Govern ment; so that it is annulled instantly by the act nf recognition. What the State courts would say of tho proclamation, who can doubt? But tho master would not go into court lie would seize his slave. What the Supremo Court would say who can tell ? When and how is the question to get there. No habeas corpus lies for him in the United States.eourt ; and the President defeated with his bill Us extension of that writ to this case. Such are the fruits of this rash and fatal act of the President—a blow at the friends of liis administration, at the rights of humanity aud at tho principles of Republican Govern ment. Tho President hasgreatly presumed on the forbearance which these supporters of his Administration have so long practiced, in view of tho arduous conflict in which we are engaged, and tho reckless ferocity of our political opponents. But he must understand that our support is of a cause and nob of a man; that tho au thority ot Congress is paramount and must bo respected ; that the whole body of the Un ion men of Congress will not submit to be impeached by him of rash and unconslitu tionaljlegislation, and if ho wishes our sup port he must confine himself to liis executive duties —to obey and execute, not rriakri the laws—to-suppress by anus armed rebellion, and leave political reorganization to Congress. If the supporters of the Government fail to insist On this, they become responsible for the usurpations which .they fail to rebuke, and are justly liable to the indignation of the ■people whose rights and security, committed to their keeping, they sacrifice. Let them consider the remedy for these usurpations, and, having found it, fearlessly execute it. B. F. Wade, Chairman Semite Commrnittoo. II WiNTEft .Davis, Chairman Committee House of Representa tives bn tho Rebellious States. Training Bovs. — A lady corresp'dndenfc; whd assumes to know how boys ought to bo trained, writes to an exchange as follows ; “ O mothers I hunt out the soft, tender, go nial side of your boys’ natures. Make the moat of any gentle taste dr comely propensity. Encourage them to love flowers, pictures ami all the beautiful things which God has made. Talk with them, read witli them, go out with tfiem into the fields and woods, and hallow pleasent scenes with holy memories. A dai ly ministration to their unfurnished, hungry minds, a dany“toTrclrtt>~theirTmformed taste/ shall make them more combly than costly gar* merits. They will over bear 3 r ou witness in the character and conduct of yoiir children \ but your laces and embroideries will crum ble to dust. Why don’t mothers teach their children more, aud dress them less ?” : George Selwyn onco affirmed in com pany that no woman overwrote a letter with out a postcript. “My next lettorshall refute you,” said Lady G. Selwyn soon after received a letter from hot ladyship, when, after her signature, stood : “P. S,—Who is right now you or 1 ?” TnnTit.— Triitli is die most potent enemy; the most dreaded foe of Mr. Lincoln’sadmin istration, and will prevail against all Kis ef forts to stifle its elation tones, that sink like poiaened at rows deftp into the coward hearts of the usurpers at Washington. • Wo must have a change of administra tion at Washington. If we are to ho cursed another year with the present sort of milita ry management, every, town along tho Penn sylvania uorder will be destroyed. O* Throughout the whole country ther*. is not s single Lincoln leader who-, speaks one word in favor of the Union as our fathers made it and the observance of ths Constitu tion as our fathers observed it. They sr# tratitors to be^fa. NO. 11.
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