AMERICAN VOLUNTEER. JOHN B, BRATTON, Editor & Proprietor. CARLISLE,' PA.,JAN. 17, 1861.’ Our columns are again crowded with arti cles on our national difficulties, which prevents ns giving the variety of news wo generally do. As thie is the Only, subject now occupying tho public mind, <we shall endeavor to keep our readers pos’ted, and hope they will excuse us Soia lackiff variety for tho present.' Our Payments to the State. W« extract from the Annual Report of the i Auditor General, juat iesued, the . following statement of the several sums of money paid by Cumberland county to tho Commonwealth, in the shape of, taxes, &0., during tho year ending November 30, : I 86 0; and also, the amount received from the Commonwealth by this county during the same period: PAID TO TUB STATS* Tax on Real Estate, Tavern Licenses, Retailers’ License, Brokers’ License, Distillery and Brewery License, Billiard Rooms & Tea Pin Alloys, Pedlcrs’ License, Eating House License, 230 75 Pamphlet Laws, 5 23 Militia Tax, 37 23 . Millers’ Tax, 204 30 Tax on Writs, "Wills, Deeds, &c., 68183 (Collateral Inheritance Tax, 1,701 68 Theatre, Circus, &c.. 42 50 ■Comb'd Valley Rail Road Co., 3,340 35 Carlisle Gas and Water Co., 40 08 Mechanlcsburg Water Co., 24 99 Accrued Interest, 2 16 Total, received from the state. Common School Appropriation, $4,084 67 Pensions and Gratmtities; ' 40 00 Abatement of State Tax, , . 1,157 89 Mercantile Appraiser, 12 00 Total, Valuation of Real and Personal Estate. By a tabular statement appended to the Au ditor General’s Report for the year 1860, we learn that the total valuation of Real and Per sonal Property in the several counties of this Commonwealth amounts to 8569,049,876; upon whicha State tax of $1,479,377 81, has been as sessed. The total population'of the State, by the Census of 1860, is, 2,921,040; and the number of taxable inhabitants, is 640,176. The aggregate State tax on watches, amounts to 813.865 23., According to this table, the total valuation of Real and Personal Property in Cumberland County, amounts to 811,960,224, upon which a State tax 0f53P,945 33 isassessed. Thepopu lation of the county, by the Census of 1860, is 40,402, and the number of taxable inhabitants 10,426. ’The State tax on Watches amounts to 8207 00. ■There are only eight counties in tho State that exceed Cumberland in tho valuation of their Real and Personal Property, to wit: Al leghany, Berks, Bucks, Chester, Montgomery, Lancaster, Philadelphia and York. . It is evident from tho above that the assess ors of Cumberland county assess our rcalcs tato at a higher rate than any other county in the State. Senator Seward’s Speech. —The mountain ‘has labored, and brought forth a mouse. On Saturday last Senator Seward (Mr. Lincoln’s Secretary of State,) made the speech which prvious- announcement said was forthcoming from' Him; A’s Mr. Seward is to be the prin cipal man in the new administration, and as he is, beyond question, a man of mind, the whole country looked for his speech witli deep anxiety. A hope pervaded all sections and all classes of our people, that ho would say something to allay our present difficulties, and propose some measuVo worthy his national reputation.. But, alas, alas 1 Mr. Seward is still an Abolitionist. Ilis speech reads well, and shows evidence of mind, but it is full of “ifs” and “huts,” and proposes— nothing! — It is, indeed, a disgraceful speech to come from Mr. Seward at this time, It is cold, calcula tings evasive, and non-committal, and really amounts to nothing. Poor Seward —what a field he had before him, had not his 11 irrepres sible conflict” ideas blinded him. The Crittenden Proposition,— The popu lar sentiment in this andoth'er States is rap idly concentrating in favor of some such ad justment of the slavery question as that pro posed by Senator Crittenden, which would ex tend and establish the Missouri Compromise line to California, by an amendment of the Constitution, prohibiting slavery north of that line, and recognizing it south. This would certainly bring peace to our troubled country, and in a short time make tho North and the South again one people, as they were in the days of Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, This proposition is understood to meet the bitter opposition of such men as Sumner, Grow, Wilson, Greeley, and Hickman, but the conser vative, peacc-lovingcitizcns of the land lookup on it with great favor. Its adoption would at once satisfyv Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and the other border slave States, and soon Jfrlhgjinto harmonious un : on with all sections the cOttbn States of the more remote South. Our neighbors of the Herald and the AineHcan appear restless under our allegation that the Republicans are alone responsible for our national difficulties. We repeat, that that party is responsible, and it is worse than folly for. any man to gainsay so palpable a fact. Suppose* either Douglas, Breckinridge or Bell had'Been elected President, would we have had any trouble? Not a bit of it—our country, would stiU.be a unit, and our people prosperous and happy. But, wo don’t know that we can mend mat tors by discussing this question, and wo there fore feel inclined to drop the subject for the present. The Union is dissolved, and tens of ■■ thousands of American citizens are under armsy.roady for a deadly conflict. p ur one we are-willing, for the time being, to blot out divisions? wo are willing to adandon all an tagonisms,. in times like these opinions must bo foregone for- the sake, of the country.. Cherished ideas arc nothing in comparison with our own land’s safety, and the perpituity of its government. Haynes will deliver his celebrated lecture, entitled "Mind your own business,” at Rheom’s Hall, on Thursday evening, Jan. 17, Let all attend, In compliance with tho published .call, a very largo meeting assembled in tho Court House on Monday evening, to give expression on tho subject of our National difficulties. Tho meeting had been called by those who favorod the Compromise “as proposed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden and his compatriots in Congress,” Mr.,R. C. Woodward of Carlisle, was called to tho chair,"who was assisted by a number of Vice Presidents and Secretaries. After being thus organized, Judge Watts made a few very appropriate and patriotic re marks, and concluded by offering a series of resolutions, advocating compromise, and ap proving tho plan of adjustment suggested by Mr. Crittenden. After tho resolutions had boon read, it immediately became manifest that a number of' Republicans had invaded tho meeting, for the purpose, if possible, of defeating its objects. Wm, M. AVatts, Esq., acted as spokesman, and in a short rambling speech, denounced the resolutions as read, and declared himself opposed to amending the Constitution, or of doing anything to appease tho wrath of the South. He was followed by Messrs. Sharpe, Todd and Henderson, in tho same strain, all of whom delivered strong Republican speeches, sneered at the South, at tho President, and at tho fears of tho North, and announced themselves “opposed to any compromise with traitors.” The resolutions were ably and successfully defended by Judge Watts, Wm. M. Penrose, AVm. H. Midler, and Ws. J. Shearer, Esq’rs., and wore finally adopted by nearly unanimous vote, only about a dozen of voices out of the two of three hun dred present, answering in the negative. It was a complete triumph of the friends of our country—a triumph of patriotism over Lin coln- Abolitionism-r-a triumph of reason over fanaticism and hatred. $28,658 17 255 26 1,957 86 197 89 112 50 10 25 47 50 $37,550 53 Old Mother Cumberland is right on this subject, and wc are convinced that nineteen out of every twenty of her people would vote for the Crittenden Amendment if an oppor tunity was afforded them. Those who, at this juncture of affairs, cry out “ no compromise," are doomed men for all time to come; the people are against such sentiments—against the men who utter them, whether they reside in the North or in tho South. Slick a pin there. 85,294 56 The Farmers’ Iligh School of Pennsylvania. • It will be seen that Governor Packer, in his message to the State Legislature, makes, spe cial and favorable mention of the Farmer’s High School of Pennsylvania. He character izes it as " an institution which proposes to ac complish an object which has never been at tained in this country—the supply of a want which has ever been felt; by the agricultural, community—the education ofthoirsOns, atonco to soieritific knowledge, habitual industry, and practical skill,, to fit them for tho associations of rural life, and tho occupation chosen for them by their fathers.” The design of accom modating four,hundred students has not boon carried out within two-thirds of the original ■intention, from the Trustees’ inability to com plete more than one-third of the required build-' m g, On looking over the.report lately published in pamphlet form, we were struck with the fact of the comparatively small interest taken in this Institution by tho State, at large.— From about four-fifths of all the counties there has been ho pecuniary support whatever.- At Cirencester, in England, there has been an Agricultural College in full operation since 1843, and wb have been told by practical, old school farmers in that part of the country, that they found it necessary, in tho competi tion for a living .by their land, to send their sons to this College, scientifically to learn how to make the most of their tillage and stock— Tim necessity for having scientific farming t .ught to their sons arose from! tho fact, pro ved by experience, that those brought up at the Institution actually were bettor farmers, at starting in life, tljan their fathers wore after long practice. Science did for the young men more than experience had done for the’ bid. Godet’s Lady’s Book.— After a long ab sence—for what reason we know not— Godey’s Lady’s Book for January is again .upon our table. Welcome, old friend! AVo need scarce-, ly ask “ how have you been ?” for your bright pages, beautiful typography, exquisite fashion plates, and chaste reading, afford evidence of prosperity. The present number is a magni ficent one, and affords evidence of great in dustry, tact and energy on tho part of the proprietor. ■ Every lady should take the Book, and thus book herself up in regard to fash ions,' noodle-work, and other useful knowl edge. ’ Another Resignation. —The lately ap pointed Secretary of the Treasury, Philip F. Thomas, has resigned. Good! The Cabinet is at last clear of spies and traitors, and tho President will no longer bo annoyed by men who have been doing all in their pow er to sell the Government. The Cabinet as at present composed, is one of tho strongest the President has yet had. Gov. Pickins, of South Carolina, hav ing a balance of S3OOO duo him as late Minis ter to Russia, sent to AA’ashirigton for it. Tho Department adjusted his accounts by sending him a draft on the Charleston Sub Treasury, the moneys in which, has been seized by the State! BSy* Hon. Warren AVinslow, of North Car olina, one of tho Committee- of thirty-three has published an address to his constituents, in which ho says; T- feel constrained to say that I think there is no Hope in Congression al action. jjejy The wife of Major Anderson received six thousand calls on Now Years day, in New York city, where she is now sojourning. This fact is truly significant of popular opinion there with reference to her husband’s gallant transfer of his command from Port Moultrie to Fort S'-.mtor. C 7” At West Chester, Pa., a mooting has been called to offer a regiment of volunteers to the president, for the maintenance of the Constitution and enforcement of tho laws. Ciy’Gov. Banks, of Massachusetts, in his valedictory address recommends tho repeal of’ tho Personal Liberty bills. The city councils of Providence, R. 1., have done tho same thing. Col, Curtin was inaugurated Governor of Pennsylvania on Tuesday. PUBLIC MEETING. Public Medina In compliance with the, published call, a meeting of tho citizens'of Cumberlnnd'county, who favor tho Crittenden plan for tho adjust ment qf our national difficulties, assembled at tho Court House oh Monday evening last: Tho meeting was organized as follows: . ' President," 'r' R. C. AVOODWARD. Vice Presidents. AVm. M- Penrose, Mills Glonn, John AV. Cooklin, James Quigley, Peter Spahr, ■ Ab’m. Lamberton, Ab’m. Rosier, David Wherry, John Millor, John Stuart, jr., . Wm: Hoagy, AVm. Graoey,' Eli Brandt, Jno. McCartney, R. P. Henderson, A. Cathcart, • Sam’l. Megaw, jr,, ' John Pilgrim, Jog. Culver, G. N. Scuuchman, Secretaries: Daniel S. Croft, AVm. M. Bectem, E, Common, A. Dehuff, , Jacob Bowman, AVm. M. Porter, Martin Kunklo, Jno, B. Bratton. Hon. Frederick AVatts offered the following preamble and resolutions, which afterconsid ablo discussion were adopted; Whereas, AVo have assembled hero to con sider a subject which in its importance involves allourearthlyinterests: notonlythb breaking up of the freest and best Government that ov er blessed a happy people, but entailing the eternal disgrace upon the history of our own generation, that we have been unfaithful sen tinels upon that tower of strength and model of beauty whichour fathers placed in our bauds, that we might watch it, and, if need bo, protect it, from the hand of excess or violence, and hand it down to ouf posterity as an example to tho world that a free people ate capable of self-government', not only this but we are brought to contemplate tho approach of. civil war, a curse more damning than we have lan guage to portray: one which breaks up the do mestic comforts of home ; the bond.of relation ship,' the ties of friendship, and all the securi ties with which wo surround each ’other—by whioh our children and friends are to be dem oralized and impoverished, and their lives off ered up as a bloody sacrifice upon the altar of fraternal hatred. Is there cause for this ? and ifthero be, may it be averted? are questions of solemn import now addressed to every man who has a voice to .speak or an influence to exercise. Whilst the blttcrlanguageofstrifo,nyo, the very clan gor of arms almost resounding in our ears, it behooves us speedily, and dispassionately to consider “ what shall we do to be saved.” . A conscientious conviction of the truth im pels us to the conviction that.tho Constitution of the United States, ns it is, if fairly construed and honestly regarded, with a spirit of frater nal kiudness towards each other, affords the most ample protection to tho lives and proper ty of all our citizens both in tlie North and South'; and the political agitation which Dow convulses the country, has its origin in no prin ciple which .finds a place in the hearts ot the American people. : But if it be true that tho experience of sev enty years has taught us, that in some of its details, its influence has been to bring us to the very verge of a civil war, strong as our at tachment may be to that sacred instrument, we desire to express our willingness So to amend it, as to make it equally acceptable to all sec tions Of tho country. Our Republican Qoternment has its foun dation in the affections of tho people; our Constitution is but the written evidence of the principles upon which that affection is based. Our love of country is but an express • ion of attachment to ourselves; and unless that attachment is as widely spread as ,the Constitution itself we fall far short of that self sacrificing spirit ; which influenced the hearts of its original framers. ■ As dispassionate men, who profess to love, ouv country and desire to promote Us pros perity and tho happiness of’its pboplo. we feel, bound to consider our existing political troubles as the subject of compromise and just conciliation, therefore. _ Resolved, That our attachment to tho Ameri can Union is undiminished; and that we will exert all our influence and power and players for its pprpetunl existence; and for that pur pose wo need only roly upon tho patriotism of tho people, having the sanction of a Divine and overruling Providence. Resolved, That tho scheme npw on foot-to sever this Union into Independent Govern ments is one of rashness and folly - ; that the . existence-of separate Republics upon this continent is wholly impracticable, and would be productive only of eternal strife and inter nal wars, until their elements,of conflict would consume each other.’ Resolved, That tho agitating controversy which now distracts tho (Inion and threatens it dissolution, presents no question so grave and difficult as not to bo susceptible of just and Constitutional compromise ; and that wo have an abiding confidence that the people of Pennsylvania will sanction the proposed Con stitutional amendments and Congressional guarantees which arc known as tho “ Critten den compromise;” and that wo advise our Senators and Representatives in Congress to give it their hearty support. Resolved, That wo desire to extend to our brethern of the Southern Border States the hand cf fellowship and kindness, and to as sure them, that our feelings are not in any de gree hosiilo to them or their institutions; and if tho “ fugitive slave law” be divested of its odious features as proposed by tho “Critten den compromise” wo wil heartily co-operate with them in its faithful execution. , Commercial Colleges. — A late article in tho Pennsylvanian thus speaks of Commercial Colleges: Among numerous Institutes in this country styled “Commercial Colleges,”■ none have stood higher in the past, and we think wo may say, none are now doing so much to pro mote the cause of thorough and praoteal busi ness education as “Bryant, Stratton & Go’s National Chain of Mercantile Colleges," loca ted in Philadelphia, New-York, Albany, Buf falo, Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago and St. Lou is. . They stand, foremost in every modern in provenent. Last fall 8., S & Co. published a work on book-keeping, which elicited the high? est encominms from the press and business men, Now they have added a clear and ably written-tvork of 550 pages on commercial law, by Amos Dean, X L D, of Albany, and a com mercial arithmetic of 332 pages,” designed to bo used as text books in their Colleges. The charaterof these works is alone an ample guar antee that tho instruction afforded by them will meet the highest expectations of their pa trons. AVo advise youn men who desire to qualify themselves for the active duties of the counting-house and business pursuits general ly, to spend a few weeks, or months, in one of these first-class institutions. Ports Jackson and Pulaski, in Geor gia, were seized last week by order of Gover nor Brown. Tho Savannah papers state that blit for this notion the forts would have been seized by a spontaneous uprising-of the peo ple. O” Last Friday was generally observed as a day of fasting and prayer, for thoproserva of the Union, all over tho country, (excepting pbrhrpV South Carolina) agreeable to tho Pre sident's recommendation. • (TIT* President Buchanan has declared his firm determination to collect tho revenue, and that tho property now in the-occnpancy of tho troops of South Carolina must be re stored.. Tho seizure of tho United States ar -1 sonal ho deems a high handed outrage. ’ . From the Charleston .Cotirier. CORRESPONDENCE . BETWEEN . Tie Prcsldc&t ef lhe United Slates AND THE €omiii halogen ol Soetfi Carolina. Tho following correspondence was read in secret session; The injunction of secrecy was removed; Washington, 28th December, 1860. Sir Wo have the honot to transmit to you a copy of the full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina, under which we are “ authorized and. empowered to treat with the Government of the United States for the 'delivery of the forts, magazines, light-horn ses, and'other real estate, with their appurte nances, in the limits of South Carolina; and also for an apportionment, of tho public debt, and for a divisionof all other property hold by tho Government of the United States as agent of the Confederated States of which South‘Car olina was recently a member, and generally to negotiate as to all other measures and arrange ments proper to be. made and adopted in the existing relation of the parties, and for the continuance of 'peace and amity between this Commonwealth and the Government at Wash ington." In the. execution of this trust it is our duty to furnish you, as wo now do, with an official copy of the' Ordinance of Secession by which the State of South Carolina has, resumed the powers she delegated to the Government of thb "United States, and has declared her per fect sovereignty and independence. It would also have been our duty to have in formed you that wo wore ready to negotiate with you upouall such questions as aro neces sarily raised by the adoption of this Ordinance, and that wo were prepared to enter upon this negotiation, With tijo earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to inaugurate Our new relations as to secure mutual respect, general advantage, and a fu ture of good-will and harmony, beneficial to all the parties concerned.’ But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such jqn assurance impossible. We came here the representatives of an authority which could, atany time within the past sixty days, have taken possession Of .tho forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we cannot doubt, de termined to trust to your honor, rather than to its own power.. Since our arrival hero an officer of tho United States, acting, as We are assured, not only without, but. against, i your orders, has dismantled ono fort and occupied another— to a most important extent, the condition of affairs under which wo. came. , , ■ • Until theseeirourastances are explained in a manner which relievos ua of all doubt as to the spirit in which those negotiations shall be conducted, wo are forced to suspend all discus sion as to any arrangements by which our mu tual interests might be amicably adjusted. And, in conclusion, we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from tVo harbor of Charleston. Under pres ent circumstances, they are a standing menace which renders hegotiatioii impossible, and, ns our recent experience shows, threatens speedi ly to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judg ment. Very respectfully, your qbd't serv’ts, R. W. Barnwell, 1 J. 11. Adams, >■ Commissioners. . Jas. L. Qrr j To the Presideiut of the United States. The Reply, iv., iNOiotir City, Dec; 30, 1860. . Gentlemen);— l haVo had the honor to re ceive your, communication of tho 28th inst., together with! a : copy of, “ your full powers from the Cou>v;p tion.of thoipecrplo of South Carolina,’’..autboriiltig you to treat with the government'hf States On various important subjects therein mentioned, and ah so a copy of the ordinance, bearing date on tho 20th mat.,declaring that “ tho Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved/’ . In answer this communication, I’havo to say that my position ns President of the Uni ted Slates .was clearly defined in tho message to Congress oil tho 3d inst. In that I stated that “apart from tho execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the, Execu tive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South. Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore exis ting between them/much loss to acknowledge the independence of that State, ’ This would be to invest a inorc Executive officer with the, power of recognizing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recog nition of a foreign de facto government—in volving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this, would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in. all its bearings.”. ■ Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as . private gentlemen of the highest character, and was entirely willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have to make to that body upon tho subject. Of this you wore all aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might bo made of tho whole subject by Congress, who alone possess tho power, as to prevent tho in auguration of ft civil war between tho parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and I therefore deeply regret that, in your opinion, “ the events of the last twenty-four hours render this im possible.” In conclusion, you urge upon mo “ the immediate withdrawal of the troops from tho harbor of Charleston,” stating that “ un der present circumstances they arc a standing menace, whicls..renders negotiation impossi ble, and as our recent experience shows, threa ten speedily to bring to a bloody issue ques tions which ought tp.be settled with temper ance and judgment.” The reason fpr this change in your position is, that since your arrival ip Washington “ an officer of the United States, acting, as we (you) are assured, not only without but against your (my) orders, has dismantled one fort and oc cupied another—thus altering to a most im portant extent the condition of affairs under which we (you), came.” You also allege that you came hero “ the'representatives of an au thority which could, at any time within the past sixty, days', have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) can not doubt, determined to trust to your (my) honor rather than to its power.” This brings mo to a consideration of tho na ture of those ollegcd pledges, and in what manner they have been observed. In my message of tho-3d of December last, I stated, in regard to the,property of tho United States in South Carolina, that it “ has been purchas ed for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the I Legislature of the State,” for tho erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these the authority “to exercise exclusive legisla tion” has been oxpreeslv granted by tho Con stitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force; but if in this I should prove to bo mistaken, tho officer in command of tho forts has received orders to act strictly on tho defensive. “ In such a contingency, tho responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants.” This being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, Bth De cember, four of the Representatives of South Carolina called upon me and,requested an in terview. .Wo had an earnest conversation on thh subject of those forts, and tho best fnean a of preventing a collision between the parties, for tho purpose of sparing the effusion of blood, I suggested, for prudential reasons, that it would bo best to put in writing what they said to me verbally. They din so accordingly, and on Monday morning, the Wth instant, three of them presented to mo a phpor signed by all the Representatives from South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is a copy: ’ To His Excellency James Buchanan, President of the United States: In compliance with our statement hr you yesterday, wo now express to you our strong convictions that neither tho constituted au thorities,’nor any body.of the' people of tho State of South Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbor of Charleston, previously to tho aotlon of tho Con vention, and wo hope and believe not until an offer has been made through an accredited representative, to negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all matters between tho State and Federal Government, provided that no re inforcements shall bo sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present. John McQueen, M; L. Bonham, W. W. Bovce, . Lawrence M; Keitt, Washington, 9th December, iB6O. And hero I must, in justice to mysolf, re mark that at the time tho paper was presen- to me I objected to the word “provided/ 7 as it might be construed into an agreement oh my part, which I never would make. They snidthat nothing was farther from thoir in tention—they did not so understand it, and I should not so consider it. It is evident they could enter into no reciprocal agreement with me on tho subject. They did not profess to have authority to do this, and woro acting in their individual character, I considered it as nothing more, in effect, than tho promise of highly honorable gentlemen to exert their in flucnco for tho purpose expressed; The event has proven that they have faithfully kept this promise, although I have never since, receiv ed a lino from any one of them, or from any member of the Convention on the subject. It is well known that it was my determination, and this I freely expressed it, not to reinforce the forts in the harbor, and thus produce a collision, until they had been actually attack ■odj-.or until I had certain, evidence that they wqre about to bo attacked. This paper I re ceived most cordially, and considered it as a happy omen that peace might be still preserv ed, and that time might bo "thus given for re flection. This is the whole foundation for tho alleged pledge. But I acted in the same manner as I would have done had I entered into a positive and formal agreement with parties capable of con tracting, although such an agreement would havo.beon, on my part, from the nature of my official duties, impossible. The world knows that I have never sent any reinforcements to the forts in Charleston harbor, and I have cer tainly never authorized any change to ho made “in their relative.military status.” Bearing upon this subject, I refer you to an order is sued by the Secretary of War, on the-19th inst, to Major Anderson, but not brought to my notice until the 21st instant. It is as fol lows : Memorandum of Verbal Instructions to Major Anderson-, First Artillery, commanding Fort Moultrie, S.C. “You are aware of the groat anxiety of the Secretary of. War that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to tho military force forts in this harbor, which shaU guard against such a collision. Ho has therefore carefully abstained from increasing his force at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on tho confidence be feels that.. South "Carolina will not attempt by. violence to obtain possession of tho public works or interfere with its. oc cupancy. VO . But as the counsel and acts of rash and im pulsive persons may possibly disappoint these expectations of the Government, he deems, it proper that you should bo prepared with the instructions to meet so unhappy a contingen cy. He has, therefore, directed me verbally, to give you such instructions. You aro carefully to avoid every act which would.needlessly tend to provoke aggression, and for that reason you are not,’without ne cessity to take up any position which could bo construed into the assumption of a hostile at titude but you arc to hold possession of. the forts in this harbor, and if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. Tho smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of tho three forts, but an attack on, or an attempt to take possession of either of them, will beregarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper-to increase its power of "resistance. You are authorized to take similar steps whenever you have tangible evi dence of a design to proceed to a hostile act. D. P. Butler, Assistant Adjutant General. Fort Moultrie,. S. C., Dec. 14, 1860. .This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell. John B. Floyd, Secretary of War. These were the last instructions transmit ted to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sumter, with a single exception, in re gard to a particular which docs not in any degree affect the present question. Under these circumstances, it is clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own responsibility, and without authority, unless, indeed, he had “ tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act” on the part of the authorities of South Carolina, which has not yet boon al leged. Still, ho is a bravo and honorable offi cer, and justice requires that ho should not bo condemned without,a fair hearing. . Be this as it may, when I learned that Major Anderson had left Fort Moultrie, and proceeded to Fort Sumter, my first prompt ings were to command him to return, to his former position, and there to await the contin gencies presented in his instructions. This would only have been done with any degree of safety to his command by the concurrence of tho South Carolina authorities. But be fore any step could possibly have been taken in this direction, we received information that tho “ Palmetto dag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a largo military force wont over last night (tho 27th,) to Fort Moul trie.” Thus the authorities of South Caroli na, without waiting or asking for any oxpla nations, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that tho officer had acted not only without, but against my orders, on the very next day after the night when the remo val was. made, seized by a military force, two of the throe federal forts in tho harbor of Charleston, and have covered them under their own flag instead of that of tho United states. ~ . ... , , At this gloomy period of our history, start ling events succeed each other rapidly. On tho very day, the 27th instant, that possession of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over the Federal Custom House and Post Office in Charleston ; and on tho same day every officer of tho Customs Collector, Naval bfficer. Surveyor, and Ap praiiter-—resigned their offices. And this, al though it was well known, from tho language of my Message, that as an Executive officer I felt myself bound to collect tho revenue at the port of Charleston, under tho existing laws. In tho harbor of Charleston wo now find three forts confronting each other, over all of which tho Federal flag floated only four days ago; but now, over two of them, this flag has been supplanted, and tho Palmetto flag-has been substituted in its stead. It is under all those circumstances that I am urged immedi ately to withdraw t|io troops from the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that without this ncgociation is impossible. This I cannot do—this I prill not do. Such an idea was never thought bf by mo in any possible con tingency. No such allusion has been made in any communication between- myself and 'any human being. But the inference is that I am bound to withdraw the troops from the only fort remaining in the possession of ~the United States in the harbor of Charleston,'be cause the officer there in command of all of the forts thought proper, without instructions, to change his position from one of them to another, At this point of writing, I have received in formation, by telegraph, from Cnpt. Humph reys, in command of the. arsenal at Charles ton, that “it has to-dny, (Sunday, the 30th.) been taken by force of arms." It is stated that the munitions of war belonging lb the United Slates in this arsenal are worth half a million of dollars. Comment is needless. After this informa tion,! have only to add that, whilst it is my duty to defend Fort Sumter ns a .portion of the _ public property of the United States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by such means as I may pos sess for this purpose, I do not perceive-how such a defence can bo construed into a' men ace against the city of Charleston. With groat personal regard, I remain yours very respectfully,. . James Buchanan. ■ To Hon. Robert W. Barnwell, James H. Adams, J. L. Orr. Second Letter of Hie Commissioners to tin President, Washington, D. C., Jan. Ist, 1801. Suit—Wo have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of .your letter of the 30th of J)q comber, m reply to a note addressed by us to you, on the 28tn of the same month, as Com missioners from South Carolina. In reference to the declaration with which your reply commences, that your.-* position as President of the United States was already defined in the Message to Congress of the 3d instant;” that you possess “no power to change the relations heretofore existing be tween South Carolina and the United States,” “much less to acknowledge the independence of that State,” and that consequently you could meet us only, as private gentlemen of the highest character, with an entire willing ness to communicate to Congress any propo sition we might have to mauo—we deem it only necessary to say that the State of South Carolina, having in the exorcise of that great right of self-government which underlies all our political organizations, declared Herself sovereign and independent, we, as her repre sentatives, felt no special solicitude as to the character in which you might recognize us. Satisfied that the State had simply exercised her unquestionable right, we wore prepared, in order to reach substantial good, to waive the formal considerations which your consti tutional scruples might have prevented you from extending. Wo came here, therefore, expecting to, bo received as . you did receive us, and perfectly content with that entire wil lingness, of which you assured .us; to submit any proposition to Congress which wo might have to make upon the subject of the Inde pendence of the State. That willingness was ample,recognition of the condition of public affairs, >vhieh rendered our presence necessa ry. In this, position, however, it is our duty to both the State which wo represent, and to ourselves, to correct, several important, mis conceptions of our letter, into which you have fallen. . You say “it was my "earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the pos session of. the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston; and I therefore deeply regret that in'your opinion the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible.” Wo expressed no such opinion ; and the lan guage which you quote as ours, is altered in its sense by the omission of a most important part:of the sentence. What; we did say was: " But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance impossible;” Place that “ assurance,” ns contained in our letter, and we are prepared to repeat it. Again, professing to quote our language, you say:—“Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanation, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had- acted not only without, but against my orders,” &c. Wo expressed no such opinion in reference to the belief of the people, of South Carolina. The language which you quoted-was applied solely and entirely to our assurances obtained here, and based, ns yon well know, upon your own declaration —a declaration which, at that lime, it was impossible for the authorities of South Carolina to have kuown. But, without following this letter into all its details, we propose only to meet the chief points of the argument. Some weeks ago, South Carolina declared her intention, in tho existing condition of public affairs, to secede from the United States. She called a Convention of her people to put her declaration in force. The Convention met and passed tho Ordinance of Secession. All this yon anticipated, and your course of action was thoroughly considered in your an nual message. ■ You declared you had no right, and would hot attempt, to coerce a se ceding State, but that you were bound by your, constitutional oath, and would defend the property of the United States within the borders-of South Carolina, if any attempt was made to take it by force. Seeing very early that this question was a difficult and delicate one, you manifested a disposition to settle it without collision. You did not reinforce the garrison in the harbor of Charleston. You removed a veteran and distinguished officer from the command of Fort Moultrie because ho attempted to increase his supply of ammu nition. You refused' to send additional troops to tho same garrison,; when applied for by the officer appointed to succeed him. You accept ed the resignation of the oldest rind moat emi nent member of your Cabinet, rather than al low tho garrison to be strengthened. You compelled an officer, stationed at Fort Sumter, to return, immediately to the Arsenal forty muskets which he had taken to arm his men. You expressed, not to one, but to many of the most distinguished’of our public characters, whoso testimony will be placed upon the rec ord. whenever it is necessary, your anxiety for n peaceful termination of this controversy, and your willingness not to disturb tho mili tary status of tho forts, if Commissioners should be sent to tho Government, whose communications you promised to submit to Congress. You received and acted on assu rances of tho highest official authorities'of South Carolina, that no attempt would be made to disturb your possession of tho forts' and property of the United States, if you would not disturb their existing condition until tho Commissioners had been sent, and tho attempt to negotiate had failed. You took from the members of tho House of Representatives a written memorandum that no such attempt should bo made, “provi ded that no reinforcements shall bo sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain ns at present.” And although you attach no force to the acceptance of such a paper; although you “ considered it ns nothing more in effect than the promise of highly hon orable gentlemen ” —ris an obligation on one side, without corresponding obligation on tho 'other—it must bo remembered (if wo are right ly informed ) that you wore pledged, if you ev er did send reinforcements, to return it to those from whom you received it, before you execu ted your resolution. You sent orders to your officers, commanding them strictly tofollow a lino of conduct in conformity with such an un derstanding. Besides all this, you had rece ived formal and official notice from the Gover nor of South Carolina that we had'been app ointed Commissioners, and were on our, way to Washingtoii. Yon knew tho implied ron- 1 dition under whiqh wo came- out ' notified to you, and an .hour lrM • interview. Wo Arrived in W l Si oratt ! Wednesday, at threeo’olook, andZon ed nn interview with us at one the VK 1 * 1 Early on thnt day Thursday, the nows received hero of tho movement of That news, was communicated , immediately ( :and you postponed our u until half past two o'clock on F ri Z & that you mighfconsultyour Cabinet n r day wo saw you, and wo called upon to redeem your pledge. You C onM ! hct > it, - With the facts we have stated nn j t - don l' face of the crowning and conclusive a? I f n ., fta your Secretary of. War had resigned £-‘ tbal in the Cabinet, upon tho publicly ,oat ground that the action of Major violated the pledged faitli of the Govern and that unless the pledge Was lnstftutlv°?!: deemed, he was dishonored, denial r<v sibloi. you .did not deny it. You do Z T'' it now, but you seek to escape from ita oW? 1 * 7 tion on the grounds,.first, that wo teim-® 8 ’ all negotiations by demanding, as a pielW 1 *" 1 ry, the withdrawal of tho United StatedST’ from the harbor ,of ; Charleston: and see S' that the authorities of South Carolina of asking an explanation and giving ’von a opportunity to vindicate yourself, took' b0,,..* sion of other property of the United Stair. We will examine both. • 8 — In the first place, we deny positively wo have ever in any way made any suchT mand Our letter is in your possession “ft will stand by this on record. In it „ inr you of tho objects of our mission. We ‘ that it would have been our duty to sured you of our readiness to commence Z gotiations with the most earnest and 1101100. desire to settle all questions between uinmica bly and to our mutual advantage, but that events had rendered that assurance impossible We stated the events, and wo said that until some satisfactory explanation of these events was given us, we could not proceed; and then having made this request for'explanation, wo added: “ And, in conclusion, wo would urge upon .yon the immediate withdfawl bf the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances, they are a .standing menace which renders negotiation impossible,” &c. “ Under present circumstances I” What circumstances? Why, clearly the occupation of Fort. Sumter and the dismantling of Fort Moultrie by Major Anderson, in tho face of your pledges, and without explanation or prac tical disavowal. ’■ And .there is. nothing in tho letter which would, or could have prevented you from declining to withdraw the (room and offering the restoration of tho gtnlimlo which you, were pledged, if such hud been your desire. It would have been wiser and hotter, in bur opinion, to have wilhdrawntbe troops, and this opinion wo urged, upon you, but wo demanded nothing but such nn expla nation of the events of the last twenty-four hours ns would restore bur confidence in the spirit with which the negotiations should be conducted. In relation to this withdrawal of the troops from the harbor, we are compelled, however,* to notice one passage of your letter. Referring to it you say This 1 cannot do. This -will not do. Such an idea was never thought of-Jty me in any possible contingency —No allusion to it had ever been made in any communication between myself and an’ human being.” In reply to'this.statement wc are comp to say that your conversation with us left our minds the distinct impression tin did seriously contemplate, the withdra troops from Charleston harbor. And h port of this impression, we would add, wo have the positive assurance of gentl of the highest possible public reputatic the most unsullied Integrity—men whred and fame, secured by long service and pr ic achievement, place their testimony !) cavil—that such suggestions had been to and urged upon you by them, and formed the subject of mure than one ct discussion with you. And it was thlski edge that induced us to urge upon you' cy which h ad< to recommend it its own in and the might of such authority;-;! -As.t second point, that -the authorities of 1 Carolina, instead of asking exploitation! giving you the opportunity to vindicate self, took possession of other property United States, we would observe, Ist. oven if this were so, it does not avail y( defence, for the opportunity for dccisiot afforded you before these facts occurred. arrived in 'Washington on Wedmftiday news from Major Anderson reached bert ly on Thursday, and was immediately municated to yon. All that day men ( highest consideration—men who had si successfully to lift you to your gre.nt.6) who hud been your .tried nnd true fn through the troubles of your Administration, sougjii you uud entreated you to net—to net at once. They told you that every hour comr plicated.your position. They only asked yon to give the assurance that if the facts were so ■—that if the commander had acted without and against your orders, and in violation of your pledges—that you would restore the status you had pledged your honor to maintain. You refused to decide; Your-Secretary at War, your immediate and proper adviser in this whole matter, waited anxiously for your decision, until he felt that delay was becom ing dishonor. More than twelve hours passed and two Cabinet meetings had adjourned, before yon knew what the authorities of Sonth Carolina had done, and yonr prompt decision at any moment of that time would have avoid ed the subsequent complications. But, if you had known the ricts of the authorities of South Carolina, should that have prevented your keeping yonr faith ? What was the con dition of things ? For the last sixty days you 1 have had in Charlostoniarbornot force enough to hold the forts against amequal enemy. of them, were empty; one of' those two tt* most important in tho harbor. Tt could bar* been token at any time.- You ought to knoir better than any man, that it would have boon taken, but for the efforts of those who pul their trust in your honor. BeliCvcing that they were threatened by Fort Sumter especial ly, the people were with difficulty restrained from securing without blood the-possession of this important fortress. After many and re iterated assurances given on yonr behalf, which wo cannot believe unauthorized, they determi ned to forbear, and in good faith sent onthek Commissioners to negotiate with you. Tiff meant yon no harm—wished you no ill. They thought of you kindly, believed yon true,am were willing, as far as was consistent min duty, to spare you unnecessary and. hostile collision. Scarcely had these Commissioner* left than Major Anderson waged war. other words will dosoribe his action. R«* not a peaceful change from one fort to another ? it was a hostile act in the highest sense, .P. only justified in the presence of a superior enemy, and imminent .peril. He almndonm his position, spiked his guns, burned m gun carnages, made preparations for tho destruc tion'of his post, and withdrew under cover oi the night to a safer position. This was wan No man could have believed (without yen assurance) that any officer could have taw such a step “ not only without orders, 0 against orders.” What the State <bd waß''»- simple self-defence; for this not, with all attending circumstances was ns much W • firing a volley ; and war being thus begun til those commencing it explained tnowu and disavowed.their, intention, there w room for delay; arid even at this m■ ~ while wc are writing, it is more than PJ. , from the tenor of your letter, tlmt . re “ ,|,,i ments arc hurrying on tothe oonflict, when tho first gun shall ho fired, th '* con have boon, on your part, one contmu us, j sistont series of actions, commending •demonstration essentially w nrliko. . in by regular reinforcement, and term a^, defeat or victory. And all this w mo af slightest provocation; .ibr, j a T. "t,oue thinjf things which you have said, there ° - |OUS Iy you cannot say—you have wnl . t ® d h( L, tH* 1 ■for news from tho ecat of ware U* f
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers