been Anally;clodded by (lio liigUcst judici.il tri bunal of the.country—ambthis upon the plain principle llldl wJiou a Confederacy of sovereign Status at quire a new Territory at tileir joint oXperiid, both equality and justice demandltlmt tHu citize is ol one and ulfof. tlienr shall have thoriglit to take into whats'pover is recognised na property by tlio common Constitution. -To have summarily ,confiscated the property in slaves already in the. Territory would have been an act'ol gross injustice, and contrary to - the practice of tho older States of tho Union which have abolished slavery. „ A Territorial Government was established for Utah by act of Congress approved the 9(h Sep tember, 1850, and the Constitution and laws of the United States were thereby extended over it “so far as tlio same or any provisions thereof, may be applicable.” This act provided for the appointment by tho President, by and witli the advice arid consent of trie Senate, of a Cover- j nor, who was to be ex-officio superintendent of Indian affairs, ft secretary, three judges of the supreme court, a marshal, and a district attor ney. Subsequent acts provided for tho np pointment of tho officers' necessary to extend our labd And pur Indian system over tho Terri tory. Brigham Voting.was appointed tlio Hist •■Governor on tho UOtli September, 1850, and, has held the office ever since, Whilst Cover-J nor Young has bceirboth Covcrnor and super intendent of Indian affairs .throughout this perir od, ho lias been at tho same, time the bead of tlio church called tlio Latter-Day Saints, and professes to govern,its members and dispose of their properly by direct inspiration and author ity from the Almighty., Ilis power has been, therefore, both ehuibh and State. ..The people of Utah, almost exclusively, be long to this church, and believing with-a fanat ical spirit that ho is Governor of the Territory by . divine , appointment, they obey his com-- tuands as if these wore direct revelations from Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that his Government shall come into, collision with the Government 61 the'United States, the members of the Morliion churcli wi.ll yield implicit oho.' diCnco.to liis will. .Unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his determi nation. .Without entering upon a" minute his tory of occurrences, it is. sufficient to. say that all the officers of the United States, judicial and executive, with tlio single exception of two Indian agents, have fonnd it necessary for their own personal safely to withdraw from tho Territory, and there no longer remains ■any Government in Utah, but tho despotism of Brigham Young. This being the condition of affairs in tlio Terrifojiy, I could not mistake tho path bf duty. As Chief' Executive Magis trate, I was bound to restore, the supremacy of the Constitution and laws within its limits. In order to effect this purpose, I appointed a new Governor and other -federal officers for .Utah, sent with them a military force for their pro tection, and to aid as a posse comi talus, in case need, in the execution of the law.s. Witli the religious opinions of' tlio ’Mentions, as iong.as they remained mere opinions, how ever deplorable inlhemsolvcs, and revolting to tho moral and religious sentiments of alhChris tendom, I had no right to interfere. .Actions alone, when in.violation of tho Constitution and law of the U. States, become tlio legitimate sub jects for tlio jurisdiction of.the civil,,magistrate. ■ My instructions to Governor Gumming have therefore bberi framed in strict accordance with these principles. At their date, a hope was in dulged that no necessity might exist for em ploying tlio military in restoring and maintain ing the authority of the, jaw, but this hope has now vanished 'Gov. Young ha's, by proclamation, declared his determination to maintain his power by .force, and liaxalready. committed acts of hostil ity against the United-States. Unless lie. should' retrace his stops the .Territory o'f Utah will be in a State of opon rebellion; He has doinmit ed those acts pt hostility, notwithstanding Major Van yiiet, an officer of the impy, sent to Utah by the Commanding General to purchase pro visiops for the.troops, had given llini the strong est assurances of the peaceful-intentions Of the Government,'and .that-the troops would only.be employed as apdsse comitalu* when called on by tile civil authority to aid in .the execution ol the, laws. There' is reason to ;bolievo that Governor Voung has long contemplated this result, lie knows tfipt the continuance 01 his despotiopow er depends. Upon the exclusion of all settlors from the. Territory except those who will, ac knowledge his divine- mission and. implicitly obey his will; and that an enlightened public opinion there would soon prostrate institutions 'of war with Ihe laws both of God anil man. He He has) therefore, lor several years, in order to maintain his independence, been industriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and monitions of war, and.disciplining the Mormons , for,military.service. ■ As superintendent pf In dian affairs ho lias liadan’opportnhity of'tamp- ' cring with the Indian tribes and exciting their hostile feelings against tlio United States; This, according to. our information, ho has accom plished in regard to some ol these tribes, while others have remained true to tliair allegiance, and have communicated his intrigues to ouv In dian agents. He has laid In a store bl provis ions tor three years, which in case ol necessity, aft ho informed Major Van Yiiet, be will con ceal “and then.take to the mountains, and bid defiance to all the powers of the. Government.” JL -groat part of all tins may bo idle boasting; but yet no wise Government will lightly esti mate the efforts which may ho inspired by such .phrehsiod fanaticism as exists aniong the Mor mons in Utah. This is the first rebellion which has existed in onr Territories; and humanity itself requires Unit wo should put it. down in such a manner (hat- it shall be the fast. To tri fle with it would bo to encourage It, and to ren dbr it forniMablo. Wo ought to go there with such nnJmposing force ns to convince these de luded people that resistance would be vain, and thus spare the effusion -of blood. Wo can in this manner, best convince them that We are their friends, uot. their enemies. In order to accomplish this object it will ho necessary, ac cording to tlio estimate of tho- War Depart ment, to raise four additional regiments; and this X earnestly recommend to Congress. At tho present moment of depression in the reve nues of the country. Tam sorry to be obliged to recommend sucli'a measure; but I feel confi dent of tlio support of Congress, cost what it may, in suppressing tho insurrection and iif re storing and maintaining tlio sovereignty of the Constitution and laws over the Territory of Utah. . lirccomnisnd 16 Congress tlio eslafiTTaliniotit of a territorial government over Arizona, incor porating with it such portion's of-.. New Mexico 'as they may deem expedient. I need scarcely adduce arguments in support cf tills rec ommendation. Wo arc bound to protect tile lives and property of our- citizens inhabiting Arizona, and these arc now without' efficient protection.^. Their present number is already considerable, and. is rapidly increasing, not withstanding the disadvantages under which they labor. Besides, the proposed Territory is believed to bo rich in mineral and agricultural resources, especially in silver and copper Thomails of the United Stales to California are now carried over it throughout its whole extent, and this route is known to bo the near est, aTid believed to be the best to the Pacific. Long experience has deeply convinced mo that a etricfconstructlon of the powers granted to Congress is the only-true, ns well as the on ly sa la, theory of the Constitution. Whilst this principle shall guide my public conduct, I consider it clear that under the war-making power Congress may appropriate money for the construction of a military road throng|i the territories of the United Slates, when tliis is absolutely necessary for the defence of any of the States against foreign invasion. The Con stitution has conferred upon Congress power to "declare war,” “to raise and support armies,” “to provide and maintain a navy,” and to call forth a militia to “repel invasions.” These high sovereign poweis necessarily involve im portant and responsible public duties; and among them there is none so sacred and so,im perative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreign enemy. The Constitution has, therefore, left nothing on tliis point to con struction, hut'expressly requires that “the Uni ted States shall protect each of (hem [the States] against invasion.” 'HovQ if a military road over our own Territories bo indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel (ho invader, it follows as a necessary consequence, not only Unit wo possess (lie power, but it is our imperative duty lo construct such a road. It would ho an absurdity lo invest a Govern- ‘ mont with the unlimited power to make and conduct war, and at lliq sumfli time deny to it 1 only tiro means ot reaching and defeating (ho enemy at the frontier. Without such a road it ■is quite evident-We cannot «protcctV.Cffl!Tornin our Pacific possessions “against invasion.” TV"e cannot by any other means transport men and munitions-of war from the Atlantic States in sufficient time, successfully to defend those remote and distant jmrlions of the Republic* . * Experience has proved that the routes across the,isthmus of Central America arc at best but a very uncertain and unreliable mode of com munication. But even .ifthis were not the case, they would ;at once l?c closed against us in the event of a war wiih a naval power so much stronger than our own as to enable it to block ade the ports at either end of these routes.— ( After all, therefore, we can only rely upon, a military road, through our own territories ; and ever since the origin, of the (joverhmenti Con grqss has been in of appropriating money from the public treasury for the con- i sfruction of such roads. ’ ,• . ' 1 _ The difficulties and the expense of Construct ing a military railroad to connect our Atlantic and Pacific States; have been greatly exaggera ted. -The distance on the Arizona route near the 32d parallel of north latitude, between the western boundary of Texas on the Eio Grande, and the eastern boundary of California oil the Colorado, from the best explorations now within our, knowledge, docs not exceed-four hundred and seventy miles, and the lace of the country is, in the main, favorable. For obvi ous reasons-the Government ought not to un dertake the work itself by means of its owm agents. This ought to bo committed to other agencies, which Congress might assist either by grants of land or money, or by both, upon such terms and conditions as they may deem most beneficial for the epuntry. ‘Provision might thus bo made not only for the safe, rapid, and ccuiluinical transportation of troops and muni tions of war, but also of .the public mails.- The commercial interests of the whole country, both East and West, would bo greatly promo ted by such a road; and, above all, it would be a powerful additional bond of union.' And although advantages, of this kind, whether pos tal,-commercial, or political, cannot confer constitutional power, yet they may furnish au xiliary arguments in favor of expediting a work which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced within the war-niaking power. For these reasons I commend to the friendly consideration of Congress the subject of the Pacific railroad, without finally committing myself to atiy particular route. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will furnish a detailed statement of the condi tion of the public finances‘and-of the respective branches of the public-service devolved-upon that department of the Government. By this report it.appears that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the treasury dur ing thefiscal yearonding the 30th of June, 1867, was sixty-eight million six-hundred and thirty one thoitsand five-hundred and thirteen dollars and sixty-seven,cents,(3CB;G3l,sl3.67.) which amount, with the balance of nineteen million nine hundred and otic thousand three hundred and twenty five dollars and forty-five cents, (819,901,325.45,) remaining in the treasury at the commencement of the year, made an aggre gate for the service of the year of eighty-eight million five hundred and thirty-two thousand eight Jiundrcd and thirty-nine dollars and twelve cents,. ($88,532,839.12.) The public expenditures for thefiscal year ending 30th June, 1857, amounted 'to seventy million eight hundred arid twenty-two thousand seven hundred and twenty-four, dollars and eightyjfive cents, ($70,822,724.85,) of which five million nine hundred and forty-three thou sand eight hundred and 'ninety-six''dollars -and ninety-one cents, ($5,943,896.91) were applied to the redemption of the public debt; including interest and premium, leaving in the treasury at the commencement of the present fiscal year on the Ist-of July, 1857,' seventeen million sev en hundred and ten thousand one hundred and [ fourteen dollars and twenty-seven cents, ($17,- 710,114,27.). . . .•' • ’ The receipts into the Treasury for the first I quarter of the present fiscal-year, commencing Orst July, 1857, were twenty million nine hun dred and twenty-nine thpnsapd. eight hundred, and nineteen i dollars and-eighty-one. cents,,- ($20,929,819.815) and-the ‘estima(ed..receipts of the remaining three quarters, to the 30th ot , June,.lBsB, arc thii.ty-.six million seven htin-- died and fifty:thousand dollars, (36.750,000,) making, with the balance before.slated, an ng- I gregato of seventy-five million three hundred and-eighty-nine, thousand nine -hundred-and thirty-four dollars and eight cents, ($75,389,- 934.08,) for'the service-of the present fiscal year. The actual expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, were twenty three million seven hundred and fourteen thou sand five hundred and twenty-eight dollars and thirty-seven cents, ($23,714,528.37,) of which three million eight hundred, and ninety-five thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine , cents, ($3,805,232.39 ) were applied to the redemption of the public debt, including interest and.premium. The probable expenditures of the remaining three quarters to 30th June, 1858, are fifty-one million two hundred and forty-eight thousand five-hundred and thirty dollars and four cents, ($51,248,- 530.04,) including interest on the public debt, making an aggregate of seventy Jour million nine hundred and sixty-three thousand fifty , eight dollars and forty-one cents, ($74,903,- 058.41,) leaving an estimated -balance in the treasury at the close of the present fiscal vear of four hundred and twenty-six thousand eight hundred .and seventy-five dollars and sixty-sev en cenls, ($420,875.67.) ' The amount of, the public debt at the com mencement of the present fiscal year was twen ty-nine million sixty tliousand three hundred and eighty-six'dollnrs and ninety cents, ($29 - 000,386.90.) , ■ ■ ' The amount redeemed since the first of July was three million eigijt hundred and ninety-five thousand two hundred>nd thirty-two dollars and thirty-nine cents, ($5Jp75,232.39)— leaving a balance unredeemed tat thjs time of twenty five .million one hundred and sixty-five thou sand one hundred and fifty-four dollars and fifty-one cents', (825,165,15451.) T he amount'd' estimated expenditures for the remaining three quarters of the present fiscal year will, in all probability, be increased from the causes set forth'in the report of the Secreta ry- Ills suggestion, therefore, that authority slibuld be given to supply any,temporary defi ciency by the issue of a limited amount of trea sury notes, is approved, and I accordingly re commend the passage of such a law. As slated in the report of the Secretary, the tariff ot March 3, 1857, has been in operation for so short a period-of time, and under circum stances so unfavorable to a just development of its results ns a revenue measure, that I should regard it as inexpedient, at least for the present, to undertake its revision. I transmit herewith the reports nude to me by the Secretaries of War ami of the Navy, of the Interior and of the Postmaster General.— They all contain valuable and important infor mation and suggestions, which I commend to the favorable consideration of Congress. X have already recommended the raising of four additional regiments, and the report of the Secretary of War presents strong reasons pro . vmg this increase of the army, under existing circumstance, to he indispensable. I would call the special attention of Congress ■to the recommendation of the. Secretary of the Navy in favor of the construction of ten small war steamers of light draught. For some years tlio Government has been obliged on many occasions to hire such steamers from individuals to supply its pressing wants. At the present moment wo have no armed vessel in the navy which can penetrate the rivers of China. Wo have but few which pan enter any Of the har bors south of Norfolk,.although many millions of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors. Some of our most valuable interesls and most vulnerable points are thus left exposed. This class of vessels of light draught, great speed, and heavy guns, would be formidable in const defence. The cost of their construction willno't’be-grcat, and they will require but a - coiinparativcly...small expen diture to keep them jn commission. In time of peace, they will prove as effective ns much larger vessel?, and often more useful. One of i ■ ■ - ■ t. them should bp at every s'tation a-lk-rc \ve main tain.a squadron, arid three orifour should be constantly..on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Economy, utility, and efficiency combine to re commend them. as. almost indispensable. Ten oftheso small vessels Would be of incalculable advantage to the naval service, arid the whole cost of their construction would not exceed two million three hundred thousand dollars,' or 5230.000 each. The report.orthe Secretary of the Interior is •worthy of grave consideration. It treats of the numerofls, important, and diversified branches of domestic administration entrusted to him by law. Among these the most prominent are the public lands and* our relations with flic In-, dians. Our system Tor the disposal of the public lands, originating with the fathers of the Re public,has been improved ns experience pointed the way, and gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our Western States and Ter ritories. It has worked well in practice. Al ready thirteen States and seven Territories have been'carved out of these lands, and still ipore than a thousand millions of acres remain unsold. What a boundless prospect this. pro. sentstoour country of future prosperity and power 1 - I We have heretofore disposed of 303,862,404 acres of the public lands. Whilst the public lands, as a source of revc-. nuo, are of great importance, their importance is far.greater as fu-nishing homes for a hardy and independent race of honest arid industrious citizens, who desire to subdue’and cultivate the soil. They ought to ,be administered mainly with a view of promoting this wise and benev olent policy. In appropriating them for any other purpose, we ought to use . even greater economy than if they had been converted into money, and the proceeds were, already in the public treasury. To squander away the richest arid noblest inheritance which any people have ever en joyed, upon objects of doubtful consti tutionality or, expediency, would be to violate one of the most important trusts ever commit ted to any people. Whilst Ido not deny to Congress the power, when acting bona fide as a proprietor, to give away portions of them for the purpose of. increasing the value of the re-, mainder, yet, considering the great temptation to abuse this power, we cannot be too cautious in its exercise. Actual settlers under existing laws are pro tected against other purchasers at the public sales, iii the right of pre-emption, to the extent of a quarter section, or 160 acrea.of land. , The remainder may then be disposed of at public or entered tit private sale in unlimited quanti ties. \\' Speculation has of late years prevailed to a great extent in the public lands. THo conse quence has been that large portions of them have become the property of individuals' mid companies, and thus the price U.'greatly en hanced to those who desire to purchase for ac-. tual settlement. In order to limit the area of speculation as much as possible, the extinction of the Indian title ,and the extension of the public surveys ought duly keep pace with; the tide of emigration. If Congress should hereafter grant alternate sections to States or companies, as they, have done heretofore, I Recommend that the inter mediate sections retained by the Government should be subject to pre-emption by actual set tlers. It ought over to -bo our cardinal , policy to reserve the public lands as niuch as may be for actual settlers, and this, at moderate prices.— We shall Ulus not only best promote the pros perity of tho new States, and Territories, and, the power of the Union, but shall-secure homes for our posterity for many generations'. Tho extension of out-limits has brought with in our jurisdiction many additional anjjtpopu lous tribes of Indians, a large proportion, of which are wild, untraotablo, and difficult to control. Predatory and warlike in their dis position and habits, it is impossible -altogether to restrain, them from committing aggressions on each other, as well as upon 'onr frontier cit izens qnd those.civim-ating tobprdistant States' and Territories. Hdnceex-pepkive'militai'y'- ex peditions arc frequently necessary; to. overaWe and chastise the more lawless and hostile. The present system of making them valuable presents, to influence them to remain at peace, has proved ineffectual. It is believed to be the better policy to colonize them in suitable local ities,where they can receive the rudiments of, education and be gradually induced to; adopt habits of industry. So fay as. the experiment has been tried it has Worked well in practice, and it will doubtless prove to be loss expensive than the present system. The whole number of Indians within our ter: ritorial limits is believed to bo, from the best, data in tho Interior Department, dbout 325,- 000. ; The tribes of Chcroiccs, Choctaws, Chicka saws, and Creeks, settled in the territory set apart.for them west of Arkansas, arc rapidly advancing in education and in all the'nets of civilization and'self-government; and we may indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no very distant day they will be incorporated into the Union ns one of the sovereign States. It will be seen from the report of the .Post master General, that The Post Office Depart ment still continues to depend on the Treasury, as it has been compelled to do for several years past, for an important portion of the means of sustaining and extending its operations. Their rapid growth and expansion are shown by a decennial statement of the number of post offi : ccs, and the length of post roads, 'commencing with tlie year 1827. In that year there were 7.000 post offices ; in 1837, 11,177 : in' 1847;, 15,146; and jn 1857 they number 26,586. In this year 1725 post offices have been established and 704 discontinued. leaving,a net increase of 1021. The postmasters of 368 offices\,are ap pointed by the President. ’ The length of post roads in 1827 was 105, 336 miles : in 1837, 141,242 miles : in 1847, 153,818 miles: and in the year 1857 there arc -242,601' miles of post road', including 22,530 milts of railroad, on which the mails are trans ported; • ’ " The expenditures of the department for-the fiscal year ending on the 30th Juno, 1857, as adjusted by the auditor, amounted to 311,507,- 670, To defray these expenditures, there was to the credit of the department, on the Ist July, 1856, the sum of $789,599; the gross revenue of'tlm year, including the annual allowances for the transportation of flee mail matter, was 1 $8,053,951 ; and the remainder , was-supplied by the appropriation from the Treasury of $2;- 250,000, granted by the act of Congres ap proved August 18, 1856, and by the appropri ation 0f'3666’,883, made by the act of March 3, 1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to the Credit of the department in the accounts of iho current year. 7 commend to your considera tion the report of the department in relation to the establishment of the overland; mail route from the Mississippi river to San Francisco, California. The route was scleoted with my full concurrence, as the one, in my judgment, best calculated to attain the important objects contemplated by Congress, -. The late disastrous monetary revulsion may have one good effect should it cause both- the Government and the, people to return to the practice of a wise and judicious economy, both in public and private expenditures. An overflowing treasury has led to habits of prodigalify and extravagance in our legislation. It has indeed induced, Congress to. make large appropriations to objects for which they never would have provided, had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or by loans. We are now compelled to pause in our career, and to scrutinize,our expenditures, with the utmost vigilance; and in performing this duty, I pledge my co-operation to the extent of piy constitutional competency; • It ought to be observed at the same time that true public economy does not consist in with holding the means necessary to accomplish im portant national objects intrusted to. Os by the Constitution, and especially such ns may be necessary' for, the common defence. In the present crisis of the country it is our duly to confine our appropriations to objects of this character, unless in cases where justice to irt". dividualsmay demand a different course. In all cases care ought to be taken that the money granted by Congress shall be faithfully and economically applied. 'Under the Federal’ Constitution, “every bill which shall have passed the House of Repre sentatives and the Senate shall, before it be comes alawi" bo.'approved, and signed,by the President:'and, if not approved, “"ho shall re turn it with his'objcotions to,, that house, in winch it originated.” In order to per form this high arid responsible duty, suffi cient time must be allowed the President to read and examine every bill presented to him for ap proval- Unless-,this be afforded, the Constitu tion becomes a dcltd letter in tins particular : and even worse, itr becomes a means of decep tion. -Our constituents,.seeing, the President’s approval and signature attached to’cach act of Congress, are induced to believe that he has ac tually performed' this duty, when, in truth, nothing is, in many cases, more unfounded. From the practice of Congress, such an ex amination of each bill as the Constitution re quires lias been rendered impossible. The mosl importanVbtiiiness of each session is gen erally crowded into its last hours, and the al ternative presented to the President is, either to violate the cbnstituUpnal duty which he owes to the people qudfiipprove hills which, for want of time, it is impossible ho should. have exam ined, or, by his refusal to do this, subject the country and individuals to great loss and in convenience E Besides, a practice has grown up of late years legislate in' appropriation bills, at the last lis of the session, on new and - important subjects. This practice either constrains the President to suffer measures to become laws which ho does not approve, or to incur the risk of stopping the .wheels of the Government by vetoing an appropriation hill, formerly,tsuch bills wqro confined to specifioappropriationsfor carrying into effect'existing laws and the well established, jioftby 'of the country, arid, little time was then required’ by the Presiderit for their examination. For iny own part, I have deliberately deter mined that 'I shall approvb.no bill which I have not examined, and it will be a case of extreme and not uvgont necessity which shall ever in duce.me.to depart IVom this rule. I therefore resp'cctfulty, but.earnestly, recommend that the two houses will allow the President at least two days previous (6 the adjournment of each ses sion within which.no bill shall be "presented to him Under the existing joint nlle ohc day is allotted j-luit this rule has been hith erto so constantly suspended in .practice; that important bills continue to be presented to him up till the very last moments of the session. In ii large,majority of cases, no.great public incon venience can arise from' the want of time to ex amine their, provisions, because tbo Constitu tion has declar.ed that if a bill -Co presented to the the last ten days of the session* ho is hot required to return it, cither with an,approval or with a veto, “ in which case it shall not boalaw.” • It mily then lie over, and betaken up and passed at the. next, session. Great Inconvenience would only be experienced in regard to appropriation bills; but fortunately,' under the late.excellent lair allowing a. salary, instead of a per diem, to members of Congress, Hie expense and inconvenience of.a’called ses-. si on. will bo. greatly reduced. I cannot conclude without commending to your favorable cdnsidoi'ntion the interests of the people of this District., Without a repres ,entative“pU the floor of Congress, they have for. f this vcry-rCaspn peculiar claims upon, our" just* regard. • „To this I know, from long-ac- - qhaintanco with them, they arc eminently eriti tied: - , ’ ‘j. .JAMES BUCHAN AN. Washington, pec. 8, 1857. Mr. Buchanan's Dinnijr Party. —A few days sinoS President Buchanan gave a dinner to the Congressional delegation frem Pennsyl vania. The Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia Argus thus speaks o( it: ,A most interesting scene might have been .wiinessed.ytwcfday, at the Executive Mansion. The distinguished and . popular President had i with, him iit<p»iicr'tha emit ire Congressional delegation oftDtoaocrotkr mcrabersfrom Penn sylvania; If.wasa family gathering merely. Indeed,- so riHiplfiScoupied; have the members been since theiraWiyal at. Washington, .that it lias been al'mdst ont of the question to converse together except uppn matters of business pert tabling l to their duties in. the arrangement of the House. .Yosterylay, however, they enjoyed a social gathering, tyhioh may bo regarded as an epoch in'their .personal and political history. Seated al thc .delightful banquet might bii seen the venerably President, truly and literally now, our own.greay statesman and favorite son, James Buchanan. Upon one side of him was the gigantic and towering intellect, the Attor licy-Oeneral off the United States, Jeremiah S. Black. Directly opposite sat the champion of the Administration, onr able and eloquent Senator; William Biglfjr, doing the agreeable to the beau tiful and accomplished "niece of the President, Miss Harriet jLane. Her merry mingling laugh at the sallies nf wit occurring over and anon from around the ftstivo board, combined with the extreme' delicacy of her demeanor, and marked attention; to each and all of her distin guished Uncle’s honorable guests elicited tho admiration of all, ' But I am extending my letter beyondaprop er length, and I must group the others as biief ly is I can. At the south end of the table sat onr industrious member from the First Congres sional District, Thomas B. Florence, quiet and reserved. His position here is an enviable one , of the strictest integrity, every one loves Tom Florence for \iis real goodness of heart; always at his post, and ever ready to a d all who need his services.' Speaker Orr will doubtless, in the organization of the committees, recognize the valuable services of the talented, industri ous, aud influential Representative from our State. On the rigid of the Attorney General was the sprightly member of the Fourth District, Henry M. Phillips. Then, there was Owen- Joncs and John Hickman, haying the very pop ular and polite private secretary of the Presi dent, the yoUhg gentleman.filled no small place at the pleasant gathering,'the other by the very intelligent, Iftit quiet, William Montgomery.— Then, there .was Henry .Chapman, from Bucks, and Allison White and William il. Dimniick, and IVm. L. Do wart and Jaihes L. Gills, seated nearly together.- All these gentlemen are known-to their constituents, and have made a mark in tho.jiiatbry of tho State; beyond those wore John A‘. Ahl, and Paul Loidy, tliosncces sor ol tho litmented Montgomery, who died' a victim to tho National Hotel epidemic. Mr. Alliuoxe Abroad. —Tho Philadelphia Ledger is informed that letters have been recei ved from Mr, Allibono, late of tho Pennsylvania Bank,, who jet the time of their date in Pa ris, and on Jiis way to Italy. In these letters nothing wastiiddof Ids immediate return, thou jh his more immediate Triends express no doubt that ho will bo soon back. In the meantime the affairs of (lie Bank are at rest. , Small Change.— -We are glad to observe that there is move small change in circulation he»o now than there has been since the suspension of tho Batiks., Bnt.littlo difficulty is experienced in getting hold of sufficient, gold and silver to answer the purposes of business men, notwith standing the fact that they are unceremoniously choked off when presenting to the-banks their "promises to pay” tor redemption. A change for the better, wo hope, is coming. Poor House -j-Our committing Magistrates are almost daily besieged by a host of poor travellers soliciting permits for lodging in tho County Poor House. Bank Applications.—The Harrisburg Tel egraph publishes notices of intended applica tions to the'next Legislature for charters for 22 new Banks; ope for. a general Banking law, three for increase of capital, and two for exten sion of charters. CT 0 Tho,Clearfield Republican issues half a sheet, and says if its subscribers don’t pay up bettor, the editor will have to issue monthly, semi-monthly, <jr not at all. AMERICAN VOLUNTEER. JOHN B. BMTTON, Editor & Proprietor. 'CARLISLE, PA., DEO. 17', 1857. US’” N'O paper will' ho issued from any of the Printing Offices in this place "during the wpek between Christmas and .Now year’s. This is done for the purpose of affording the b’hoya a littloj recreation, whetting up of their appetites, and spending their loose change. .. Meruv Chkistmas. —lt will bo observed that several of our confectionary dealers are prepar ing for the advent of Christmas. A largo supply of toys and othej nice things are being hand sdmely arranged, arid notwithstanding the hard times, wo dojtbt not that old Santa Claus, with his ‘ Broad face and little round belly, That shakes when he laughs, like a bowlful of jelly,- will be enabled to fill many juvenile stockirigs this Christmas. He is a glorious old fellow, full of humor, full of fun, loves the children, tries to make them happy, and once every year, just as the old coiner clock strikes twelve on Christmas night, the tinkling of the bolls on his tiny rein deer may be heard, then his foot-steps on the roof, his descent down the chimney; and after he has deposited in stockings hanging against the wall, toys for the boyS;.,dolls for tbo, girls, and good things tor all, wxtiV a low chuckle, a nierry twinkle in hie eyes, and thumb on nose, he quietly trips away. , Glorious old Santa. Claris I For one score years and ten have we known him, and right proud are wo of his ac qaintanco. All Young America w ill bail his coming with joyous shouts. . . ’. ■ ’ , OF* The Sabbath School connected with the First Lutheran Church of this place, purpose celebrating their anniversary on Christmas even ing.. Exercises to consist, of Dialogues, Ad dresses, Singing, &c. An admission foe of 12£ cents will bo charged, which will be applied to the liquidation of the debt incurred in replen ishing the Library. Key. A. C. Wideuind will address.the school on.thisoocasion. THE MESSAGE. To the exclusion of our usual variety, wo give the President’s Message To!our readers to-day. We haveread it carefully, and, without reservation, pronounce it a most able and un exceptionable document, creditable alike to our country and its distinguished author;Pres idonf Buchanan. Wo refer to it with pride and pleasure, as a paper eminently worthy “ Pennsylvania’s favorite sou. ”, . On the question of the currency, President Buchanan clearly shows that the revulsion orig inated in thp dangerous expansion of the “ex travagant and vicious system of paper currency andbauk credits,’’and provosthaf from.tho action of our fourteen hundred banks, over issues wore unavoidable. From this system incalculable evils have flowed, and the industry of the coun try boon paralyzed as it is now. The President disposes of the theory that those evils could be checked by it National Bank, and appeals tothe patriotism and wisdom of -the States for some .measures of prevention and redress. Among these recommendations are the 'restrictions ol issues of small bills, the requirement of specie on hand to,meet at least one thivd'ofthe circu lation and deposits, that suspension should be' imperatively followed by liquidation, abd that weekly statements should be published of tjltn condition of these .institutions. V. O« dn'this whole. matter ; of. the currency, (he* President takes a noble'stahd for national and individual honesty and fair dealing, arid if his, suggestions are hooded by the American peo ple, tile country will flourish and will not fear the recurrence of tlidso period leaf..prostrations' of trade caused by a dishonest and vicious bank-, ing system. Among the means within the pow er of Congress to protect the people against 1 tins evil, the President recommends a bankrupt law applicable to those institutions and making corporate dissolution and liquidation the inevi table,consequences of,a, suspension of the pay ment,of their .debts in the constitutional cur rency. Such wholesome doctrine, approved by every principal of political economy and moral ity, the American people have rarciy listened to sir.ee the time ol that illustrious Democrat, Andrew Jackson. .The present complicated condition of affairs in Kansas is discussed with fairness, moderation, and justice.'. Tho President, with a largo ma jority of the people, regrets .that provision has not boon made for submitting to tho people of the Territory, for their acceptance or rejection, ho whole Constitution which has been proposed as the organic law 6t the ombyro State; blit he reasons with great ioico and truth, wo think, that as the Convention which framed this Const!, ultiqn, was legally created, aiid bound by no pledge or obligation whatever, to refer it to a vote of tho people, except so far as tho act of Congress organizing a territorial government for Kansas required with regard to (lip question of slavery as a domestic institution, this omis sion of the Convention is not, in itself, a suffi cient cause to invalidate or set aside its acts. The policy of the government in relation to Utah is clearly indicated. The insurrection, of Brigham Young and his deluded followers is to be suppressed, coat what il may, and tho sove reignty of tlie Constitution and the laws restored. Four additional regiments arc recommended. The President’s recommendations upon all measures likely lb claim tho attention of Con gress are such.as will, in the main, secure, the approbation of the people, and confirm (heir, confidence in the wisdom and justice of the dbvf administration. o”<3en. VTm. P; Packer, Governor elect, was seized with a htemorrhago of the lungs re cently, while out hunting. He has recovered so far be out of danger and to be abroad again, receiving the congratulation of his friends. Removal op Mr. Stanton:- -The President has removed Mr. Stanton, Secretary of State of Kansas, and acting Governor during Gov. Walker’s absence. The cause of his removal! it is said, was because he disobeyed tho instruc tions sent from Washington. ite-ELEOTiON op Senator Hunter. The Legislature of Virginia, a few days since, re elected R. M T. Hunter as United Slates Sena tor, for six years, from March 4,1359. His elec tion was nearly unanimous. CC7 - Do'all in your power to teach your chil dren self-government. If a chili} Is passionate leach him by gentle means to curb his temper. If ho is greedy, cultivate liberality in him. If bo is sulky, charm him out of it by frank good humor. If indolent, accustom him to exertions and train him so.as to perform even onerous duties with alacrity. If pride comes in to make obedience reluctant, subdue him by counsel or discipline. In short, learn your children tho habit of overcoming their besotting siqs. ‘Correspondence of the Volunteer LETTER FROM WASHINGTON. - ‘ Washington, Doc.'Tl, 1857 Mr. Editor— Tlio present'Congressional ses ; sien Ims drawii to the" “ Federal metropolis” li : larger number of strangers than any previous one. Tlio “panic” has driven liillieiyierfeot shoals of office-seekers, who ate quite willing : to patriotically serve their country just as long, as it desires their services, asking, nothing in rotnrn but good fat salaries. Wire-workers, log-rollers, and any quantity of non-doscripts are here, earnestly endeavoring to “prit thro’ ” any quantify of queer measures—some, of the Tehuantepec and some of the Pacific Rail Road order. Of course, there arc no considerations offered in Washington, (it is too moral a place,) and honorable gotitlcmen would scorn bribery, but (hoy do say (here is avast amount of cor ruption at work hero this winter. The Senate, looks “ grave and reverend,’’ containing, ns it dees, much vigorous intellect, but you miss the faces of the brilliant statesmen who but a few shorty-ears since, wrestled on its floor for in tellectual honors. The House contains a largo amount of promising talent. Tour member, Dr. Aid, although claiming nothingou the score of oratory, is earning the reputation of being one of the most indefatigable working nlen ol the House, devoting his time and zeal for the in terest of the intelligent constituency ho repre sents. X notice that his influence hSs been exei-t.. ied'successfully in securing the appointment of Jons Bi Perr y of Mifflin township, as Messen ger,. and Jas. B. Burtnett, of Monroe, as As sistant-Doorkeeper to the House. The House , adjourned this morning, until Wednesday, when ( it will reconvene in the spacious and magnifi- , cent new hall just completed for its use at an immense expense. The Democracy appear de termined to . sustain the Administration in its position on the Kansas--question.-. 1 THE BRITISH PERIODICALS. Edinburg Review.—TheEdingburg Renew was started by such eminent writers ns Jeffrey, Brougham, and Sydney Smith. When the Tories ruled Parliament, and, Hushed with the success of their armies abroad, and their policy at homo, sway*d their power with a reckless hand, the Edinburg unfurled the ban ner of opposition, and spoke, with a voice of thunder, in behalf of Freedom and the'inaliena ble rights of mail., Sustained by the lorce of brilliant itcllcot, apd upheld by a strong pub lic opinion, the Edinburg carried bn its'con- test, single-handed, until its voice made" the Tory leaders'quake, and the very throne trcm-i ble. ■ • London meet this bold and,daring champion .upon its own ground; and with its ,own weapons, the London Quarterly was established, and such writers as Soulhky, Scott, Lockhart, Woodsworth, Milman, Mrs. Somerville, and a host of others enlisted as i s. contributors., Arid thus the bloodless ba;tle raged. ‘'Whig” and “Toryu were the rally ing cries.' Progress, Political -Reform,-.'and. Catholic Emancipation, wxre objects (or which the Edinburg, fought, while the Quarterly up held conservative opinions, defended the Estab lished Church, and opposed Catholic .Emanci pation and Parliamentary The wri ters of both reviews displayed an ability, a cul tivation. and a knowledge of science, and letters which has never been surpassed, if equalled; in periodical literature. Of course such talent could not.be secured .without a large outlay, and, it is said, that frequently- fifty and even one hundred pounds were for single afti-, Magazines, thus conducted and sustain ed, could not but prove successful; and they Sion became recognized powers in the British ptnjpire. was still another party in existence, neither weak in in fluence or numbers, which had no special or gan, and to represent this organization, and to cement,its elementSj the Westminster■ was es tablished, with such, contributors as Roebuck,' Mill. Bowring, Prof. Long, Miss Mariineau and others. The position of this able Review in advance of ihs Edinburg. It de voted itself particularly to the topics most in teresting to the people. It denounced boldly and fearlessly exclusive privileges, hereditary rights, kingly prerogatives, and all the abuses ofFcudalism. It sounded the charge against the alliances of Church and State, and has, more recently, enlisted with Cobdeh, in the promulgation 5f Free Trade doctrines. The Foreign Quarterly has been unitedwith ihe Westminster, and it how stands uncqualed as a literary and progressive periodical. North British Review.—The Norik Brit- ish made iis appearance as a special advocate of evangelical religion, Without assuming a political character it has always discussed po litical questions in their general character—and in point of talent, energy, and spirit, will com- pare favorably with its : cotomporaries.— Amongst the writers who have figured in its pages may bo mentioned such well known names as Sir David Brewster, ■ Drs. Hanna, Cunningham, Lorritner, Gordon, Buchanan and Candlish. Dr. Chalmers was the founder of this review, which, since his death, has been under the cditoHal charge of Dr. Hanna and more recently of Prof. Fraser. . B lackwood’^Magazine.— Of Bfaclat’ood we hardly know,.what to say. Although it'may be called the embodied genius of Toryism yet its witching rhetoric, its captivating style, its profound disquisitions, its range of elegant fic tion, its slashing yet brilliant criticisms, its poetry, biography,- historical and fictitious nar ratives, so charm the sense, that criticism is disarmed", and we are lost in admiration. The circulation of Blackwood in England is said to be 40,000 copies. It is also widely circulated in this country, and is universally admired.— The publisher recently declared "us that "Blackwood edits himself." yet its list of con tributors is well known!, and embraces ah amount of talent and genius which has rarely if ever been concentrated on a single periodical. The present editor of the Edinburg is Mr. Reeve; of the North British, Professor Fraser, of the Westminster, John Chapman (the Amer ican London bookseller;) of the Quarterly, Rev. VV. Elwyn. An able corps is attached to each Review, selected from the choisest talent of Great Britain.- ■ “Sustained, then, as these distinguished works are and ever have been, By the highest order of scholastic ability, and political sagaci ty, we need not be surprised to find them occu pying such a proud preeminence among the lit crary productions of the world ; and the ne glect of their hjgh claims upon the considera- tion of all classes of the intelligent community, would necessarily argue a corresponding indif ference to the great interests of the common weal.” Every intelligent reader should subscribe to these periodicals furnishing so much “seasona ble intellectual aliment,’' and which the enter prise of American publishers has placed within the reach of all. See advertisement in another column. In the United States Senate, on Thursday 6f last week, a debate took place on the subject of the President’s Message and the Lecompton Convention,'in which Messrs'. Douglas and Bigler were the principal speakers. The foj. lowing is a mere synopsis of the debate:. ■ Mr. Douglas said he was yesterday under the impression, that the President had approved the Lecompton Convention, and under that impres sion, he felt it to bo his duty to state, that while he concurred in the general views of the Message, yet so far as it did approve or endorse the action of that Convention, he entirely dij. sented from it, and would give his reasons for such dissent.’ ■ Upon a more careful and critical examination of the Message he was rejoiced to find the Pre sident had not entirely approved the action of that Convention. , He was hlsp rejoiced to find that the President had not recommended that Congress should pass laws, receiving Kansas in the Union as a State under" the Constitution frnufedat Lecompton. It is true the tone of the Alessnge.indicates a -willingness, oh the part of the President, to sign any bill Congress m ight pass receiving Kansas its a State into the Union under that Constitution ; but it was a very'significant fact that the President had re. trained from, any indorsement of the conrcn. tion, and from any recommendation as to the Course Congress should pursue in regard to the admission of Kansas. Indeed, the President bad expressed deep mortification and disan- Pointment that the whole Constitution was not Submitted to the people of Kansas for their ac ceptance or rejection. He proceeded to show that Congress conld not properly receive Kansas into the Union un der the Lecompton Constitution. Not only the slavery question, but all others, must he sub mitted to the people of Kansas, as they arc guarantied to establish all their “domestic"iri stilulions”. for themselves. On this principle, the whole Constitution must; be submitted, to ascertain Whether or not it meets with their approbation. • . , ToUi-s, &c., And us, _Mr. Douglas contended that the people of Kansas ought to have an opportunity, to vote against the Constitution if they choose to do so. Ile.comparcd the “freedom” allowed by the Lecompton Convention to the “freedom n ‘afc the election in Paris; when Louis Napoleon was .elected President- Thei-reasoh assigned \vhy the people of .Kansas were not allpwbd to vo o in the. acceptance of the Constitution prepared ■ was, that if they, had the chance .they woulif?* vote it down by an overwhelming majority;—' lie believed they would, and thought that it was a clear violation of the organic act thus to force the obnoxious Constitution upon the ma^ jority. • .. When Mr. Douglas concluded, much ap plause was manifested .by the spectators in the galleries. • * * • ' - Mason moved that the galleries be clear ed; remarking that the decorum of the Senate had .been frequently violated in 'this way. Mr. Hamlin hoped the motion would not pre vail. . : Mr. Clay thought, the applause commenced on the floor of the Senate:, and it,would be hard to punish the spectators for following that example M. Bigler trusted the motion would bq wilh drawn. Mr. Mason acquiesced, but hoped that tfre next time the offence was repeated it would hot be allowcirto pass wiih. impunity. ' ,Mr, Bigler replied to Mr. Douglas, tie said the Lccomplion Convention was called accord ing to law. and had been recognized by thv President and the Governor of the Territory. It was their right to submit a Constitution to 1 the people, or send it to Congress without such submission. If it was right in itself, republi can in form, and the peopled the Territory had fairly decided on .the slavery question, it would - not be wise to keep them out of-the Union; -*■ simply because the whole Constitution had-«ol been submitted to them. To do soil VoiiTd bff ~ inconSisient with the doctrine of * volition.” There was nothing in,the’ tpry of the country to justify such a course, —• . It. would be the duty of Congress to look nt question ns it came before it, riftd to do thebestT it could by looking at £ho happiness of the err tire country'. lie had long , been under, the prcssion that it would be-best, for both the* Union and Kansas,, if that.Statc should be sub mitted at the first allowable opportunity, in order to localize strife. He would have prefer red that the whole Constitution had been, sub mitted to the people, but persons outside of the ierntory have no right to -interfere with the slavery question there; Ho believed that the people of Kansas would now hav.e an opportu nity to decide whether they .will have a free or . slave form of government. He could not,, how cver, determifle his entire course-until the poo“- ple of Kansas shall make such a decision. Ho said the position assumed by Mr. Douglas to day ,* was in' utter derogation of that which ho. occupied when he.votcd for Mr. Toombs'bill, which proposed to make a State. Constitution and put u into operation, without submitting Uo a. vote of-the people, and this occurred «tnnA Sh °xr : ‘ n°- ag t 0 - Ho could not under sn ron??' T Mr- D ? u 8 las ha< l SO readily become so sensitive rgavding the rights of the- people, after,having attempted such an infringement upon them. , ' - Mr. Mason exposed and replied characterized ns a fallacy in the Mk- \ Douglas. ' '• - Mr. Douglas explained, and said he had been misapprehended. Bigler remarked, that in convefsation with Col. Henderson, who was an active mem ber of the Convention, he understood him to say there were two Constitutions, virtually. Sir. Douglas—lf there are two, I should like to see the other. ■ w - Bigler—l say precisely similar. . Mr. Donglas—lf precisely alike, what differ cnee does it makcTTyou vole for cither? -V Mr. Bigler—One for the free-and the other lor the slave State ; that is the difference. Mr. Donglus-r—lt makes no. difference how many copies they-make. 'The simple question is, they only allotyjhe people to vote on slavery, and nothing else. The Senator from Pennsyl vania had assumed an air which I thought uu uccessary, and rather intimatetf to mb that he . spoke by authority. ■ Mr. Bigler— I expressed my own views de liberately formed, and-they are in concurrent!*" wilb those of the President. ’ Mr. Douglas—l may have misunderstood him. lam certain he did not speak for'the President. I know that, for the President has . ust spoken for himself in the Message, in which ie cbndcniris*the Convention for not submitting the Constitution to the people, and refuses Ip recommend me to receive it. The is a bold, frank man. and if hie intended togive us an administration measure he*wo 4 uld say so. -It is not respectful to assume that we will dj> what* he will not recommend us to do. Ut course I know that the Senator from Pennsyl- vania did not speak by authority. _ - Mr. Bigler—l think lam safe >n saying, and I think the Senator from Illinois will agree, that the President upholds in' his Message the doc trine, that the Convention had the right to form a Constitution and submit it to the people for approval, or send it to Congress for approval. I'think it is dcducible from the Message that the President does not hold that, because the entire Constitution was not submitted to the people, Kansas should be kept out of the Un ion. . Mr. Douglas—l infer from the message that the President does hold that tho Cynvcntinn had a right to form a Constitution and send it hero, but that it was only the right to petition to* redress of grievances under the Federal Consti tution, and not because the Legislature had tno power to constimtie that a legal convention. Mr. Biglei—Where did you get that 1 Mr. Douglas—A gentleman (meaning Mr. Trumbull) yesterday read from a speech map® by-Mr. Buchanan twenty years ago, to show that a Legislature had no right to create a Convention to supercede the Territorial Unt* The Lecompton. Convention. A SPAT BETWEEN- SENATORS DOUGLAS AKn BIGLER.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers