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VOL. 51.
IHEKICAN _YOLUNTEER.
fBILISBED BVBUY THURSDAY UOHNIKQ BT
JOHN S. BRATTON.
TE II M Ss
InlCßiPTiojf. —Two Dollars if paid witbin tbo
rtarjgnd Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid
[llbin the year. Those terms will bo tigidly ad
lered to In every instance. No subscription dis
jjatioucd until all arrearages are paid unless at
\lt option of tbo Editor.
AorBRTiSBMKNts —Accompanied by theoAsn, and
let exceeding one square, will bo inserted three
Hoes for $1.50. and twenty-five cents for each
idJitionul insertion. Those of a greater length in
proportion.
Joud'niNTiso —Such as Hand-bills, Posting-bills
Piopbluls, Clunks, Labels, Ac. Ac., executed with
icuracy itud at tbo shortest notice.
|Wcnl.
PROGRESS OF THE AGE.
LIFE IN 1776.
Han to the ploVr,
"Wife to tbo cow,
“Boys to tbo Barn,
And all dues settled.
LIFE IN 1830.
Man becomes a show,
'Girls at the piano,
Boy to Greek and Latin,
Wives to silk and satin,
all bands happy.
LIFE IN 1859.
Men for speculation,
Wives in flusteration,
Tbo Boys arc lazy squirts,
Girls in patent .skirts,
And everybody giddy.
LIFE IN 1801.
Niggerhcads in power,
Bound for civil war,
Mobs and Lincoln law,
The Stales to overawe,
And most of the people crazy.
LIFE IN 1861.
Tariff tux and dubt,
) 500,000 yet,
'I Thieves and pimps and spiel,
Widows, orphans, sighs,
And war lor the nigger.
HOW SHALL IT BE.
Elect our little Mac,
Bring our nation back-,
To peace, law and order,
Hoist tbo shoddy and crow,
Tbo thieves and Lincoln too,
And stop tho dance of deu'h.
Mistellaiieoas.
MY CODS IN FANNY.
Fanny, rnv cousin, was ft .wild, frolHck
-sme f-ort of a girl, and as full of fun as any
irl dared to he, without meriting the rcpul-
Ive appellation of Tom boy.
She was up to all sorts of tricks, and would
ky sumo most unmerciful jokes on mo
Lenevcr an opportunity presented itself.
1, at that time, was a young man of twon
•twi). just graduated from the principal
'S l ' School, and naturally, as most young
coda at that age, thought myself of some
Wanec to the community.
Mynfcmo was~-nu matter, Fanny always
Hed “ Con?. Frank.”
I was paying a short visit at Uncle John's
l '|«ul was thrown a groat deal in Fanny’s
jMty. I, of course, became very intimate
iih her.
If Funny '6V6t played practical jokes on
*> I certainly was very litthe behind her,'
flam naturally very much of a tease.
I'imnd anything would annoy her, that
PUhe very thing I was sure to do.
jlfslie disliked a certain book t was sure
J he cnntin-aally ‘quoting from it.
|u she abhoffed a particular person, I was
pays talking übout him, and would bring
F t«» the house until she would grow fran-
Fami seek relief in a flood ot tears, which
Ivariably had the desired effect to make me
JS pardon and promise better conduct ia
Bo future— for t never eoilld ntiifid tears.
|lt was a glorious evening and Funny in-;
Ned having a few of her young lady ac-
Nntanues with her to while away the
toura pleasantly. She was very fond of
gmpany and always entertained her friends
Wilfully.
W Fanny was to havo company, and t
Jncluded thatj I would have some amuse-
| e . nlllt the invited young ladies’ expense.
I* Solved several plans in my imagina
|J' finally concluded that I would slip
Bthe betl-rQoHi^unobserved, where the girls
Bud bo likely to leave their capes, shawls,
Sh,etc., carry out my practical joke, and
If* leave while the girls were busily ert*
|N m the parlor.
| °. earlv in the evening I hid myself be
|S ft wardrobe that stood in ft corner of tho
feet from tho wall, fully bent on
B n ßMine mischief and having a laugh at
ll W nBe Fanny and ber friends.
I, l:i d not been in my hiding place long
* Mr ? a bev y of young ladies, all talking at
Qd If Beeme( | to me, made their appearance,
waV | Un dive9tin S themselves of hats,
and other wearing apparel.
|lj said Bertha, a young lady to
Sm '«t ad een paying particular atten
rDiKhtT’'° n^er Aether Frank will be here
"Itll k- tell, ®°rtlia,” replied Fanny.—
11l m!i ui * expected company, and that
'y would bo one of the party, but
eating Sa "l; “Ah indeed,” and waited off
iiich S' BnD of a mischievous smile,
i n „ c °uld not interpret. There is one.
!r e ,J°. u ma y depend upon; if ho is not
’ horri'l'i 1,1 W 0 ' T '*' b ® tt P l have some tif
ojl . u °J l| tes played upon Ua ;so keep a'
•a ir „ ou . girls, and let’a turn tables on
“y 1 Possible.”
tlo'hl ro I ) '‘ e 'l Bertha, “it would be snob
„ Pay a K „ U(1 j „ ko on Fran k o
IVosi ‘n y bo >OTed Bertha, would it?”
. , a w * lo ther I am to be denied
The “Part.” I mentally said :
ini tt L 8 "aftng relieved themselves of all
r dio h,J? garments, and looked eiteh one
the napi? 11 1 H" 10 ■“ tbo glass withdrew
1 boj.fo. r ’ an ,'afP n, e sole occupant of
Icj ii ß r. an “ having the necessary ar
ort. 8 1110 with whioh to make' some
1 tatio5 8U *‘ °^, m 7 hiding-place, I prooo
'■ v.rin., P oa > cloaks and shawls together
'ktUs’n'a'k 80 of which I attached
d bonnet* without number* I in-
tended to sprinkle Cayenne popper over the
'whole, and give the girls n sneeze ; to do this
I must go to the kitchen after the pepper.
Noiselessly I stole out of the room into the
kitchen, found tHo Cayenne bottle, and was
just on the point of retracing my steps, when
I heard the whole troupe of girls coming pell
mell, as though the old llarry was after
them.
What was I to do under the existibg cir
cumstances? It wouldn’t do for mo to stand
still and bo caught in that position. It cer
tainly wouldn’t be policy to rtish out of the
back door, and thereby excite the girls’ sus
picious.
I looked around in dismay, when suddenly
my eyes‘fell upon, the new sWill-barrel Fan
ny’s mother had got that day. and which had
been Iqft standing in One corner of the kitch
en until a proper plabo could bo found fbr it.
It was perfectly clean, and would have boon
fit to hold flour. It had a cover on it, with an
Opening about ton inches*in diameter.
Quicker than aivink’lwna in the barrel
and out of sight of the girls, who came in the
kitchen laughing and talking as though they
were having the bcst .of-times..
They evidently werb.goihg to stew some
'Oysters, and I, O Lord ! would have to remain
b prisoner until such time as they concluded
to leave. Well, it could not be helped, so 1
settled myself as beat I coul I, fully resolved
to stick to tho barrel as long as it afforded
'nle shelter.
To work they went. The oystferg wore
soon out of the shells, and Fanny, brushing
the shells in a pan, approached tho barrel.—
Good Heavens 1 She was going to empty the
Bhells on riiy head. Ugh I down came a
shower of shells with such force as to nearly
stun mo, and Fanny with n laugh, cried:
“Girls, I’ve christened the new swill bar
rel,” at which droll'saying tho girls all gig
gled *vrr
“ Well," thmlght I, “ many tilings might
be worse ; and tho girls may not have occa
sion to use rho swill barrel again."
But hardly had the thought passed through
'my brb.in, than splash, down came a promis
cuous mess of potfithfe peelings, old bread and
cabbage leaves. This display of hOspitklity
was accompanied with a hearty laugh from
tho cfirls, andT hoard Fanny remark,that she
was making good food for hofcfc.
*• I wonder why Frank don.t make his ap
pearance!” I hoard Bertha say.
“ Don't know,” replied Fanny, “’Onlfcss he
is enjoying himself better elsewherewhich
‘remark elicited another laugh from tho girls.
“ Enjoying himself hotter elsewhere,”
thought I with a groan. “ Uugh, very much
■indeed, Miss Fanny, and I hope at some fu
ture lime to he able to give you tv taste of the
pleasure I am enjoying.”
“Nellie,” I heard Tbmny say, “oysters
cannot live tvithon't water,” and immediately
a largo pan foil of dish-water was precipita ’
ted on me, completely raining my new c<»at
Which I had p’undiaseil only the day before,
and making me feel mure like a drowned rai
than a human being.
1 heard a hearty laugh from the girls, and
the suspicious flushing across me that the
gilds were aware ot my presence. I was in
the act of jumping from tho barrel, when oh.
down came a handful of flour, completely
blinding mo for ft moment, {n an instant I
was out of the barrel And iri the midst of a
laughing group of girls.
“ Hamlet’s Ghost!” cried Fanny.
Then a loud laugh from the girls. I could
endure no more. Rushing to the door, I was
met full in tho face by a basin of wftter and
an ‘‘Excuse mo. sir,” by Bertha, ftliild a Soft
ball of dougi struck me on the back of my
neck, nearly knocking mo senseless.
I rushed from the house and aowrt aback
street, half a dozen dogs following, yelling at
the top of their voice. I distanced them.all
nnd soon found myself in a room of my friend
Harry Wilson, fainting for breath.
“Good Lord,” cried Harry, “ what have
you been doing to get yourself in such a
plight I—Rolling1 —Rolling in the gutter?”
“Ho, ho, Harry!” I replied. “ give me n
suit of your clothes and a basin of water” and
I will tell ypu nil tho particulars, provided
you promise'screcy.”
While renovating myself, I related to liar
ry my adventure, and I thought he would
kill himself iauhing. After 1 had concluded,
ho slapped mo on the shoulder and said:—
“ The best jok6 of the season, tfrank.”
“ I don’t see it in that lights I replied.
I remained with Harry that night, and the
next morning went back to Uncle John’s.
The first person I met was Fanny-, who
burst into a fit of laughing on seeing me, I
tried to ho angry but couldn’t, and as I took
her proffered hand, I said; “ A truce to all
practical jokes, Fanny.”
“ With all aiy lierab,” she replied ; nnd
you may depend dppn it, I never afterward
tried to joke with ray cousin Fanny.
A Flank Moves>ent.— -One of SigoTs Sol
diers gives the following account of a forag
ing adventure in old Virginia:
“ Veil, you See, t goes down to dat old fol
low’s blace, dat has a beech orchard, to stheal
beeches, and ven I gets to tho vront gate, vat
you dinks I sees dere, a pig pall dog, and ho
looks mighty savage. So I dinks I vrighdons
him, and I says, ‘Look hero, Mr. Pull-Dog,
ethand back, I fights on disiine all zuminer.’
But do pull-dog, bo don’t care for dat, so I
vlunks him.
“ I goes vay arount, and vep I gets to the
back gate, vat you dinks, Vy derel sees dat*
pull dog I So I vlanka him againt
I goeffimy arount so as he couldn’t zee me,
to another little beech orchard, and ven I
gets doro; vat you dinks?. Vy dere I see
dat same tam old pull dog? So I vlanks him
comes in on de odder side aud got
at But vat you dink* dat same
pull ddg comes Bow Wow 1 Den I dinks I
not fight rait you on dia line, so I retreats mit
good order, pretty fast, and gets behint Von
£ig hay stack, and den. I makes a sthund.—
en I dinks Tam your old who
cares for your old beeches? My dime is out
next month and de codntrry may go to do
devil for beeches; so I goes to my dent.”
Amusino Incident. —Charles Gates, a mi
nor son of Win. E. Gatos, of Lee Mass., wish
ed to enlist, three years ago, but his parents
objected to it. One morning ne was sent to
drive the cows to pasture, on his way to work
taking llis>diunerwith him. But at night ho
did not come back, because he had run uWuy
and enlisted in the 10th regiment. He remain
ed through the three years without a furlough
mid returned with the regiment unharmed
by rebel bullets. lie arrived in the old pas
ture at homo one night last week, jdst at “cow
time,” and ho leisurely drove up the sauio
old cowfl. as if he hadn't been nwrij for throe
years. His “ reception” was a joyful one,
none the loss so as his coming was a complete
surprise.
O'n a tombstone in a church-yard in Ulster,
England, is the following epitaph ;—“Erect
ed to the memory of John Phillips, acciden
tally shot as a murk of affection by his broth
er." I
" otm COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS BE RIGHT—BBT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY."
General Slierman’j Opinions on Beemliiuj
in Btbel Slates.
A Massachusetts State agent, who had ap
plied to General Sherman for ibfurmation
concerning the best places for opening re
el uiting stations in tlib robel States, received
the following reply':
Headquarters Military Division'of tub
Mississippi, in ViiE Field, near Atlanta,
Ga., July 80. John A. Spooner, Esq., Agent
for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
Nashville, Tenn,; Sir—Yours from Chatta
nooga, July 28, is received, notifying mo of
your appointment by your Slate as Lieuten
ant Colonel and Provost Marshal of Georgia;
Alabama rnd Mississippi, under the act of
'Congress approved July ,4, 1864, to recruit
volunteers to bo credited to the States respec
tively.
On applying to Gen. Webster, at Nashville,
he will griiht you a pass through our linos to
those States, and, as I have had considerable
experience in those States, would suggest re
cruiting depots t 0 bo established at "Macon
and Columbus. Miss., Selma. Montgomery
and Mobile, Ala., and Columbus, Milledge
villo and Savannah. Ga.
1 do not see that tho law restricts you to
black recruits, but you are at liberty to col
lect white recruits also. It is waste*Of time
and money to open rendezvous in Northwest
Georgia, for I assure you I have not seen an
ablg-bodied man, black or White, there, lit for
a soldier, who was not in this army or the
one opposed t 6 ‘rt.
You speak of tho impression going abroad
that I arn opposed to the organization of col
ored regiments.
My opinions are dsually very positive, and
therd is no reaoou Why you fehoffld not know
them.
.Though entertaining profound, reverence
for our Congress, I do not doubt their wisdom
in the passage of this law.
1. Because civilian agents about an army
arc a nuisance.
2. The duty of citizens to fight for their
codritry is too sacred a one to ho peddled off
by buying np the rcfhso 6f other States.
3. Itisunjiist to the brave soldiers and
volunteers who nrfe fighting, as those who
compose this army do, to place them on a par
with the class erf i J ecflurtß you are after.
4. Tho negro is in a transition state, and
is n6t tho equal of the white man.
5. lie is liberated from his bondage by Act
of war; and the armies in the field are enti
tled tp fell his assistanccin labor and fighting,
in addition to the proper quotas of tho "States.
G. This bidding and bartering fur recruits,
white and black, ha's delayed the reinforce
ment of our armies at the times When such
reinforcements would have enabled us to
make our successes permanent.
7. The law is an experiment winch, pend
ing the war, is unwise and unsafe, and has
delayed the universal draft which I firmly
believe will become necessary to overcome
the wide-spread resistance offered ns ; and I
also believe the universal draft will bo wise
and beneficial ; for under the Providence oT
Gol it will separate tho sheep from the goals,
and demonstrate what citizens will light for
their country, and what will only talk.
No one will infer from this that I am not a
friend of the negro as well as 'the white race;
f contend that the treason and rebellion of
tho master fr6ed tho slave, and the armies I
havo commanded have conducted to safe
points more negroes than those of any gener
al officer in tho arifly; but I prefer negroes
for pioneers, teamsters, cooks and servants,
others gradually to experiment in the art of
the soldier, beginning with the duties of lo
cal garrisons, shell as wo had at Memphis,
Vicksburg. Natchez, Nashville nnd Chatta
nooga ; but I would not draw on the poor
race for too large a proportion of its active,
athletic youny men, for some m’Uftt remain to
•jeok new hoirtns and provide for tho old and
young—the.feebbo and nelplcfis.
These are some of my peculiar notions, but
I assure you they are shared by a largo pro
portion of our fighting rrt6n.
You may show this to the ng'ertfrs of 'the
other States in the same business as yourself,
I am, &0.,
(Signed) T. W. Sherman’, MnjorGen
Official copy
I. M. Dayton, Aid dc-Camp,
SeVENTY-FI yE TItoUSANP Tons OF TtuMAtf
Blood. —A writer in the Jefferson County
Union has made Bomettdlcnlations relative to
the number of men killed thus far in the war
and gives the following infer'eStiVig items:
There has been enpUgh already slain to en
circle our State if their dead bodies were laid
in one continuous line.
tf they were placed in oonlß* and corded,
they would count thirty-nine thousand cords.
If laid in a wall twenty-five feet thick and
thirty feet high, it Would bo over one and
one-forth miles.
If five feet thick arid teb feet high the pile
would ren’eh across this State.
tf piled Upon a ten acre hit, they would be
nearly two hundred flSOt high.
And if laid liport the ground, they wolild
cover every, foot of soil in Jefferson county.'
• Seventy-five thousand tons of hmUan blood
have been spilled on Dixie soil—enough to
turn cVery spindle in Lowell, and if the tears
were added to the flood it Would 'turn the
machinery of the continent; and the una:
yailing sighs would fill eVery ocean sail.
The one-half has not yet been told. The
millions of wounded and maimed for life
must be taken into account in summing lip
the . grand total of ,_evila incident to this
bloody fiinatical war.
And the end is not yet.
To Laboring Men.—Men of toil, you con
trol the'destinios ot this country. You of the
plow and the mine, and the Workshops, can
make and unmake administrations. In the
name of posterity, in bjllalfof your children,
in behalf of the millions who are to come af
ter Us, stdy the foul work of the corrupt par
ty in power, by striking through the ballot
box, and sweeping, as with a huge w.ive,
every vestige of that party out of existence.
Workingmen, you alone can save the country*
for you.are strong and mighty irf numbers.—
It is for you to decide whether you will stag
ger nnder an increase of burden, which the
perpetuation of the present Moody dynasty
will inflict upon you, or whether you will
arise in your majesty and crush the despots
out of political existence.—//audiiar Citizen.
DTT’On a certain railway the following in
telligible notice appears :—“Hereafter, When
trains moving in an opposite direction are' ap
proaching each other on separate linos, con
ductors and engineers will bo required to
bring their respective trains to a dead halt
before the point of meeting, and be very care
ful not to proceed till eaob train bud passed
the other.”
The irfosT Curious Xuinc.—A woman who
it not curious.
CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, AUGUST 25.1864;
THE BUBBLE BURSTING.
WHAT SUCH “ 10TAI” MEN AS WADE AND 11.
WINTER DAVIS TRIM OF “HONEST ABE.”
A Scathing Review of the President’s
Anti-Union-Restoratioh. Policy— A
Mine Exploded Under the Re
publican Petersburg—A Chief
Magistrate Frittering Away
all Chances of an Honora
ble Peace—The Truth
Spoken at Last—Mr.
Lincoln an Enemy
to the Restora
tion of the
Union.
To Hie Supporters of Hie Govern'-mtnl.
JWe have read without surprise, hat not
without indignation, the proclamation of the
President of the Bth of July 1064.
.The supporters of the Administration are
responsible to the country for ita conduct;
aud it is their right and duty to check the
encroachments of the executive on the au
thority r/f Congress, and to require it to con
iine itself to its proper sphere.
It is impossible to pass in silence this pro
clamation without neglecting that duty, and,
having taken as inudh responsibility as any
others in supporting the Administration, we
are not disposed to fail ih,tho other duty of
asserting the rights of'Congress.
The President did not sign the hill “ to
guarantee to certain States whose Govern
ments havcheeh Usurped, h. Republican form
of Government”—passed by the supporters
of his Administration in both HouScb ol Con
gress after mature deliberation.
The bill did not therefore become a law ;
hnd it Vs therefore nothing.'
The proclamation is neither an approval
nor a veto of the bill* it is therefore a docu
ment unknown to the laws and Constitution
of the United States.
So far as it contains an apology for not
signing the hill, itja a political manifesto
against of the Government. So
far as it proposes to execute the bill which
is not a law, it is a grave executive usurpa
tion.
It is fitting that the facts necessary to en
able the friends of the Administration to ap
preciate the apology and the usurpation be
spread before them.
The proclamation says:
“ And whereas the said 1)511 fras presented
to the President of the United States for his
approval less than one hour before the sine
<tic adjournment of said session, Aud was not.
signed by him”
If that he accurate, still this bill was pre
sented with other bills which were signed.
Within that hour, the time for-(he nine die
adjournment was three times piMponed by
the voles of both Houses; and the least inti-'
mation of a desire for more time by the Pres
ident to consider this bill would have secur
ed a further postponement.
Yet the committee sent to ascertain if the
Pi'e-ddcnt had any further communication for
the House of .Representatives reported that
he had none ; and the friends the bill, who
had anxiously waited on him to ascertain its
fate, had already been informed that the Pre
sident had resolved not to sign it. The tin s .e
of presentation, therefore, had nothing lo do
with his failure to approve it.
The bill has been discussed grid considered
for more than a month in the Hou<e of Rep
resentatives, which it passed on the 4th of
• May; it was reported to the Senate on the
27th of May without material amendment,
anti passed the Senate absolutely aw it came
from the House on the 2d of July. Ignorance
of its contents is out of the question.
Indeed, at his request, a draft of a bill Sub
stantially the Hairie in all material points, and
identical In the points objected toby the pro
clamation, had been laid before him for his*
consideration in the w.incor of 18(52-1803.
There ia, therefore, no reason to suppose
the.provision of the bill took the President by
surprise.
On the contrary, wo have reason to believe
them, to haVe been so well knorirn that this
method of preventing the bill became a law
without the constitutional responsibility of a
veto, had been resolved ou long before the bill
passed the Senate.
AYe Are informed by a gentleman entitled
to entire confidence, that before the 22d of
June, in Now Orleans, it was stated by tl
member of General Bank's staff, in the pres
ence of other gentlemen in official position,
that Senator Doolittle had written a.letter to
the Department that the House Reconstruc
tion bill would be staved off iii the Senate to
a period too late in the session to require th*6
President to veto it In the ordfer to defeat it,
and that Mr. Lincoln would retain the bill,
if nfecessary and thereby defeat it.
The experience of Senator'Wade, in his Va
rious efforts to get the bill conciidof'ed in. the
Senate, was quite in accordance with that
phln ; and the fate of-the bill wtift accurately
predicted by letters received from New Or
leans before it hail passed the Senate.
Had the proclamation stopped tlicre, it
would have been only’one other defeat of the
will of the people by an executive perversion
of the Constitution.
But it goes further. The President says
44 And whereas the said- bill contains,
among other things, a plan for restoring the
States in rebellion to their propbr practical
relation in the Union, which plan expresses
the Sense of Congress upon that subject, and
which plan it is now thought fit tU lay before
the people.for their consideration —”
By" what authority of the Constitution? —
In whdt forms? The result to be declared
by whom ? With what effect tfhen ascer
tained ?
It is to be a law by the approval of the
people tvithodt the approval of Congress ds
the will of the President? .
Will the President, on his opinion ot the
popular approval execute it as idw.
Ur i 3 this merely a device to avoid the
serious responsibilisy of defeating a law on
which so many loyal hearts rep'osed for secu
rity ?
Bub the reasons now assigned for not
proving the bill are full of oiriinous signifi
cance.
The President proceeds?
- 44 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln
President of the United States, do proclaim,
declare, and make known, thnlt, while I. am
(as I was in December last, when my procla
mation I propounded a plan for restoration)
unprepared by a formal approval olf this bill
to bo inflexibly committed to any single plan
of restoration— 1 "
That is to say the President has resolved
that the people shall hot by law take securi
ties from the rebel etateu again a renewal of
political.
the rebellion, before restoring thoir power to
govern us.
ilis wisdom and prudence arc to bo our
sufficient guarantees,
lie further says:
** And while ! am also unprepared to de
clare that tbo free State constitutions and
goycrutn&nfs already adopted and installed
In Arkansas and Louisiana shall bo set aside
and held fur naught thereby repelling and
discouraging the loyal citizens who have sot
up the same as to further effort—”
That is to say, the President persists in
recognizing those shrewds of Governments in
Arkansas and Louisiana, which Congress
formally declared shcfald not be recognized—
whoso Representatives and Senators were
impelled by formal votes both Houses of
Congress—•ivhic'h it was declared formally
shou'ld have no electoral vote for President
and Vice-President.
They are the mere creatures of his will.
They cannot live A day without his, support.
They ni*o mere oltgapohios, imposed on the
people by military orders under the forjnqof
election, at which Generals; provost-marshals,
soldiers ami camp-followers, were the chief
actors, assisted by a handful of resident cit
izens, urged oh'to premature action by pri
vate letters from the President.
In neither Louisiana nor Arkansas before
Bank's defeat, did the United States control
half the territory or half ‘tlio population.—
In Louisiana, General Bank's pro'clamation
candidly declared:—
44 The fundamental law of the State is mar
tial law.”
On that foundation of freedom he erected
what the President call* “.the free Constitu
tion and Government of Louisiana.”
But of this State, whose fundamental law
was martial law, only sixteen parishes oat of
forty-eight parishes", were held by the United
States, and m the five of the sixteen we held
only our camps.
The eleven parishes wo substantially held
hnd two hundred and thirty-three thousand
one hundred and eighty-five inhabitants; the
residue of tho St uo not hold by us, five
hundred and seventy-five thousand six hun
dred and seventeen.
At the farce called an election, the officers
of Generla Batiks renamed that eleven thou
sand three hnundred and forty-six ballots
were cast; but whether any, or bv whom,
tho people of tho United States have no legal
assonance; but it is probable that four thou
sand were cast by soldiers or employees of
the United States military or municipal, but
uono according to any law, State or national,
and seven thousand ballots represent the State
of Louisiana.
Such is the free Constitution and Govern
ment of Louisiana; and like it is that of Ar
kansas. Nothing but the failure of a mili
tary expedition deprived us of a like one in
the swamps of Florida; and before the Pres
idential election, like ones may bo organized
in every rebel State whore the United States
have a camp.
The President, by preventing this bill from
becoming a law, holds the electoral votes of
the rebel States-at the dictation of his per
sonal ambition.
If th ose votes turn the balance in his favor
'it is to be supposed that his competitor, defea
ted by such means, will acquiesce?
If the rebel majority assort their suprema
cy in those States, and send votes which will
elect an enemy of tho Government, will we
not repel his claims.
And is not that civil war for the Presiden
cy inaugumtedhy tho votes of rebel States?
Seriously impressed with, these dangers,
Congress, “the proper Constitutional author
ity,” formally declared that there are no
State Governments in the rebio and
provided fur their erection at a proper time ;
and both t.o Senate and tho House of Rep
resentatives rejected tho senators And repre
sentatives chosen under the authority of what,,
the President cAUb the free'Constitution and
Government of Arkansas.
The President’s proclamation -‘holds for
naught” this judgement, and discards the au
thority of the Supreme Court, and strides
headlong toward the anarchy his proclama
tion of the Btb of December inaugurated.
If electors for President be allowed to be
choben in either of those States, a sinister
light will bo cast on the motives which indu
ced the President to “bold for naught” the
will of Congress rrilher than his Government
in Louisiana and Arkansas.
That judgement of Congress which the
President defies was the exercise of an author
ity exclusively vested in Congress by the
Constitution to determine what ia the.estab
lished Government in a State, and in its own
nature, and by the highest judicial authority
binding on all other departments of the Gov
ernment.
The Supreme Court has formally declared
that under the dih.secdon of the I Vth article of
tho Constitution, requiring the United States
to guarantee to every state a republican form
of government “ it rests with Congress td de
cide whnt goVbvhhibht Is th'o bstilbliahed one
in a stiUe and “ when senators and repre
sentatives of a state are admitted into tho
councils of tho Uniort ; thfe authority of the
government under which they dre appointed
as well ns its republican character, is recog
nised by the ptopbr constitutional authority,
and' its decision is binding on every depart
ment of the government, and could riot be
questioned in a judicial tribunal. It is true
that the contest in this case did not last long
enough to bring'the matter to this issue, and,
as no senators or representatives were elec
ted under tho authority of the government of
frhich Mr. Dorr was the head, Congress was
not called upon to decide the controversy.—
Yet the right to decide is_placed_there.
Even the President's proclamation of thei
Bth of December, formally declares that
“whether members sent to Congress from
any state shall be admitted io seats constitu
tionally, rests exclusively with thfe respective
Houses, and not to dny extent with tho 'at
tentive.”
And that is not the less true because whol
ly inconsistent with the President’s assump
tion in that proclamation of a right to insti
tute and recognize state governments in the
robol states, nor because the President is Un
able to perceive that his recognition is a nul
lity.if it be not conclusive on Congress.
Under the Constitution, the right to, sena
turd and representatives is iheperable from a
satate gbAorm'enfe. If there be a, dtate gov
ernment, the right is absolute. If there be
no stiitd government, there can be no senators
or rsj rosentatives chosen. The two Houses
of Congress are expressly declared to be the
sole judges of their own meiiibers.
Athoo, therefore, Senators and reprftSnta
tjvos are admitted, the state government, un
der whose authority they were chosen, is con
clusively established; when they nr© rejec
ted, its existence is ns conclusively rejected,
and dferiied; and to this judgement the Pres
ident is bound to submit.
The President proceeds to express his un
willingness to 44 declare a constitutional com
petency ' in Congress to abolish slavery in
states” as another reason for not signing the
bill.
But the bill nowhere proposes to abolish sla
vrfly in states.
The bill did provide that all slaves in tlib
rebel states should be manumitted.
But as the President had already signed
three, bills manumitting several classes of
slaves in states, it is not conceived possible
that bo entertained any scruples touching
that provision of the billrespecting which he
is silent.
He had already himself assumed a right
by proclamation to free much the larger num
ber of slaves in the rebel states, under the
authority given him by Congress, to use mil
itary power to suppress the rebellion ; and it
is quite inconceivable that the President
should think Congress could vest in him a
discretion it could not exorcize itself.
It is the more unintelligible from the fact
that, except in respect to a small part of Vir
ginia tvnd Louisiana, the bill covered only
what the proclamation covered—added a
Congressional title and judicial remediofl*by
law to the disputed title under the proclama
tion, and perfected the jvork the President
professed to b'b so n’nxions to accomplish.
Slavery as an institution can be abolished
only by a change of the Constitution of the
United States or of the law of the State, and
this is the principle of the bill.
It required thefiew constitution oftbestato
to provide for that prohibition; and thb Pres
ident,in the face of his own proclamation,
does not venture to object to insisting on that
condition. Nor will the country tolerate Its
abandonment—yet he defeated the only pro
vision imposing itl I
But when he describes himself, in spite of
this great blowatemancipation.as “sincere
ly hoping and expecting that a constitution
•nl amendment abolishing slavery throughout
the cation may be adopted;” wo curiously in
quire on what his expectation rests, after the
vote of the House of Representatives at the
recorit session, and in the face of the politi
cal complexion of more than enough of tTie
states to prevent the possibility of its adop
tion within anv reasonable time; and why
ho did not indulge his sincere hopes with-so
large an instalment of the blessing as hia ap
proval of the bill would have secured.
After this assignment of hih reason’s for
preventing the bill from becoming a law,
the President proceeds to declare his purpose
to execute it as a law by his plenary dictato
rial power. ’
Ho says:
“ Nevertheless, I arc fully satisfied with
the system of restoration contained in the
bill as one very proper plan for the loyal
people of aftjr state choosing to adopt it; and
that I am, and at dll tinios shall be, prepar
ed to give the elective aid and assistance to
any such people so soon as the military re
sistance to the United States shall have been
suppressed in any such state, and the peo
ple thereof shall have sufficiently returned
to their obedience.to the Constitution and the
la\vfj <Vf the United States, in which cases
military governors will be appointed, with
directions to proceed according to the bill.”
A more studied outrage on the legislative
authorities of the people has never been per
petrated.
Congress passed a bill ; the President re
fused’to approve it. and then by proclama
tion puts as much of it in force as he sees fit,
and proposes to execute those parts by offi
cers unknown to .‘tho laws of the United
States, and not subject to the confirmation of
the* Senate!
Tho bill directed the appointment of pro
vincial governors by and with the advice fcnd
consent of the Senate.
The President, after defeating tho law,
proposes to appoint, withoiit law, and with
out tHo advice and consent of the Senate,
military governors for tho rebel states I
He has already exercised this dictatorial
usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated tho
bill to prevent its limitation.
Henceforth we must reparrl tho following
precedent as the presidential law of tho reb
el states:
Executive Mansion, V
Washington. Maph 15, 18G4. J
liis Excellency Michael Hahn, Governor oj
Louisiana :
Until further order, yon are hereby inyos
ted with tho powers exercised hitherto by
tho military governor of Louisiana.
Yours,
“ Abraham Lincoln.”
This Michael Halm is no officer of the
United States ; the President, without law,
without the advice and consent of tho Sen
ate, by a private note, not even countersigned
by tho Secretary.of State, makes him dicta
tor of Louisiana I
Tho bill provided for llic civil. lidrtiiniatra
tion of the laws of the Slate—till it should
be in a fit temper to govern itself—repealing
all laws recognizing slavery, and making all
men equal before tho law.
These bgn£ficlent provisions the President
baa annulled. People will die, and marry,
and transfer property, and buy jiud sell; and
to these acta of civil life courts and officers of
the law are riecessriry. Congress legislatur
ed for these necessary things, and the Pres
ident deprives them of tlie protection of' the
law!
The' President’s purpose to instruct his
military governors “ to proceed according to
the bill”—a makeshift to culm tho disap
pointment its defeat has occasioned—is not
merely a grave usurpation, Imt-a transparent
delusion, lie cannot “ ph)2epd according to
the bill” after preventing it from becoming
a law. f
Whatever is done will be at bis will and
pleasure, by persons responsible to no law,
.and_mom_iatercsted_to_scciire,-the_mlex.ests_
and execute the w.ill of tho President than
of the people ; and~thb will of Congress is to
be “held for naught,” unless the loyal peo
ple of the rebel states choose to adopt it;”
If they should graciously prefer tho strin
geht bill to the essy proclamation, still tho
registration will be made under no legal
sanction ; it will give no assurance that n ma
jority of the people of the states have teken
the oath ; if administered, it will fie without
legal authority, and trbid ; no indictment will
lie for false swearing at. tho election, or tor
admitting bad, or rejecting good, votes ; it
will be the farce of Louisiana and Arkansas
acted over again under the for/iis c’f this bill
but not by authority of law.
But when we couib to tliS guarantees of
future pedee which Congress meant to enact,
the forms, as as tho substance of tho
bill, must yield to tho President's will that
none should be imposed.
It was the solemn resolve of Cortgros«*to
protect the loyal men of the nation against
throe great dangers. (I) the return to pow
of tho guilty leaders of tho (2) the continu
ance of slavery, and (t) tho burden of" the
rebel debt.-
Congress required assent to those provis
ions by the convention.of the state ; and if
refused, it was .to be dissolved. The Presi
dent “ holds for naiight” that resolve of Con
press, because he isunwillirig “ to be inflex
ibly committed to any one plan of restora
tion, 1 ' and the people of the United States
are not to be allowed to protect themsolvei
unless their enemies agree to it.
The order to proceed according to the bill
is therefore merely at the will of the rebel
States; and they have tlieoption to reject if,
accept the proclamation of the Bth of Decem
ber, and’demand the President’s recognition l !
Mark the contrast I The bill requires a
majority, the proclamation is satisfied with
one-tenth ; the .bill requires one oath, the
proclamation another; the bill ascertains
votes by registering the proclamation bj
guess; the bill exacts adherence to existing
territorial limits, the proclamation admits of
others; the bill governs the rebel states by
law, equalizing' all before it, the proclama
tion commits them to the lawless discretion
of military governors and provost marshals;
the bill forbids electors for President, (b»
proclamation and defeat of the bill threatens
ua with civil war for thehdmisHion or exclu
sion of such votes ; the bill exacted exclusion
of dangerous enemies from power and the re
lief of the nation from the rebel debt, and
the prohibition of slavery forever, so that the
suppression of the rebellion will double our
resources to bear or pay the national debt,
free the masses from the old domination of
the rebel leaders, and erfadicate the cause
of the war; the proclamation secures neither
of these guarantees.
It is silent respecting the rebel' debt and
the political exclusion of rebe.leaders; leav
ing slavery exnctly where it was bylaw aft
the outbreak of the ■ rebellion, and adds no
garunten even of the freedom of the slave*
ho undertook to manumit. It is summed up
in an illegal oath without a sanction and
therefore void. The oath is to support all
proclamations of the President, during th«
rebellion, having reference to slaves.
Any government is to be accepted .at th«
handi of obe-temh of tl e peoloplo not o >ntn£
vening that oath. Now, that oath noitherefl
cure.s the abolition of slavery nor adds any
security te the freedom of the slave* th«
President declared free.
It docs not secure the abolition of slavery ;
for the proclamation of freedom merely pro
fessed to free certain slaves while it recogni
zed the institution.
Every constitution of the rebel states at th*
outbreak of rebellion may be adopted
■without' the change of a letter; for none of
thorn 'contravene that proclamation, none of
them establish slavery.
It adds no security to the freedom of the
slaves.
Fur their title is the proclamation! of free
dom.
If it Immconstitational, an oath to support
it is void. Whether constitutional or not, the
oath is without authority of law, and thoro
furQvoid.
If it bo valid and observed, it exacts no
enactment by tho State, either in law or
Constitution, to add a State guarantee to the
proclamation title, and the right of a slave to
freedom is an open Question before the State
courts on the relative authority of the State
law and the proclamation.
If the oath binds tho one-tenth who take it
it is not exacted of tho other nine-tenths who
succeed to the control of the State Govern
ment; so that it is annulled instantly by the
act nf recognition.
What the State courts would say of tho
proclamation, who can doubt?
But tho master would not go into court
lie would seize his slave.
What the Supremo Court would say who
can tell ?
When and how is the question to get there.
No habeas corpus lies for him in the United
States.eourt ; and the President defeated with
his bill Us extension of that writ to this case.
Such are the fruits of this rash and fatal
act of the President—a blow at the friends of
liis administration, at the rights of humanity
aud at tho principles of Republican Govern
ment. Tho President hasgreatly presumed
on the forbearance which these supporters of
his Administration have so long practiced,
in view of tho arduous conflict in which we
are engaged, and tho reckless ferocity of our
political opponents.
But he must understand that our support
is of a cause and nob of a man; that tho au
thority ot Congress is paramount and must
bo respected ; that the whole body of the Un
ion men of Congress will not submit to be
impeached by him of rash and unconslitu
tionaljlegislation, and if ho wishes our sup
port he must confine himself to liis executive
duties —to obey and execute, not rriakri the
laws—to-suppress by anus armed rebellion,
and leave political reorganization to Congress.
If the supporters of the Government fail
to insist On this, they become responsible for
the usurpations which .they fail to rebuke,
and are justly liable to the indignation of the
■people whose rights and security, committed
to their keeping, they sacrifice.
Let them consider the remedy for these
usurpations, and, having found it, fearlessly
execute it.
B. F. Wade,
Chairman Semite Commrnittoo.
II WiNTEft .Davis,
Chairman Committee House of Representa
tives bn tho Rebellious States.
Training Bovs. — A lady corresp'dndenfc;
whd assumes to know how boys ought to bo
trained, writes to an exchange as follows ;
“ O mothers I hunt out the soft, tender, go
nial side of your boys’ natures. Make the
moat of any gentle taste dr comely propensity.
Encourage them to love flowers, pictures ami
all the beautiful things which God has made.
Talk with them, read witli them, go out with
tfiem into the fields and woods, and hallow
pleasent scenes with holy memories. A dai
ly ministration to their unfurnished, hungry
minds, a dany“toTrclrtt>~theirTmformed taste/
shall make them more combly than costly gar*
merits. They will over bear 3 r ou witness in
the character and conduct of yoiir children \
but your laces and embroideries will crum
ble to dust. Why don’t mothers teach their
children more, aud dress them less ?”
: George Selwyn onco affirmed in com
pany that no woman overwrote a letter with
out a postcript. “My next lettorshall refute
you,” said Lady G. Selwyn soon after received
a letter from hot ladyship, when, after her
signature, stood : “P. S,—Who is right now
you or 1 ?”
TnnTit.— Triitli is die most potent enemy;
the most dreaded foe of Mr. Lincoln’sadmin
istration, and will prevail against all Kis ef
forts to stifle its elation tones, that sink like
poiaened at rows deftp into the coward hearts
of the usurpers at Washington. •
Wo must have a change of administra
tion at Washington. If we are to ho cursed
another year with the present sort of milita
ry management, every, town along tho Penn
sylvania uorder will be destroyed.
O* Throughout the whole country ther*.
is not s single Lincoln leader who-, speaks
one word in favor of the Union as our fathers
made it and the observance of ths Constitu
tion as our fathers observed it. They sr#
tratitors to be^fa.
NO. 11.