been Anally;clodded by (lio liigUcst judici.il tri
bunal of the.country—ambthis upon the plain
principle llldl wJiou a Confederacy of sovereign
Status at quire a new Territory at tileir joint
oXperiid, both equality and justice demandltlmt
tHu citize is ol one and ulfof. tlienr shall have
thoriglit to take into whats'pover is recognised
na property by tlio common Constitution. -To
have summarily ,confiscated the property in
slaves already in the. Territory would have been
an act'ol gross injustice, and contrary to - the
practice of tho older States of tho Union which
have abolished slavery. „
A Territorial Government was established for
Utah by act of Congress approved the 9(h Sep
tember, 1850, and the Constitution and laws of
the United States were thereby extended over it
“so far as tlio same or any provisions thereof,
may be applicable.” This act provided for the
appointment by tho President, by and witli the
advice arid consent of trie Senate, of a Cover- j
nor, who was to be ex-officio superintendent of
Indian affairs, ft secretary, three judges of the
supreme court, a marshal, and a district attor
ney. Subsequent acts provided for tho np
pointment of tho officers' necessary to extend
our labd And pur Indian system over tho Terri
tory. Brigham Voting.was appointed tlio Hist
•■Governor on tho UOtli September, 1850, and,
has held the office ever since, Whilst Cover-J
nor Young has bceirboth Covcrnor and super
intendent of Indian affairs .throughout this perir
od, ho lias been at tho same, time the bead of
tlio church called tlio Latter-Day Saints, and
professes to govern,its members and dispose of
their properly by direct inspiration and author
ity from the Almighty., Ilis power has been,
therefore, both ehuibh and State.
..The people of Utah, almost exclusively, be
long to this church, and believing with-a fanat
ical spirit that ho is Governor of the Territory
by . divine , appointment, they obey his com--
tuands as if these wore direct revelations from
Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that his
Government shall come into, collision with the
Government 61 the'United States, the members
of the Morliion churcli wi.ll yield implicit oho.'
diCnco.to liis will. .Unfortunately, existing facts
leave but little doubt that such is his determi
nation. .Without entering upon a" minute his
tory of occurrences, it is. sufficient to. say that
all the officers of the United States, judicial
and executive, with tlio single exception of
two Indian agents, have fonnd it necessary
for their own personal safely to withdraw from
tho Territory, and there no longer remains
■any Government in Utah, but tho despotism of
Brigham Young. This being the condition
of affairs in tlio Terrifojiy, I could not mistake
tho path bf duty. As Chief' Executive Magis
trate, I was bound to restore, the supremacy of
the Constitution and laws within its limits. In
order to effect this purpose, I appointed a new
Governor and other -federal officers for .Utah,
sent with them a military force for their pro
tection, and to aid as a posse comi talus, in case
need, in the execution of the law.s.
Witli the religious opinions of' tlio ’Mentions,
as iong.as they remained mere opinions, how
ever deplorable inlhemsolvcs, and revolting to
tho moral and religious sentiments of alhChris
tendom, I had no right to interfere. .Actions
alone, when in.violation of tho Constitution and
law of the U. States, become tlio legitimate sub
jects for tlio jurisdiction of.the civil,,magistrate. ■
My instructions to Governor Gumming have
therefore bberi framed in strict accordance with
these principles. At their date, a hope was in
dulged that no necessity might exist for em
ploying tlio military in restoring and maintain
ing the authority of the, jaw, but this hope has
now vanished
'Gov. Young ha's, by proclamation, declared
his determination to maintain his power by
.force, and liaxalready. committed acts of hostil
ity against the United-States. Unless lie. should'
retrace his stops the .Territory o'f Utah will be
in a State of opon rebellion; He has doinmit
ed those acts pt hostility, notwithstanding Major
Van yiiet, an officer of the impy, sent to Utah
by the Commanding General to purchase pro
visiops for the.troops, had given llini the strong
est assurances of the peaceful-intentions Of the
Government,'and .that-the troops would only.be
employed as apdsse comitalu* when called on by
tile civil authority to aid in .the execution ol
the, laws.
There' is reason to ;bolievo that Governor
Voung has long contemplated this result, lie
knows tfipt the continuance 01 his despotiopow
er depends. Upon the exclusion of all settlors
from the. Territory except those who will, ac
knowledge his divine- mission and. implicitly
obey his will; and that an enlightened public
opinion there would soon prostrate institutions
'of war with Ihe laws both of God anil man. He
He has) therefore, lor several years, in order to
maintain his independence, been industriously
employed in collecting and fabricating arms and
monitions of war, and.disciplining the Mormons ,
for,military.service. ■ As superintendent pf In
dian affairs ho lias liadan’opportnhity of'tamp- '
cring with the Indian tribes and exciting their
hostile feelings against tlio United States; This,
according to. our information, ho has accom
plished in regard to some ol these tribes, while
others have remained true to tliair allegiance,
and have communicated his intrigues to ouv In
dian agents. He has laid In a store bl provis
ions tor three years, which in case ol necessity,
aft ho informed Major Van Yiiet, be will con
ceal “and then.take to the mountains, and bid
defiance to all the powers of the. Government.”
JL -groat part of all tins may bo idle boasting;
but yet no wise Government will lightly esti
mate the efforts which may ho inspired by such
.phrehsiod fanaticism as exists aniong the Mor
mons in Utah. This is the first rebellion which
has existed in onr Territories; and humanity
itself requires Unit wo should put it. down in
such a manner (hat- it shall be the fast. To tri
fle with it would bo to encourage It, and to ren
dbr it forniMablo. Wo ought to go there with
such nnJmposing force ns to convince these de
luded people that resistance would be vain, and
thus spare the effusion -of blood. Wo can in
this manner, best convince them that We are
their friends, uot. their enemies. In order to
accomplish this object it will ho necessary, ac
cording to tlio estimate of tho- War Depart
ment, to raise four additional regiments; and
this X earnestly recommend to Congress. At
tho present moment of depression in the reve
nues of the country. Tam sorry to be obliged to
recommend sucli'a measure; but I feel confi
dent of tlio support of Congress, cost what it
may, in suppressing tho insurrection and iif re
storing and maintaining tlio sovereignty of the
Constitution and laws over the Territory of
Utah. .
lirccomnisnd 16 Congress tlio eslafiTTaliniotit
of a territorial government over Arizona, incor
porating with it such portion's of-.. New Mexico
'as they may deem expedient. I need scarcely
adduce arguments in support cf tills rec
ommendation. Wo arc bound to protect tile
lives and property of our- citizens inhabiting
Arizona, and these arc now without' efficient
protection.^. Their present number is already
considerable, and. is rapidly increasing, not
withstanding the disadvantages under which
they labor. Besides, the proposed Territory is
believed to bo rich in mineral and agricultural
resources, especially in silver and copper
Thomails of the United Stales to California
are now carried over it throughout its whole
extent, and this route is known to bo the near
est, aTid believed to be the best to the Pacific.
Long experience has deeply convinced mo
that a etricfconstructlon of the powers granted
to Congress is the only-true, ns well as the on
ly sa la, theory of the Constitution. Whilst
this principle shall guide my public conduct, I
consider it clear that under the war-making
power Congress may appropriate money for
the construction of a military road throng|i the
territories of the United Slates, when tliis is
absolutely necessary for the defence of any of
the States against foreign invasion. The Con
stitution has conferred upon Congress power to
"declare war,” “to raise and support armies,”
“to provide and maintain a navy,” and to call
forth a militia to “repel invasions.” These
high sovereign poweis necessarily involve im
portant and responsible public duties; and
among them there is none so sacred and so,im
perative as that of preserving our soil from the
invasion of a foreign enemy. The Constitution
has, therefore, left nothing on tliis point to con
struction, hut'expressly requires that “the Uni
ted States shall protect each of (hem [the
States] against invasion.” 'HovQ if a military
road over our own Territories bo indispensably
necessary to enable us to meet and repel (ho
invader, it follows as a necessary consequence,
not only Unit wo possess (lie power, but it is
our imperative duty lo construct such a road.
It would ho an absurdity lo invest a Govern- ‘
mont with the unlimited power to make and
conduct war, and at lliq sumfli time deny to it 1
only tiro means ot reaching and defeating (ho
enemy at the frontier. Without such a road it
■is quite evident-We cannot «protcctV.Cffl!Tornin
our Pacific possessions “against invasion.”
TV"e cannot by any other means transport men
and munitions-of war from the Atlantic States
in sufficient time, successfully to defend those
remote and distant jmrlions of the Republic* .
* Experience has proved that the routes across
the,isthmus of Central America arc at best but
a very uncertain and unreliable mode of com
munication. But even .ifthis were not the case,
they would ;at once l?c closed against us in the
event of a war wiih a naval power so much
stronger than our own as to enable it to block
ade the ports at either end of these routes.— (
After all, therefore, we can only rely upon, a
military road, through our own territories ; and
ever since the origin, of the (joverhmenti Con
grqss has been in of appropriating
money from the public treasury for the con- i
sfruction of such roads. ’ ,• . ' 1
_ The difficulties and the expense of Construct
ing a military railroad to connect our Atlantic
and Pacific States; have been greatly exaggera
ted. -The distance on the Arizona route near
the 32d parallel of north latitude, between
the western boundary of Texas on the Eio
Grande, and the eastern boundary of California
oil the Colorado, from the best explorations now
within our, knowledge, docs not exceed-four
hundred and seventy miles, and the lace of the
country is, in the main, favorable. For obvi
ous reasons-the Government ought not to un
dertake the work itself by means of its owm
agents. This ought to bo committed to other
agencies, which Congress might assist either by
grants of land or money, or by both, upon such
terms and conditions as they may deem most
beneficial for the epuntry. ‘Provision might
thus bo made not only for the safe, rapid, and
ccuiluinical transportation of troops and muni
tions of war, but also of .the public mails.-
The commercial interests of the whole country,
both East and West, would bo greatly promo
ted by such a road; and, above all, it would
be a powerful additional bond of union.' And
although advantages, of this kind, whether pos
tal,-commercial, or political, cannot confer
constitutional power, yet they may furnish au
xiliary arguments in favor of expediting a work
which, in my judgment, is clearly embraced
within the war-niaking power.
For these reasons I commend to the friendly
consideration of Congress the subject of the
Pacific railroad, without finally committing
myself to atiy particular route.
The report of the Secretary of the Treasury
will furnish a detailed statement of the condi
tion of the public finances‘and-of the respective
branches of the public-service devolved-upon
that department of the Government. By this
report it.appears that the amount of revenue
received from all sources into the treasury dur
ing thefiscal yearonding the 30th of June, 1867,
was sixty-eight million six-hundred and thirty
one thoitsand five-hundred and thirteen dollars
and sixty-seven,cents,(3CB;G3l,sl3.67.) which
amount, with the balance of nineteen million
nine hundred and otic thousand three hundred
and twenty five dollars and forty-five cents,
(819,901,325.45,) remaining in the treasury at
the commencement of the year, made an aggre
gate for the service of the year of eighty-eight
million five hundred and thirty-two thousand
eight Jiundrcd and thirty-nine dollars and
twelve cents,. ($88,532,839.12.)
The public expenditures for thefiscal year
ending 30th June, 1857, amounted 'to seventy
million eight hundred arid twenty-two thousand
seven hundred and twenty-four, dollars and
eightyjfive cents, ($70,822,724.85,) of which
five million nine hundred and forty-three thou
sand eight hundred and 'ninety-six''dollars -and
ninety-one cents, ($5,943,896.91) were applied
to the redemption of the public debt; including
interest and premium, leaving in the treasury
at the commencement of the present fiscal year
on the Ist-of July, 1857,' seventeen million sev
en hundred and ten thousand one hundred and
[ fourteen dollars and twenty-seven cents, ($17,-
710,114,27.). . . .•' • ’
The receipts into the Treasury for the first I
quarter of the present fiscal-year, commencing
Orst July, 1857, were twenty million nine hun
dred and twenty-nine thpnsapd. eight hundred,
and nineteen i dollars and-eighty-one. cents,,-
($20,929,819.815) and-the ‘estima(ed..receipts
of the remaining three quarters, to the 30th ot ,
June,.lBsB, arc thii.ty-.six million seven htin--
died and fifty:thousand dollars, (36.750,000,)
making, with the balance before.slated, an ng- I
gregato of seventy-five million three hundred
and-eighty-nine, thousand nine -hundred-and
thirty-four dollars and eight cents, ($75,389,-
934.08,) for'the service-of the present fiscal
year.
The actual expenditures during the first
quarter of the present fiscal year, were twenty
three million seven hundred and fourteen thou
sand five hundred and twenty-eight dollars and
thirty-seven cents, ($23,714,528.37,) of which
three million eight hundred, and ninety-five
thousand two hundred and thirty-two dollars
and thirty-nine , cents, ($3,805,232.39 ) were
applied to the redemption of the public debt,
including interest and.premium. The probable
expenditures of the remaining three quarters
to 30th June, 1858, are fifty-one million two
hundred and forty-eight thousand five-hundred
and thirty dollars and four cents, ($51,248,-
530.04,) including interest on the public debt,
making an aggregate of seventy Jour million
nine hundred and sixty-three thousand fifty
, eight dollars and forty-one cents, ($74,903,-
058.41,) leaving an estimated -balance in the
treasury at the close of the present fiscal vear
of four hundred and twenty-six thousand eight
hundred .and seventy-five dollars and sixty-sev
en cenls, ($420,875.67.) '
The amount of, the public debt at the com
mencement of the present fiscal year was twen
ty-nine million sixty tliousand three hundred
and eighty-six'dollnrs and ninety cents, ($29 -
000,386.90.) , ■ ■ '
The amount redeemed since the first of July
was three million eigijt hundred and ninety-five
thousand two hundred>nd thirty-two dollars
and thirty-nine cents, ($5Jp75,232.39)— leaving
a balance unredeemed tat thjs time of twenty
five .million one hundred and sixty-five thou
sand one hundred and fifty-four dollars and
fifty-one cents', (825,165,15451.)
T he amount'd' estimated expenditures for the
remaining three quarters of the present fiscal
year will, in all probability, be increased from
the causes set forth'in the report of the Secreta
ry- Ills suggestion, therefore, that authority
slibuld be given to supply any,temporary defi
ciency by the issue of a limited amount of trea
sury notes, is approved, and I accordingly re
commend the passage of such a law.
As slated in the report of the Secretary, the
tariff ot March 3, 1857, has been in operation
for so short a period-of time, and under circum
stances so unfavorable to a just development of
its results ns a revenue measure, that I should
regard it as inexpedient, at least for the present,
to undertake its revision.
I transmit herewith the reports nude to me
by the Secretaries of War ami of the Navy, of
the Interior and of the Postmaster General.—
They all contain valuable and important infor
mation and suggestions, which I commend to
the favorable consideration of Congress.
X have already recommended the raising of
four additional regiments, and the report of the
Secretary of War presents strong reasons pro
. vmg this increase of the army, under existing
circumstance, to he indispensable.
I would call the special attention of Congress
■to the recommendation of the. Secretary of
the Navy in favor of the construction of ten
small war steamers of light draught. For some
years tlio Government has been obliged on many
occasions to hire such steamers from individuals
to supply its pressing wants. At the present
moment wo have no armed vessel in the navy
which can penetrate the rivers of China. Wo
have but few which pan enter any Of the har
bors south of Norfolk,.although many millions
of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass
in and out of these harbors. Some of our most
valuable interesls and most vulnerable points
are thus left exposed. This class of vessels of
light draught, great speed, and heavy guns,
would be formidable in const defence. The cost
of their construction willno't’be-grcat, and they
will require but a - coiinparativcly...small expen
diture to keep them jn commission. In time of
peace, they will prove as effective ns much
larger vessel?, and often more useful. One of
i ■ ■ - ■ t.
them should bp at every s'tation a-lk-rc \ve main
tain.a squadron, arid three orifour should be
constantly..on our Atlantic and Pacific coasts.
Economy, utility, and efficiency combine to re
commend them. as. almost indispensable. Ten
oftheso small vessels Would be of incalculable
advantage to the naval service, arid the whole
cost of their construction would not exceed two
million three hundred thousand dollars,' or
5230.000 each.
The report.orthe Secretary of the Interior is
•worthy of grave consideration. It treats of the
numerofls, important, and diversified branches
of domestic administration entrusted to him by
law. Among these the most prominent are the
public lands and* our relations with flic In-,
dians.
Our system Tor the disposal of the public
lands, originating with the fathers of the Re
public,has been improved ns experience pointed
the way, and gradually adapted to the growth
and settlement of our Western States and Ter
ritories. It has worked well in practice. Al
ready thirteen States and seven Territories
have been'carved out of these lands, and still
ipore than a thousand millions of acres remain
unsold. What a boundless prospect this. pro.
sentstoour country of future prosperity and
power 1 - I
We have heretofore disposed of 303,862,404
acres of the public lands.
Whilst the public lands, as a source of revc-.
nuo, are of great importance, their importance
is far.greater as fu-nishing homes for a hardy
and independent race of honest arid industrious
citizens, who desire to subdue’and cultivate the
soil. They ought to ,be administered mainly
with a view of promoting this wise and benev
olent policy. In appropriating them for any
other purpose, we ought to use . even greater
economy than if they had been converted into
money, and the proceeds were, already in the
public treasury. To squander away the richest
arid noblest inheritance which any people have
ever en joyed, upon objects of doubtful consti
tutionality or, expediency, would be to violate
one of the most important trusts ever commit
ted to any people. Whilst Ido not deny to
Congress the power, when acting bona fide as a
proprietor, to give away portions of them for
the purpose of. increasing the value of the re-,
mainder, yet, considering the great temptation
to abuse this power, we cannot be too cautious
in its exercise.
Actual settlers under existing laws are pro
tected against other purchasers at the public
sales, iii the right of pre-emption, to the extent
of a quarter section, or 160 acrea.of land. , The
remainder may then be disposed of at public
or entered tit private sale in unlimited quanti
ties. \\'
Speculation has of late years prevailed to a
great extent in the public lands. THo conse
quence has been that large portions of them
have become the property of individuals' mid
companies, and thus the price U.'greatly en
hanced to those who desire to purchase for ac-.
tual settlement. In order to limit the area of
speculation as much as possible, the extinction
of the Indian title ,and the extension of the
public surveys ought duly keep pace with; the
tide of emigration.
If Congress should hereafter grant alternate
sections to States or companies, as they, have
done heretofore, I Recommend that the inter
mediate sections retained by the Government
should be subject to pre-emption by actual set
tlers.
It ought over to -bo our cardinal , policy to
reserve the public lands as niuch as may be for
actual settlers, and this, at moderate prices.—
We shall Ulus not only best promote the pros
perity of tho new States, and Territories, and,
the power of the Union, but shall-secure homes
for our posterity for many generations'.
Tho extension of out-limits has brought with
in our jurisdiction many additional anjjtpopu
lous tribes of Indians, a large proportion, of
which are wild, untraotablo, and difficult to
control. Predatory and warlike in their dis
position and habits, it is impossible -altogether
to restrain, them from committing aggressions
on each other, as well as upon 'onr frontier cit
izens qnd those.civim-ating tobprdistant States'
and Territories. Hdnceex-pepkive'militai'y'- ex
peditions arc frequently necessary; to. overaWe
and chastise the more lawless and hostile.
The present system of making them valuable
presents, to influence them to remain at peace,
has proved ineffectual. It is believed to be the
better policy to colonize them in suitable local
ities,where they can receive the rudiments of,
education and be gradually induced to; adopt
habits of industry. So fay as. the experiment
has been tried it has Worked well in practice,
and it will doubtless prove to be loss expensive
than the present system.
The whole number of Indians within our ter:
ritorial limits is believed to bo, from the best,
data in tho Interior Department, dbout 325,-
000. ;
The tribes of Chcroiccs, Choctaws, Chicka
saws, and Creeks, settled in the territory set
apart.for them west of Arkansas, arc rapidly
advancing in education and in all the'nets of
civilization and'self-government; and we may
indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no
very distant day they will be incorporated into
the Union ns one of the sovereign States.
It will be seen from the report of the .Post
master General, that The Post Office Depart
ment still continues to depend on the Treasury,
as it has been compelled to do for several years
past, for an important portion of the means of
sustaining and extending its operations. Their
rapid growth and expansion are shown by a
decennial statement of the number of post offi :
ccs, and the length of post roads, 'commencing
with tlie year 1827. In that year there were
7.000 post offices ; in 1837, 11,177 : in' 1847;,
15,146; and jn 1857 they number 26,586. In
this year 1725 post offices have been established
and 704 discontinued. leaving,a net increase of
1021. The postmasters of 368 offices\,are ap
pointed by the President. ’
The length of post roads in 1827 was 105,
336 miles : in 1837, 141,242 miles : in 1847,
153,818 miles: and in the year 1857 there arc
-242,601' miles of post road', including 22,530
milts of railroad, on which the mails are trans
ported; • ’ "
The expenditures of the department for-the
fiscal year ending on the 30th Juno, 1857, as
adjusted by the auditor, amounted to 311,507,-
670, To defray these expenditures, there was
to the credit of the department, on the Ist July,
1856, the sum of $789,599; the gross revenue
of'tlm year, including the annual allowances
for the transportation of flee mail matter, was 1
$8,053,951 ; and the remainder , was-supplied
by the appropriation from the Treasury of $2;-
250,000, granted by the act of Congres ap
proved August 18, 1856, and by the appropri
ation 0f'3666’,883, made by the act of March
3, 1857, leaving $252,763 to be carried to the
Credit of the department in the accounts of iho
current year. 7 commend to your considera
tion the report of the department in relation to
the establishment of the overland; mail route
from the Mississippi river to San Francisco,
California. The route was scleoted with my
full concurrence, as the one, in my judgment,
best calculated to attain the important objects
contemplated by Congress,
-. The late disastrous monetary revulsion may
have one good effect should it cause both- the
Government and the, people to return to the
practice of a wise and judicious economy, both
in public and private expenditures.
An overflowing treasury has led to habits of
prodigalify and extravagance in our legislation.
It has indeed induced, Congress to. make large
appropriations to objects for which they never
would have provided, had it been necessary to
raise the amount of revenue required to meet
them by increased taxation or by loans. We
are now compelled to pause in our career, and
to scrutinize,our expenditures, with the utmost
vigilance; and in performing this duty, I
pledge my co-operation to the extent of piy
constitutional competency; •
It ought to be observed at the same time that
true public economy does not consist in with
holding the means necessary to accomplish im
portant national objects intrusted to. Os by the
Constitution, and especially such ns may be
necessary' for, the common defence. In the
present crisis of the country it is our duly to
confine our appropriations to objects of this
character, unless in cases where justice to irt".
dividualsmay demand a different course. In all
cases care ought to be taken that the money
granted by Congress shall be faithfully and
economically applied.
'Under the Federal’ Constitution, “every bill
which shall have passed the House of Repre
sentatives and the Senate shall, before it be
comes alawi" bo.'approved, and signed,by the
President:'and, if not approved, “"ho shall re
turn it with his'objcotions to,, that house,
in winch it originated.” In order to per
form this high arid responsible duty, suffi
cient time must be allowed the President to read
and examine every bill presented to him for ap
proval- Unless-,this be afforded, the Constitu
tion becomes a dcltd letter in tins particular :
and even worse, itr becomes a means of decep
tion. -Our constituents,.seeing, the President’s
approval and signature attached to’cach act of
Congress, are induced to believe that he has ac
tually performed' this duty, when, in truth,
nothing is, in many cases, more unfounded.
From the practice of Congress, such an ex
amination of each bill as the Constitution re
quires lias been rendered impossible. The
mosl importanVbtiiiness of each session is gen
erally crowded into its last hours, and the al
ternative presented to the President is, either to
violate the cbnstituUpnal duty which he owes
to the people qudfiipprove hills which, for want
of time, it is impossible ho should. have exam
ined, or, by his refusal to do this, subject the
country and individuals to great loss and in
convenience
E Besides, a practice has grown up of late years
legislate in' appropriation bills, at the last
lis of the session, on new and - important
subjects. This practice either constrains the
President to suffer measures to become laws
which ho does not approve, or to incur the risk
of stopping the .wheels of the Government by
vetoing an appropriation hill, formerly,tsuch
bills wqro confined to specifioappropriationsfor
carrying into effect'existing laws and the well
established, jioftby 'of the country, arid, little
time was then required’ by the Presiderit for
their examination.
For iny own part, I have deliberately deter
mined that 'I shall approvb.no bill which I have
not examined, and it will be a case of extreme
and not uvgont necessity which shall ever in
duce.me.to depart IVom this rule. I therefore
resp'cctfulty, but.earnestly, recommend that the
two houses will allow the President at least two
days previous (6 the adjournment of each ses
sion within which.no bill shall be "presented to
him Under the existing joint nlle
ohc day is allotted j-luit this rule has been hith
erto so constantly suspended in .practice; that
important bills continue to be presented to him
up till the very last moments of the session. In
ii large,majority of cases, no.great public incon
venience can arise from' the want of time to ex
amine their, provisions, because tbo Constitu
tion has declar.ed that if a bill -Co presented to
the the last ten days of the
session* ho is hot required to return it, cither
with an,approval or with a veto, “ in which case
it shall not boalaw.” • It mily then lie over, and
betaken up and passed at the. next, session.
Great Inconvenience would only be experienced
in regard to appropriation bills; but fortunately,'
under the late.excellent lair allowing a. salary,
instead of a per diem, to members of Congress,
Hie expense and inconvenience of.a’called ses-.
si on. will bo. greatly reduced.
I cannot conclude without commending to
your favorable cdnsidoi'ntion the interests of
the people of this District., Without a repres
,entative“pU the floor of Congress, they have for.
f this vcry-rCaspn peculiar claims upon, our" just*
regard. • „To this I know, from long-ac- -
qhaintanco with them, they arc eminently eriti
tied: - ,
’ ‘j. .JAMES BUCHAN AN.
Washington, pec. 8, 1857.
Mr. Buchanan's Dinnijr Party. —A few
days sinoS President Buchanan gave a dinner
to the Congressional delegation frem Pennsyl
vania. The Washington correspondent of the
Philadelphia Argus thus speaks o( it:
,A most interesting scene might have been
.wiinessed.ytwcfday, at the Executive Mansion.
The distinguished and . popular President had
i with, him iit<p»iicr'tha emit ire Congressional
delegation oftDtoaocrotkr mcrabersfrom Penn
sylvania; If.wasa family gathering merely.
Indeed,- so riHiplfiScoupied; have the members
been since theiraWiyal at. Washington, .that it
lias been al'mdst ont of the question to converse
together except uppn matters of business pert
tabling l to their duties in. the arrangement of
the House. .Yosterylay, however, they enjoyed
a social gathering, tyhioh may bo regarded as
an epoch in'their .personal and political history.
Seated al thc .delightful banquet might bii seen
the venerably President, truly and literally
now, our own.greay statesman and favorite son,
James Buchanan. Upon one side of him was
the gigantic and towering intellect, the Attor
licy-Oeneral off the United States, Jeremiah S.
Black.
Directly opposite sat the champion of the
Administration, onr able and eloquent Senator;
William Biglfjr, doing the agreeable to the beau
tiful and accomplished "niece of the President,
Miss Harriet jLane. Her merry mingling laugh
at the sallies nf wit occurring over and anon
from around the ftstivo board, combined with
the extreme' delicacy of her demeanor, and
marked attention; to each and all of her distin
guished Uncle’s honorable guests elicited tho
admiration of all, '
But I am extending my letter beyondaprop
er length, and I must group the others as biief
ly is I can. At the south end of the table sat
onr industrious member from the First Congres
sional District, Thomas B. Florence, quiet and
reserved. His position here is an enviable one ,
of the strictest integrity, every one loves Tom
Florence for \iis real goodness of heart; always
at his post, and ever ready to a d all who need
his services.' Speaker Orr will doubtless, in
the organization of the committees, recognize
the valuable services of the talented, industri
ous, aud influential Representative from our
State.
On the rigid of the Attorney General was
the sprightly member of the Fourth District,
Henry M. Phillips. Then, there was Owen-
Joncs and John Hickman, haying the very pop
ular and polite private secretary of the Presi
dent, the yoUhg gentleman.filled no small place
at the pleasant gathering,'the other by the very
intelligent, Iftit quiet, William Montgomery.—
Then, there .was Henry .Chapman, from Bucks,
and Allison White and William il. Dimniick,
and IVm. L. Do wart and Jaihes L. Gills, seated
nearly together.- All these gentlemen are
known-to their constituents, and have made a
mark in tho.jiiatbry of tho State; beyond those
wore John A‘. Ahl, and Paul Loidy, tliosncces
sor ol tho litmented Montgomery, who died' a
victim to tho National Hotel epidemic.
Mr. Alliuoxe Abroad. —Tho Philadelphia
Ledger is informed that letters have been recei
ved from Mr, Allibono, late of tho Pennsylvania
Bank,, who jet the time of their date in Pa
ris, and on Jiis way to Italy. In these letters
nothing wastiiddof Ids immediate return, thou jh
his more immediate Triends express no doubt
that ho will bo soon back. In the meantime the
affairs of (lie Bank are at rest.
, Small Change.— -We are glad to observe that
there is move small change in circulation he»o
now than there has been since the suspension of
tho Batiks., Bnt.littlo difficulty is experienced
in getting hold of sufficient, gold and silver to
answer the purposes of business men, notwith
standing the fact that they are unceremoniously
choked off when presenting to the-banks their
"promises to pay” tor redemption. A change
for the better, wo hope, is coming.
Poor House -j-Our committing Magistrates
are almost daily besieged by a host of poor
travellers soliciting permits for lodging in tho
County Poor House.
Bank Applications.—The Harrisburg Tel
egraph publishes notices of intended applica
tions to the'next Legislature for charters for 22
new Banks; ope for. a general Banking law,
three for increase of capital, and two for exten
sion of charters.
CT 0 Tho,Clearfield Republican issues half a
sheet, and says if its subscribers don’t pay up
bettor, the editor will have to issue monthly,
semi-monthly, <jr not at all.
AMERICAN VOLUNTEER.
JOHN B. BMTTON, Editor & Proprietor.
'CARLISLE, PA., DEO. 17', 1857.
US’” N'O paper will' ho issued from any of the
Printing Offices in this place "during the wpek
between Christmas and .Now year’s. This is
done for the purpose of affording the b’hoya a
littloj recreation, whetting up of their appetites,
and spending their loose change. ..
Meruv Chkistmas. —lt will bo observed that
several of our confectionary dealers are prepar
ing for the advent of Christmas. A largo supply
of toys and othej nice things are being hand
sdmely arranged, arid notwithstanding the hard
times, wo dojtbt not that old Santa Claus, with
his
‘ Broad face and little round belly,
That shakes when he laughs, like a bowlful of
jelly,-
will be enabled to fill many juvenile stockirigs
this Christmas. He is a glorious old fellow, full
of humor, full of fun, loves the children, tries to
make them happy, and once every year, just as
the old coiner clock strikes twelve on Christmas
night, the tinkling of the bolls on his tiny rein
deer may be heard, then his foot-steps on the
roof, his descent down the chimney; and after
he has deposited in stockings hanging against
the wall, toys for the boyS;.,dolls for tbo, girls,
and good things tor all, wxtiV a low chuckle, a
nierry twinkle in hie eyes, and thumb on nose,
he quietly trips away. , Glorious old Santa.
Claris I For one score years and ten have we
known him, and right proud are wo of his ac
qaintanco. All Young America w ill bail his
coming with joyous shouts. . . ’. ■ ’
, OF* The Sabbath School connected with the
First Lutheran Church of this place, purpose
celebrating their anniversary on Christmas even
ing.. Exercises to consist, of Dialogues, Ad
dresses, Singing, &c. An admission foe of 12£
cents will bo charged, which will be applied to
the liquidation of the debt incurred in replen
ishing the Library. Key. A. C. Wideuind will
address.the school on.thisoocasion.
THE MESSAGE.
To the exclusion of our usual variety, wo
give the President’s Message To!our readers
to-day. We haveread it carefully, and, without
reservation, pronounce it a most able and un
exceptionable document, creditable alike to
our country and its distinguished author;Pres
idonf Buchanan. Wo refer to it with pride
and pleasure, as a paper eminently worthy
“ Pennsylvania’s favorite sou. ”, .
On the question of the currency, President
Buchanan clearly shows that the revulsion orig
inated in thp dangerous expansion of the “ex
travagant and vicious system of paper currency
andbauk credits,’’and provosthaf from.tho action
of our fourteen hundred banks, over issues wore
unavoidable. From this system incalculable
evils have flowed, and the industry of the coun
try boon paralyzed as it is now. The President
disposes of the theory that those evils could be
checked by it National Bank, and appeals tothe
patriotism and wisdom of -the States for some
.measures of prevention and redress. Among
these recommendations are the 'restrictions ol
issues of small bills, the requirement of specie
on hand to,meet at least one thivd'ofthe circu
lation and deposits, that suspension should be'
imperatively followed by liquidation, abd that
weekly statements should be published of tjltn
condition of these .institutions. V. O«
dn'this whole. matter ; of. the currency, (he*
President takes a noble'stahd for national and
individual honesty and fair dealing, arid if his,
suggestions are hooded by the American peo
ple, tile country will flourish and will not fear
the recurrence of tlidso period leaf..prostrations'
of trade caused by a dishonest and vicious bank-,
ing system. Among the means within the pow
er of Congress to protect the people against 1
tins evil, the President recommends a bankrupt
law applicable to those institutions and making
corporate dissolution and liquidation the inevi
table,consequences of,a, suspension of the pay
ment,of their .debts in the constitutional cur
rency. Such wholesome doctrine, approved by
every principal of political economy and moral
ity, the American people have rarciy listened
to sir.ee the time ol that illustrious Democrat,
Andrew Jackson.
.The present complicated condition of affairs
in Kansas is discussed with fairness, moderation,
and justice.'. Tho President, with a largo ma
jority of the people, regrets .that provision has
not boon made for submitting to tho people of
the Territory, for their acceptance or rejection,
ho whole Constitution which has been proposed
as the organic law 6t the ombyro State; blit he
reasons with great ioico and truth, wo think,
that as the Convention which framed this Const!,
ultiqn, was legally created, aiid bound by no
pledge or obligation whatever, to refer it to a
vote of tho people, except so far as tho act of
Congress organizing a territorial government
for Kansas required with regard to (lip question
of slavery as a domestic institution, this omis
sion of the Convention is not, in itself, a suffi
cient cause to invalidate or set aside its acts.
The policy of the government in relation to
Utah is clearly indicated. The insurrection, of
Brigham Young and his deluded followers is to
be suppressed, coat what il may, and tho sove
reignty of tlie Constitution and the laws restored.
Four additional regiments arc recommended.
The President’s recommendations upon all
measures likely lb claim tho attention of Con
gress are such.as will, in the main, secure, the
approbation of the people, and confirm (heir,
confidence in the wisdom and justice of the dbvf
administration.
o”<3en. VTm. P; Packer, Governor elect,
was seized with a htemorrhago of the lungs re
cently, while out hunting. He has recovered
so far be out of danger and to be abroad
again, receiving the congratulation of his
friends.
Removal op Mr. Stanton:- -The President
has removed Mr. Stanton, Secretary of State
of Kansas, and acting Governor during Gov.
Walker’s absence. The cause of his removal!
it is said, was because he disobeyed tho instruc
tions sent from Washington.
ite-ELEOTiON op Senator Hunter. The
Legislature of Virginia, a few days since, re
elected R. M T. Hunter as United Slates Sena
tor, for six years, from March 4,1359. His elec
tion was nearly unanimous.
CC7 - Do'all in your power to teach your chil
dren self-government. If a chili} Is passionate
leach him by gentle means to curb his temper.
If ho is greedy, cultivate liberality in him. If
bo is sulky, charm him out of it by frank good
humor. If indolent, accustom him to exertions
and train him so.as to perform even onerous
duties with alacrity. If pride comes in to make
obedience reluctant, subdue him by counsel or
discipline. In short, learn your children tho
habit of overcoming their besotting siqs.
‘Correspondence of the Volunteer
LETTER FROM WASHINGTON. -
‘ Washington, Doc.'Tl, 1857
Mr. Editor— Tlio present'Congressional ses ;
sien Ims drawii to the" “ Federal metropolis” li
: larger number of strangers than any previous
one. Tlio “panic” has driven liillieiyierfeot
shoals of office-seekers, who ate quite willing
: to patriotically serve their country just as long,
as it desires their services, asking, nothing in
rotnrn but good fat salaries. Wire-workers,
log-rollers, and any quantity of non-doscripts
are here, earnestly endeavoring to “prit thro’ ”
any quantify of queer measures—some, of the
Tehuantepec and some of the Pacific Rail Road
order. Of course, there arc no considerations
offered in Washington, (it is too moral a place,)
and honorable gotitlcmen would scorn bribery,
but (hoy do say (here is avast amount of cor
ruption at work hero this winter. The Senate,
looks “ grave and reverend,’’ containing, ns it
dees, much vigorous intellect, but you miss the
faces of the brilliant statesmen who but a few
shorty-ears since, wrestled on its floor for in
tellectual honors. The House contains a largo
amount of promising talent. Tour member,
Dr. Aid, although claiming nothingou the score
of oratory, is earning the reputation of being one
of the most indefatigable working nlen ol the
House, devoting his time and zeal for the in
terest of the intelligent constituency ho repre
sents. X notice that his influence hSs been exei-t..
ied'successfully in securing the appointment of
Jons Bi Perr y of Mifflin township, as Messen
ger,. and Jas. B. Burtnett, of Monroe, as As
sistant-Doorkeeper to the House. The House ,
adjourned this morning, until Wednesday, when (
it will reconvene in the spacious and magnifi- ,
cent new hall just completed for its use at an
immense expense. The Democracy appear de
termined to . sustain the Administration in its
position on the Kansas--question.-. 1
THE BRITISH PERIODICALS.
Edinburg Review.—TheEdingburg Renew
was started by such eminent writers ns Jeffrey,
Brougham, and Sydney Smith. When the
Tories ruled Parliament, and, Hushed with
the success of their armies abroad, and their
policy at homo, sway*d their power with a
reckless hand, the Edinburg unfurled the ban
ner of opposition, and spoke, with a voice of
thunder, in behalf of Freedom and the'inaliena
ble rights of mail., Sustained by the lorce of
brilliant itcllcot, apd upheld by a strong pub
lic opinion, the Edinburg carried bn its'con-
test, single-handed, until its voice made" the
Tory leaders'quake, and the very throne trcm-i
ble. ■ •
London meet this bold
and,daring champion .upon its own ground; and
with its ,own weapons, the London Quarterly
was established, and such writers as Soulhky,
Scott, Lockhart, Woodsworth, Milman, Mrs.
Somerville, and a host of others enlisted as i s.
contributors., Arid thus the bloodless ba;tle
raged. ‘'Whig” and “Toryu were the rally
ing cries.' Progress, Political -Reform,-.'and.
Catholic Emancipation, wxre objects (or which
the Edinburg, fought, while the Quarterly up
held conservative opinions, defended the Estab
lished Church, and opposed Catholic .Emanci
pation and Parliamentary The wri
ters of both reviews displayed an ability, a cul
tivation. and a knowledge of science, and letters
which has never been surpassed, if equalled; in
periodical literature. Of course such talent
could not.be secured .without a large outlay,
and, it is said, that frequently- fifty and even
one hundred pounds were for single afti-,
Magazines, thus conducted and sustain
ed, could not but prove successful; and they
Sion became recognized powers in the British
ptnjpire.
was still
another party in existence, neither weak in in
fluence or numbers, which had no special or
gan, and to represent this organization, and to
cement,its elementSj the Westminster■ was es
tablished, with such, contributors as Roebuck,'
Mill. Bowring, Prof. Long, Miss Mariineau
and others. The position of this able Review
in advance of ihs Edinburg. It de
voted itself particularly to the topics most in
teresting to the people. It denounced boldly
and fearlessly exclusive privileges, hereditary
rights, kingly prerogatives, and all the abuses
ofFcudalism. It sounded the charge against
the alliances of Church and State, and has,
more recently, enlisted with Cobdeh, in the
promulgation 5f Free Trade doctrines. The
Foreign Quarterly has been unitedwith ihe
Westminster, and it how stands uncqualed as a
literary and progressive periodical.
North British Review.—The Norik Brit-
ish made iis appearance as a special advocate
of evangelical religion, Without assuming a
political character it has always discussed po
litical questions in their general character—and
in point of talent, energy, and spirit, will com-
pare favorably with its : cotomporaries.—
Amongst the writers who have figured in its
pages may bo mentioned such well known
names as Sir David Brewster, ■ Drs. Hanna,
Cunningham, Lorritner, Gordon, Buchanan
and Candlish. Dr. Chalmers was the founder
of this review, which, since his death, has been
under the cditoHal charge of Dr. Hanna and
more recently of Prof. Fraser.
. B lackwood’^Magazine.— Of Bfaclat’ood we
hardly know,.what to say. Although it'may
be called the embodied genius of Toryism yet
its witching rhetoric, its captivating style, its
profound disquisitions, its range of elegant fic
tion, its slashing yet brilliant criticisms, its
poetry, biography,- historical and fictitious nar
ratives, so charm the sense, that criticism is
disarmed", and we are lost in admiration. The
circulation of Blackwood in England is said to
be 40,000 copies. It is also widely circulated
in this country, and is universally admired.—
The publisher recently declared "us that
"Blackwood edits himself." yet its list of con
tributors is well known!, and embraces ah
amount of talent and genius which has rarely
if ever been concentrated on a single periodical.
The present editor of the Edinburg is Mr.
Reeve; of the North British, Professor Fraser,
of the Westminster, John Chapman (the Amer
ican London bookseller;) of the Quarterly,
Rev. VV. Elwyn. An able corps is attached to
each Review, selected from the choisest talent
of Great Britain.-
■ “Sustained, then, as these distinguished
works are and ever have been, By the highest
order of scholastic ability, and political sagaci
ty, we need not be surprised to find them occu
pying such a proud preeminence among the lit
crary productions of the world ; and the ne
glect of their hjgh claims upon the considera-
tion of all classes of the intelligent community,
would necessarily argue a corresponding indif
ference to the great interests of the common
weal.”
Every intelligent reader should subscribe to
these periodicals furnishing so much “seasona
ble intellectual aliment,’' and which the enter
prise of American publishers has placed within
the reach of all. See advertisement in another
column.
In the United States Senate, on Thursday 6f
last week, a debate took place on the subject of
the President’s Message and the Lecompton
Convention,'in which Messrs'. Douglas and
Bigler were the principal speakers. The foj.
lowing is a mere synopsis of the debate:. ■
Mr. Douglas said he was yesterday under the
impression, that the President had approved the
Lecompton Convention, and under that impres
sion, he felt it to bo his duty to state, that
while he concurred in the general views of the
Message, yet so far as it did approve or endorse
the action of that Convention, he entirely dij.
sented from it, and would give his reasons for
such dissent.’ ■
Upon a more careful and critical examination
of the Message he was rejoiced to find the Pre
sident had not entirely approved the action of
that Convention. , He was hlsp rejoiced to find
that the President had not recommended that
Congress should pass laws, receiving Kansas in
the Union as a State under" the Constitution
frnufedat Lecompton. It is true the tone of
the Alessnge.indicates a -willingness, oh the part
of the President, to sign any bill Congress
m ight pass receiving Kansas its a State into the
Union under that Constitution ; but it was a
very'significant fact that the President had re.
trained from, any indorsement of the conrcn.
tion, and from any recommendation as to the
Course Congress should pursue in regard to the
admission of Kansas. Indeed, the President
bad expressed deep mortification and disan-
Pointment that the whole Constitution was not
Submitted to the people of Kansas for their ac
ceptance or rejection.
He proceeded to show that Congress conld
not properly receive Kansas into the Union un
der the Lecompton Constitution. Not only the
slavery question, but all others, must he sub
mitted to the people of Kansas, as they arc
guarantied to establish all their “domestic"iri
stilulions”. for themselves. On this principle,
the whole Constitution must; be submitted, to
ascertain Whether or not it meets with their
approbation. • . ,
ToUi-s, &c.,
And us,
_Mr. Douglas contended that the people of
Kansas ought to have an opportunity, to vote
against the Constitution if they choose to do so.
Ile.comparcd the “freedom” allowed by the
Lecompton Convention to the “freedom n ‘afc the
election in Paris; when Louis Napoleon was
.elected President- Thei-reasoh assigned \vhy
the people of .Kansas were not allpwbd to vo o
in the. acceptance of the Constitution prepared ■
was, that if they, had the chance .they woulif?*
vote it down by an overwhelming majority;—'
lie believed they would, and thought that it
was a clear violation of the organic act thus to
force the obnoxious Constitution upon the ma^
jority. • ..
When Mr. Douglas concluded, much ap
plause was manifested .by the spectators in the
galleries. • * * • ' -
Mason moved that the galleries be clear
ed; remarking that the decorum of the Senate
had .been frequently violated in 'this way.
Mr. Hamlin hoped the motion would not pre
vail. .
: Mr. Clay thought, the applause commenced
on the floor of the Senate:, and it,would be
hard to punish the spectators for following that
example
M. Bigler trusted the motion would bq wilh
drawn.
Mr. Mason acquiesced, but hoped that tfre
next time the offence was repeated it would hot
be allowcirto pass wiih. impunity. '
,Mr, Bigler replied to Mr. Douglas, tie said
the Lccomplion Convention was called accord
ing to law. and had been recognized by thv
President and the Governor of the Territory.
It was their right to submit a Constitution to 1
the people, or send it to Congress without such
submission. If it was right in itself, republi
can in form, and the peopled the Territory had
fairly decided on .the slavery question, it would -
not be wise to keep them out of-the Union; -*■
simply because the whole Constitution had-«ol
been submitted to them. To do soil VoiiTd bff ~
inconSisient with the doctrine of *
volition.” There was nothing in,the’
tpry of the country to justify such a course, —• .
It. would be the duty of Congress to look nt
question ns it came before it, riftd to do thebestT
it could by looking at £ho happiness of the err
tire country'. lie had long , been under, the
prcssion that it would be-best, for both the*
Union and Kansas,, if that.Statc should be sub
mitted at the first allowable opportunity, in
order to localize strife. He would have prefer
red that the whole Constitution had been, sub
mitted to the people, but persons outside of the
ierntory have no right to -interfere with the
slavery question there; Ho believed that the
people of Kansas would now hav.e an opportu
nity to decide whether they .will have a free or .
slave form of government. He could not,, how
cver, determifle his entire course-until the poo“-
ple of Kansas shall make such a decision. Ho
said the position assumed by Mr. Douglas to
day ,* was in' utter derogation of that which ho.
occupied when he.votcd for Mr. Toombs'bill,
which proposed to make a State. Constitution
and put u into operation, without submitting
Uo a. vote of-the people, and this occurred
«tnnA Sh °xr : ‘ n°- ag t 0 - Ho could not under
sn ron??' T Mr- D ? u 8 las ha< l SO readily become
so sensitive rgavding the rights of the- people,
after,having attempted such an infringement
upon them. , ' -
Mr. Mason exposed and replied
characterized ns a fallacy in the Mk- \
Douglas. ' '•
- Mr. Douglas explained, and said he had been
misapprehended.
Bigler remarked, that in convefsation
with Col. Henderson, who was an active mem
ber of the Convention, he understood him to
say there were two Constitutions, virtually.
Sir. Douglas—lf there are two, I should like
to see the other.
■ w - Bigler—l say precisely similar. .
Mr. Donglas—lf precisely alike, what differ
cnee does it makcTTyou vole for cither? -V
Mr. Bigler—One for the free-and the other
lor the slave State ; that is the difference.
Mr. Donglus-r—lt makes no. difference how
many copies they-make. 'The simple question
is, they only allotyjhe people to vote on slavery,
and nothing else. The Senator from Pennsyl
vania had assumed an air which I thought uu
uccessary, and rather intimatetf to mb that he .
spoke by authority. ■
Mr. Bigler— I expressed my own views de
liberately formed, and-they are in concurrent!*"
wilb those of the President. ’
Mr. Douglas—l may have misunderstood
him. lam certain he did not speak for'the
President. I know that, for the President has
. ust spoken for himself in the Message, in which
ie cbndcniris*the Convention for not submitting
the Constitution to the people, and refuses Ip
recommend me to receive it. The is
a bold, frank man. and if hie intended togive
us an administration measure he*wo 4 uld say so.
-It is not respectful to assume that we will dj>
what* he will not recommend us to do. Ut
course I know that the Senator from Pennsyl-
vania did not speak by authority. _ -
Mr. Bigler—l think lam safe >n saying, and
I think the Senator from Illinois will agree, that
the President upholds in' his Message the doc
trine, that the Convention had the right to form
a Constitution and submit it to the people for
approval, or send it to Congress for approval.
I'think it is dcducible from the Message that
the President does not hold that, because the
entire Constitution was not submitted to the
people, Kansas should be kept out of the Un
ion.
. Mr. Douglas—l infer from the message that
the President does hold that tho Cynvcntinn had
a right to form a Constitution and send it hero,
but that it was only the right to petition to*
redress of grievances under the Federal Consti
tution, and not because the Legislature had tno
power to constimtie that a legal convention.
Mr. Biglei—Where did you get that 1
Mr. Douglas—A gentleman (meaning Mr.
Trumbull) yesterday read from a speech map®
by-Mr. Buchanan twenty years ago, to show
that a Legislature had no right to create a
Convention to supercede the Territorial Unt*
The Lecompton. Convention.
A SPAT BETWEEN- SENATORS DOUGLAS AKn
BIGLER.