AMERICAN VOLUNTEER. JOBS fc IIUITOA, Mtor & Proprietor. ~~OABLISLE, PA., AUGUST 24, 1854.) .Democratic State Ticket: • GOVERNOR: WILLIAM BIGLEfi, i OF CLEAttFIED COUNTY. JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT, JEREMIAH S. BLACK, OF SOiIEESET COUNTY. CANAL COMMISSIONER HENRY S. MOTT, OF Fife COUNTY, democratic county ticket. Congress, J. ELLIS BONHAM, of Cumberland. Assembly, 11. G. MOSER, of Lower Allen. JAMES CHESTNUT, of Southampton. Prothonotary, DANIEL, K. NOEL, of Upper Allen. ‘E’/er/; of the Courts, JOHN Mi GREGG, Carlisle, "Register, WILLIAM LYTLE, of Ncwville. Commissioner t GEORGE M. GRAHAM, Westpennsboro’. Director of the Poor. JOHN CLENDENIN, Silver Spring. Auditors, ISAAC RING WALT, (I yr.) Carlisle. JACOB STEINMAN, (3 yrs.) Shippensburg. COUNTY MEETING. the Democratic Republicans of Cumberland county, arc requested to assemble in the Court House, in Carlisle, on Monday evening tho 28th of August, 1854, at 74 o’clock, for the purpose of interchanging opinions on the approaching election. A general attendance is earnestly re quested'. MANY. August‘24, 1854. Large Tomatto. —Mr. Rodeut Eckels, of this place, presented us with a Tomatto a few days ago, weighing two pounds, and measured fifteen inches in circumference. Mr. E. assured us that he has a “ few more of the same sort.” Crowded Oct. — We had an article written on the subject of the Democratic ticket, and the importance of all Democrats sustaining it, which wo have been obliged to omit for want of room. It shall appear in our next. In the mean time we may mention the fact, that the ticket ap pears to give general satisfaction irv the different townships, and will be generally sustained by the democracy of the comity. Address of thf. Central Committee. —Wc publish in to-day’s paper the third Address of live Democratic State Central Committee, to which we invite the attention of our readers.— Like the two that have preceded it, the present Address possesses more than ordinary interest, and is a paper well worthy the attention of the! people, treating, as it does, the great questions of self-government, ami the right of the people to make their own Stale laws, and form their own Constitutions. The arguments of the Ad dress are unanswerable. Read it, one and all 1 K7* , >Yc can assure the two Whig papers of this county that Judge StuaAT desires none of their crocodile tears for him. He has received their vile abuse too Tong to believe in any pro fessions of friendship they may now make; and ho knows too, that had he received tho Demo cratic nomination for Congress, they would have emptied their vials of wrath upon his head and denounced him in their former billingsgate slang. No—the Judge is now where he always has 1 been, heart and hand for the Democratic party and the entire Democratic ticket. He asks no favors from his political enemies, and despises their hypocritical sympathy. Execution. —To-morrow, the 26th inst., is the day appointed for the execution, at Harris burg, of CourthmU Charles Johnson, convicted of the murder of C'oylicr. It is said he is per fectly resigned to his fate, and appears to have made his pence with his Maker. The execution will lake place in the prison yard, between the hours of 12 and 2 o’clock, and will-only bo wit nessed by the HhcrilF, his Deputy, a Jury, Phy sician, Clergy, and a representative of the Press* Meeting o( Conferees. As the Democratic Convention in Perry county will be held one week later than was an ticipated, wo would suggest a change of the | time of the meeting of the Congressional Con ferees from tho 20th hist., to Friday the Ist of i September, if that time he fixed by Perry coon-1 ty, and it be convenient for both tho Perry and York county Conferees. Bridgeport, in this county, is named as the place, it being central in the district, and accessible by rail-road from each county. THE WHIG TICKET. Tho Whig Convention met on Tuesday lasi and nominated' tho following ticket. Assembly —Montgomery Donaldson, West nenns bo rough; Geo. W. Cns Well, Hampden. Protlwnotory-~ W. D, Shoop, Lowu Allen. Clerk —S. S. Snyder. Hopewell. KeaXer—Wm. Skilcs, Car laic. Commissioner —Wm. Baughman, Sbiji. tp. Direclor-Son. H. Wcibly, Carlisle, (1 yr.) W. W. Frazier, Hopewell, (3 yra.) The above ticket Joes not seem to giro very general satisfaction to the Whig party, inas much as some ol tho candidates have on former occasions been trotted over the course and found to bo a little thick in the wind, and too much dictation on the part of some of the would-bc- Icader'a of tho Whig party in and about Car lisle. ____ Camp Msbtin'u. —Tho Colored people of the M. E. Church will hold ft Camp Meeting near New Cumberland, in this County, commencing on Friday, tho 2Sth hist. A largo turn-out of darltics from Baltimore and dec where ia expect ed. <■ A tiTTM «obb GnAPK, Caw- Bbao ° i ” Tho Whig press , havo spited their guns In the North Carolina battle., Tho Democratic candi date, DuAaa, has a majority of over two thou wad for Governor. ' fTy-'Oen. Lane, of Oregon, has been lying m at tile President’s house Since the adjourmmm of Congress, hut is now convalescent, uis said the President, on hearing of ins intopo sltion at Ids hoarding Itouso, for him ami made him a guest at tho Executive Mansion du ring his sickness. lIESBY S, MOTT-miV-MMIMISH. ■ It haring been shown- conclusively, that Judge Pollock, the opposition candidate for Governor, is a member, in good standing, of that bigoted fiction, called Know-Nothings, the Whi nig-ICfcow-Nothing papers of the State arc at tempting to draw attention from Pollock, by charging the Democratic candidate for Canal Commissioner, Mr. Mott, with being a member of the same order also. Whig editors of course ought to 11 know, for nearly every mother’s son of them arc Know-Nothings, and they can thero forospeak with positive knowledge. But, they merely make the charge against Mr. Mott, without producing £ particle of proof to sustain the accusation. They fail to tell us when and where Mr. Mott joined this detestable faction of mid-night conspirators and.cncmiesto order. 1 No, they gfro us no circumstances connected with his initiation into the order, but merely make the naked assertion, that “Henry S. Mott is a member.of the Know-Nothings.” We cannot believe this assertion of our oppo nents. We have been too long accustomed to their boog-a-bob stories, to credit them now.— But, for one, we promise them—-and to this pro mise we shall faithfully adhere—that as soon as , they produce tangible and conclusive evidence I that Mr. Mott is a Know-Nothing, we shall hurl his nnmo from the head of our columns, | and oppose his election with the same zeal that we have heretofore advocated it. Prove him a Know-Nothing, and we shall have,'nothing to cfyvrith' him except to denounce hia 'apostacy and infamy, and we venture to say that every Democratic editor in the State will endorse the sentiments we here express.. If our opponents can produce this' evidence—if they can'prove that Henry S. Mott has so'-far degraded him" self as to join Ned BuktliN'e’s miserable and abhorred sworn faction of intolerant bigots, we venture to say that his name will not be found at the head of a single Democratic paper in the ! Commonwealth, one week after the expose is made. Democrats are not opposing Know- Nothlngisrn as a'mcrc matter of expediency, but from a conviction of duty—from a conviction that the doctrines advocated by this dangerous combination are in conflict with the Constitu tion, and against the spirit of our free country. Tho very fact that Ned Buntline, of New York, who, it will bo remembered, is now confined in the Sing-Sing prison, on the charge of bigamy, is the father and founder of Know-Nothingistn, should prevent any man who has the least re gard for his own character, from giving coun tenance to the snake-like approaches of this de testable faction. Just think of the Whigs, whose leaders have been Hamilton, Adams, Clay, Webster, Jones, &c., now following the lead of that Five-Points New York b’hoy, Ned Bunt- line, now in the iron grip of the law for the perpetration of a horrible crime! Is it not hu miliating to see the disciples of Clay and Web ster, thus to forget their self-respect, and to de grade themselves in the eyes of the people ? Oh, could Clay and Webster rise from their I graves and witness the degradation of their for mer followers, how they would recoil, os from a leprosy, the contamination that now surrounds the once Whig party ! But, we are digressing, our object being when I we commenced this article to merely ask our | political opponents to establish the charge that Mr. Mott is a Know-Nothing, and to promise them that if they can do this that he cannot receive the votes of Democrats for the office for which he has been nominated. The nSmc of no one shall remain at the head of our columns for any office, whether State or county, who has so far degraded his manhood ns to join the Know-Nothings. ' J. ELLIS BOMAH, Esq. The Democracy of this Congressional district ( have good reason to feel proud of their candi- ] date for Congress, Mr. Bonham. In the event , of his election, (and of this there is no doubt whatever,) ho will occupy a commanding and enviable position in the councils of the nation, and give tone and character, not only to his own district, but to our entire State. Possessed of extraordinary powers as a public speaker, and backed by a thorough and complete classical education, ho will ho enabled to leave Ids mark, deep ahd indelible, upon tho national archives. Mr. Bonham is well known, not only to tho I people of this Congressional district, but his name is familiar in every portion of Pennsylva nia. During tho two sessions he represented, in part, this county in tho State Legislature, he attracted tho universal attention of the de- mocracy of the Slate, by his bold, manly, dig nifled, and upright course on all public ques tions that came before that body. But, more anon—on future occasions wo may refer to our candidate for Congress more at length. In tho meantime we publish tho following compli- I mentary notices, taken from papers published out of this district: In the Cumberland district tho contest lor Congress wos between Judge Sttakt and Mr. Bosiieu. Tho former is known to many Dem ocrats In the State os a very reliable and up right gentleman, and one who would make a faithful representative. Tho successful candi date, J. Ellis Bonham, Esq., Is known, gener ally througtmnt tho State, as a gentleman ol a high order of Intellect, and varied information. Ho represented Cumberland In the Legislature a few years ago, and was one of tho loaders of the Democratic side of tho House. He Is tho Chairman of tho Democratic Stale Control Com mltteo. Of ids addresses wo havo before spo ken. They have elicited tho highest common dation of tho Democratic press of tho State. Mr. Bonham may bo regarded os tho nominee, ns York and Perry havo conceded the candi date to Cumberland. That ho will bo elected there Is no doubt, and that ho will honor his constituents and his State, is equally certain. Harrisimrg Patriot' J. Elias Bonham, Esq., of Carlisle, has boon nominated lor Congress In tho district composed of York, Cumberland and Perry counties, now represented by Hon. William It. Kurtz. Mr. Bonham 1» a radical Democrat, and possesses Intellectual abilities of, no common order. Reading Gazette. Joun Van Boren has shown more good sense uinco his arrival In London than his too ardent friends on this side of tho water gave him cred it for. Ho has requested tho Mvertiser of that 1 dly to contradict tho report that ho will attend I tho anti-slavery conference at Manchester, and adds, that though ho freely expresses his tool ing on tho subject ol slavery at homo, ho enter tains no idea of taking part In tho discussions on tho subject elsewhere. A. very pralsworthy con clusion. Tho Dircctorn of tho New York Crystal Palace, have authorized their President to sell the entire concern—gas fixtures, iron fence en closing the place, and nil the property of the association, delivered on and after the Ist of November next, for one-half its actual cost,- Tho first cost is understood to have been about $700,000. THE MANNER OP VOTING IN CONVENTION. Voting liy ballot in our Democratic County Conventions is. not only wrong, but cowardly; and wo hope to sco the practice abandoned in future.. The gentlemen who arc candidates for. office before h. Convention have a right to know how the Delegates, who aro sent hero voted.— : Nor will any. Delegate, if bo ho honest and fair,' attempt to conceal his vote by tho reprehensi ble mode of depositing his ticket in a hat. If he bean up-and-down fuirand honorable man, ho is ready to speak out boldly, and vote for the men of his choice when his navno is called. Had wo tho power, we would also have the viva voce system of voting adopted at our gcncralclection —for, as we have said, no honest mhn could object to it, and it would be the means of un masking the sneaking treachery'of those who are “all things to-all men.” That there is de ception practised in the County Conventions of both parties in this county, very frequently, is a well known fact, and it is time that the men who.practise this hocus-pocus mode of forming a ticket should be exposed to tho public gaze. We hold that a man .who is dishonest in poli- tics Is tricky in every thing else, and for one we desire to expose his treachery to those he misrepresented. We have no notion that h*o shall enter, our Conventions, and bargain and sell, and vote against the men his township elected him to support, and then go homo and express surprise at what was done. We desire to unmask all traitors, and to apeak of them hi terms of merited condemnation. Some men who are sent to our County Con ventions aa Delegates, when cornered and dis covered that they voted against tho voice of their township for certain officers, attempt to palliate their oflcnce by that miserable plea of “expediency,’’and that they voted for such and such a man for office, not because his constitu ents desired him to do so, but for tho purpose of reconciling that interest, and satisfying this and that man 1 Beautiful excuse for a man of sense to make. What right, wo ask, has ho to set up his opinion against the voice of his town or township? What right has he*to bargain and sell, and misrepresent the sentinients of his people ?' Such an excuse for his treachery is as untenable as it is dishonest and contemptible. Besides it is a cowardly course, against which no man, we care not how stronghc may bo in the affections of the people, can guard against. A man who intends to be a candidate before a County Convention for some post of honor or profit, may have strength enough to carry nearly every ward and townslup in the county, and yet he may be defeated for the nomination by one who had not popularity sufficient even to carry his own township—and all this is brought about by the contemptible plea of “expediency." We never did like that word “expediency,” for. it is made the excuse for nearly all dishonora ble practices. ’ ' Kow, we submit, shall this piodc of voting be continued in our County Conventions in fu ture? We sincerely hope not, and we trust the Democratic County Committee, at its first meeting, will not only order that the viva iocc system of voting shall be practiced in all Con ventions hereafter, but that the Conventions shall sit with open doors, so that their proceed ings may be witnessed by all who please to be present. The delegates representing the peo plc-y-or mis-reprcscnting them, if you please— have no-right to lock themselves up in a room, and hide themselves from the light of day, as though they contemplated soma treason against those who appointed them. They haveito right, 1 we say, to adopt any such arbitrary rule, and when they do so they usurp their own duties, i and often an insult to the people of their party. | bet everything be done fair—let the Delegates in future vote out boldly, that all may hear them, and lot them throw open the doors to the people. We desire no concealment, and have no sympathy with those who prefer darkness rather than light. FALSE HUMORS, WE HOPE, We hear it whispered about that one or two of tho-candidates on the Democratic ticket arc members of the Know-Notiling order. Wo know not how much truth there may be in these minors, but for the purpose of patting an end to all doubts on the subject, we would suggest that all the Democratic candidates deny the I accusation over their own signatures. Wo can ■ not believe that any man who aspired tp a nonu -1 nation by the Democratic party, could ever have I been guilty of so imprudent an act as to join a | bigoted faction, the whole object of which is to break down the Democratic phrty. And if any one of the gentlemen on the Democratic ticket lias committed this error, ho must take the ro sponsiblity on Ids own shoulders, for the Demo cratic party can have no sympathy for him or with him. The times and the crisis demand hold words and deeds, and for one we fearlessly declare that we will support no man for office who belongs to or sympathises with ICnow- Nothingiam, nor shall his name remain at the head of our columns one hour after we discover him. FAivMßti'a limn School.— A preliminary meeting of the board of trustees, in accordance with the provisions of the act to incorporate “The Farmers’ High School of Pennsylvania,’ was lately held, but not much business tran* sactcd. A committee was appointed to pro* cure further legislation and to issue an address. Another committee was appointed to solicit subscriptions for tho purchase of a farm. Judge Watts is chairman of both committees. Tnu Pennsylvania Railroad.—Tho re cants tho Pennsylvania Railroad for tho month ending July 30th, exhibit tho most gratifying results, for tho month ending on tlio Mth thc receipts wore $209, mB7,agamat 3167,244.00 for tho same month hr 1853. thus showing a 2a in of $52,054.90 in favor of tho past month. Iho increase in tho receipts of tho year 18n4 over those of 1863 is also most encourog.ng.- The figures stand thus: For the year 18^ 3 - ®1 603,370.53: for tho year 1854, $2,12,1,348.- 50.' The excess of 1854 over tho preceding year 1853, is $500,970.00. These facts speak well for tho management of tho road and also oxh.h t!.o vast increase of trade and travel on this State thoroughfare. __ Wno Mayor a Kxow-Notii.no f-Tho fol lowing extract Ire... article 2of tholr conalltu tlou, answers this question 5 • ..No person shall ho proposed » memberol this order unless'ho boa white male, of good moral character, of tho ago of twonty-ono jonrs, a believer in tho Supreme Hoing, and bornwitn in the lUqUi of the United Stales Americas “ Tho parents and at least one <f the grand parent* of all candidates must have .boon born within tho United States.** PUILADEtriIU MARKET COMPARED WITH / ' OUR OWN. ■ Until recently ft was considered, true econo my to live j4n the country 1 ’ in preference to the city, because ofthe high prices of all kinds of the latter, 1 But of late years the rcyeyso ia the cafco, nearly every article in our market comnianding a higher price than is asked or received The fact is there is not a town vn th\£ section of country, where all kinds Of-.mdtketing.command as exorbitant prices as our own. Tho' people of Carlisle arc fairly robbed of late, arfd it requires a man to be doing a good’"business to be able to purchase the necessaries of life. ,-Nob only have we to pay two-thirds of our marketing than is paid in thocity, but everything is of In ferior quality, such as would not sell in Phila delphia at any lf this imposition is to' ,j be continued,'we think our citizens would do well to charter a car, and hire a trusty man to do their marketing for them cither in Pluladel phia or Baltimore. For one, we arc tired of I submitting longer to this robbery and impo sition. Below frogfre a list of prices of good articles oflered for sale ia the Philadelphia mar ket, compared with the prices of bad articles sold in the Carlisle market Philadelphia Market. l Boast Beef & Steaks, per lb. : 124 Corned Beef, per lb. 8 Mutton & Lamb, •■jperlb. ' 8 Ham, per lb. 124 Potatoes, per bo. 60 ; Sweet do. per bu. 100 Beets, per bunch 3 Cantelopcs, per bu. 25 Corn, per doz. 10 Apples, per bu. 75 Watermelons, each 8 Butter, per lb. - 31 Eggs, per doz. . 18ij Tomatoes, per half peek • ■ Gl Cabbage, per head A i Carlisle Market. \ Roast Beef& Steaks per lb. 12^ Corned Beef 10 Mutton & Lamb per lb. 10 Ham 14 Potatoes 100 Sweet do. per bn. 200 Beets, per bunch 6 Cantelopcs. prbu. £OO Corn, per doz. 14 Apples, per bu. 100 Watermelons, cadi 20 Butter, per lb. 20 Eggs, per doz. 124 (Tomatoes, per half j peck 15 Cabbage, per head, 10 Those who'arc not For us ore Against ns. In many instances how true is this! It is the touchstone by which the friends and the opponents of the Democratic party may be tried. Whenever you find a man who is not willing to acknowledge he is a Democrat, put him down as an opponct, says the Western Star. It is preposterous for any one to suppose that ho can be a Whig, pr, if you please, a Know-Nothing, and a DcitfgqraC^tthe same time. The princi ples entertained by each arc directly at variance. It is os impossible for these parlies to affiliate, as it is for oil and water to unite without the introduction of a third ingredient. The prin ciples of each are as opposite as the North is to the South polo. Kuow-Nolhingism seeks to cripple and pijlsy our institutions, while De mocracy is ever pointing to their preservation. During the.long scries of years which the Demo cratic party has been administering the affairs of government, she has never resorted to a se cret organization, for the purpose of being sus tained, but has stood'the test oi time without exhibiting the least symptom of decay. Her pure, republican principles stand every assault of the enemy, without the aid of new-fangled notions to which.they cling with tenacity; and which, word they permitted to be in the ascen dent, would'sop the very foundation of our gov ernment. .Thu ■ Kmnv-Nothings have tyu,view the de struction of llie.Democratio parly, and seek to ma!ke*mroftdft3>y appealing U> UgmjLssiops, and thojxmstuwj'ejrerotte i^^mmuoacd^ prejudices. Why hocd'noy, man desire to bo connected with A greater political organization than- the Na tional Democratic Part]} 1 She it is that must preserve tho existence of our government.— Whencvcf traitors belch forth their treasonable anathertiaa, there will bo found members of our party ready to defend tho Union of the States, and meet out a portion that will prove as bitter os gall —that will sting them as with tho poi sonous fangs of an adder. Docs any man, and particularly any Democrat, wish to be connect ed with a greater party, than that which the illustrious Jefferson, Jackson and Polk fought fori Whoever becomes connected with the Know Nothings throws away his freedom —that sacred boon which should bo treasured above I every thing else*. ______ [£7* A shocking affair occurred in Carter county, Tcnn., a few days ago- It appears a man named Nelson, a member of an influential family.was charged with outraging, in his store, tho person of a girl named Hamilton. Thcj .father of tho girl soon after threatened to shoot him, and on his hearing of tho threat, it is said, ho walked into the street, called Hamilton out, and deliberately shot him down in the presence of his wife and several citizens. Hamilton was alive at last accounts, but it was thought was mortally wounded. Nelson was arrested, and two revolvers, two horso pistols and a bowie knife found on his person. Neuiiaska. —The editor of the Council Bluffs . (Iowa) Hugh has recently made a three days' tup into Nebraska. lit; says lie saw one elk, .thirty-seven turkeys, thirteen deer .three wolves, and wild ducks a plenty; found n plenty of the i finest raspberries and strawberries ho boa ever (seen, and caught some fish. lie speaksa I new town called Omaha, at which a weekly I democratic paptr Is soon to bo issued. The streets are all laid out one hundred feet wide, and alleys through each block twenty feet wide; a large square of nearly ten acres upon a cen tral and commanding eminences, is laid out for! capital square. The lota contain about a fourth of QO aero each, and farther out they arc five anu ten acres. fhcreanoflvo or six houses, mostly frame, already erected, and many more |j n progress. Tllcro is to be a commodious and ! elegant brick hoilso erected immediately for the convenience of the territorial legislature. TmNos FonoOTTEN by Know-Notiiinoibm. —When King Georges of England, during tins Revolution w»r, demanded forty thousand men of Ireland to. send to America, the Irish Parlia ment peremptorily refused to vote men or money. Although the Know nothings.may forget this, Franklin said America would not: ■nor will she. When OatholM Carroll, of Carrolton, signed his name to tho Declaration of Independence, John Adams said it was worth 'lwlf a million.’ Know Nothingism considers it a reproach to associate, in 18S1, with Catholics in tho qmet and peaceahto enjoyment of tho right to wor ship Godaccording to the dictates of conscience; but it forgets that Washington. Jefferson, Madi liberties of the colonies and of tho world. Tho Whig Victory in North Carolina grows beautifully 1«Q. | - ADDRESS )P THE SME CENTER COMMITTEE-NO. 3. TO THE PEOPLE OFPENXSYZVdNIJI: Ff.llow-Citizens-t-Tlio manner of organiz ing the temtorles’of Nebraska and Kansas, you wul agree with; ua,-.is not necessarily nn issue in ! tins not a subject connected with the duties of a;§to;tb Executive. It is scarcely possiblc’that Uio election of a Governor, whoev er may succeed, is lohaveany practical bearing I upon the future policy of those territories —and surely no man will be so unreasonable as to hold the Governor of Pennsylvania accountable in any official sense for what Congress has al ready done on this subject. Itis asubjectwith which that officer has had, and can have, offici ally, nothing whatever to do. As a member of i the Democratic party it must be presumed that ho takes an interest in public aflhirs, ifod has ; not been an inattentive observer that there has , existed a diversity of opinion in relation to cer | tain features of this measure. Since the origin of our government, with oo | cosional intervals, the question of slavery, in. seine of its phases, has been a subject of violent I and at times dangerous controversy In Congress,! menacing the peace of the people and the exist ence of the national confederacy. Its adjust ment within the territories has led to the most i threatning struggles. These were invariably renewed by every new acquisition of territory. | In 1820, the act of Congress fixing the Missouri line was adopted interdicting the extension of slavery north of 30 deg. 30 min.,' as a means of settling the controversy growing out of the ac quisition of Louisiana from Franco in 1803. In 1845 this line was extended over Texas, which had just been annexed to the United States and 1 seemed to answer the purpose of aw-adjustment. In 1848, however, when it was proposed to ex tend this parallel of 3G deg. 30 min. from the 1 Eio delNorlo to the Pacitic, it was defeated in I the House of Representatives, after having pass -1 cd the Senate by a majority of ten votes. The agitation in the country soon become general, and by 1850 it bad assumed an alarming as- I pect. ,Tho good and groat men of all parties, 1 forgetting former difibrcnccfl and constrained by , a noble spirit of patriotism, united in a common effort to allay the mighty surging of an excited public sentiment. Foremost in this great work was the eloquent and patriotic Claj’, sustained jby Cass, Webster, King and others. A scries ©facts were passed, familiarly known as the I Compromise Measures, which were acceptable to the people and were ardently maintained. One of these acts organized the territories of New Mexico and Utah, on the principles of non intervention—on the plan of allowing the people to decide for themselves whether they would have the institution of slavery or not. The whole country seemed satisfied with the doc i trine of non-intervention by Congress, in the : regulation of the domestic institutions of the territories, including that of slavery. Without stopping to inquire into the constitutional power 1 of Congress to legislate on the subject or to | what extent that power might be exercised, the people regarded it as wise and politic to remove this topic of angry ami dangerous controversy out of Congress, and confide it to those who may occupy tho territories. We may however remark that the question of authority in the passage of the Ordinance of 1787 under the old Confederation, is a very different one from the passage of tho Missouri Compromise or any slavery restriction whatever, under our present Constitution. Under the Confederation the In stitution of slavery was not recognized—under the Constitution it is, in ihrce several particu lars : , ■ i Ist. In fixing the basis of representation and direct taxation. 2d. In tolerating the foreign slave trade un til 1808. . , . . 3d. In providing for the rendition of fugitives from labor. If it even be clear that Congress is possessed of ample power to legislate on the subject (ami this is* stoutly denied by Gen. Cass and other eminent men of tho country) it was proper to forego its exercise. The resort to this mode of i adjustment in 1850, seemed most auspicious for tho honor, the dignity, and pence of the States —for the baajpnes&and prosperity of the people, ami; above oil, stability of our Rational Union’. And is not this policy right and just In itself according to all ouv theories of government ? Indeed we should never allow ourselves to fear the consequences of trusting any question of politics or morals with the people, whether they bo residents of a State or territory. This mode of adjustment rests on great principles, which in their application will be co-extcnsive with all tho territory we now have or ever can have, and which are as enduring os tho r&co of man. It is a principle in beautiful harmony with our re publican institutions—the principle of self-gov ernment —the basis of our entire system. Tt | was for this doctrine that our forefathers peril ed their lives, their •fortunes, and their sacred | honor in the Declaration of Independence —that they struggled and bled, and left their bonesflo bleach on the battle Helds of the Revolution.- It was for this principle of self-government that they invoked the interposition of heaven and accepted the preferred aid of the generous stran ger. For seven long years did they labor to impress upon Lord North and George 111, the virtue and powerof this great fundamental truth in the science of government. The attempt of 1 that monarch “to hind the Colonies in all things I whatsoever,” and to impose taxes without rep resentation. gave this principle growth and vig or, and cost him armies and an empire. Since that day to the present lime it has been gaining strength in all civilized countries. American I experience has fully solved and settled the pro blem of man’s ability for self-government.— Where can be found the instance in which gov crmncmal affairs have been submitted to, or in i trusted with the people, that the results have not been salutary ? Who will then at this day doubt the fitness of the American people to dis pose of any question of governmental policy found within tho limits of tho Constitution ? Who will contend for the absurd idea, that a man loses his capacity for self-government by emigrating from a State to a territory 1 Who will say that a man residing i« Massachusetts should, through his representatives in Congress, bo permitted to adopt and regulate msliyiliona 1 of local government for his fellow man inUtan, New Mexico, Minnesota, Nebraska or Kansas I Will our Whig or Abolition friends agree that when they shall have emigrated to any of these territories, their Democratic whom they leave behind, shall decide for them what kind of local institutions they shall have ? that their judgment and not that of tho emi grants thewfielvo filial! control a« to the Institu tion of Slavery ? Or who will contend that tho people will he careless of their own true inter ests?—that their government will bo feeble or injudicious 1 Whoever says these things doubts all the principles of our republican Institutions, and disregards tho lessons of experience and the teachings of the sages of the revolution. Wo have already intimated, that wo will not discuss tho abstract and somewhat difficult questions of Congressional power, which have grown out of tho slavery controversy in the llallsoftho National Legislature. Woearenot to decide, where so many eminent men have differed, whether Congress has tho power to tslablish or abolish tho institution in the ter ritories. Ro that os it may, wo assert that it was wise in 1850, as in 1851, to refer tho whole question to tho sovcrlgn will of tho people, to bo settled through tho action of tho local gov ernments, as all other questions of domestic policy tiro settled. The rights of property, the I relations between husband and wife, parent and j child, guardian and ward, aro so confided, and I wo can conceive none moro sacred and impor- I taut in tho social state; and wo sco no good 1 reason wliy tho question of domestic slavery, I the relation of master and servant, should Mono : bo withheld from tho action of tho people. It must not bo forgotten, that wobavonol the creation of circumstance for ourselves, but that wo must deal with existing facia, i»«| same difficulty occurred in tho early history ot ■ fho country. Wo had tho institution of slavery entailed upon ns, anil tlio only matter of enquiry has long been, how it was to bo managed to the greatest advantage of both the white and black races. The latternumber several millions, and wo are forced to the dilemma of retaining a largo' portion of thcm.in bondage, or make them our companions' and equals, and permit.'-them to share the honors of tho State and intermarry with otir daughters and friends., In the forci- 1 blc language of, Mr. Jeffcrsori?'*‘wo have thoi | wolf by the cars, and wo can neither hold him , : nor safely let him go.” And yet much baa been done in n legal and constitutional way for tho amelioration of this I [unfortunate race of people. The men of tho revolution had to deal with the institution of I slavery as they found it, and they so acted in the formation of tho government. When these ! States were colonics of Great Britain every one was a slave-holding province. At the time tho j Constitution was framed, twelve out of tho tliir- 1 1 teen were slave-holding States. Six of the orig- j inal tliirtcen have now become ft-ce, not by abo-1 lition agitation in Congress, but by the action ] iof the people of the several States in their sov-, 1 crign capacity at' home. | This leaving the question to the people was | ; first adopted by Congress m 1850, and was in tended to bo general in its application to all i 1 territories thereafter to be organized—-that it J [ was to be a finality as to tho principle to be j invoked, but not a finality as to its application ! —for that would imply that no more territories , 1 were to be organized. This position is sustain ; cd by tho fact, that in forming tho boundaries 1 of Utah and New Mexico, no respect seems to have been paid to the act of 1820, fixing what | is termed the Missouri lino, nop the act of 1845 j extending that lino to the Rio Del Norte. .The ! larger portion of territory included in these acts of organization was taken from the Mexican | acquisition, but they include also a portion of the Texas territory north of 30 deg. 30 mm-, and a part of tho* Louisiana purchase, which j was covered by that line. This territory was ! taken from under the act of 1820, interdicting slavery north of 30 deg. 30 min., to the notion of the principles of the' Compro- 1 mise of 1850, that tho territory thus embraced j should bo admitted into the Union ns States , with or without slavery as the people thereof might determine. These facts are claimed as a precedent for the act organizing Nebraska and Kansas. It is for these reasons, and in this sense also, claimed that the principles of non intervention ns adopted in 1850 should be re garded as a ftntdiiy. As Pennsylvanians wo arc not the advocates of the extension of slavery, and wc deny that the principles of the Nebraska and Kansas bill produce that died. It merely leaves it to the people to determine this question for themselves. But the soil, climate and productions of that region arc not adapted to slave labor, tl is our firm belief that slavery will not enter those ter-! ritories. Those who are sensitive on this point j should not close their eyes to tho evidence that, surrounds them. Tho indications arc all op posed to its extension to that country. Such , is the belief of the ablest men in tho nation, those who advocated and voted for the Nebraska and Kansas bill, as well as those who voted against it. Mr. Douglas said: “1 do not believe there is a man In Congress who thinks it would be permanently a slave holding country ; I have no idea that it could.’ Mr. Badger said : “I have no more idea of seeing a slave popu lation in cither of them (Nebraska or Kansas) than 1 have of seeing it in Massachusetts.” Mr. Edward Everett said t “I am quite sure everybody ftUtnfis that this is not to lie a slave holding regiim.” Mr. Hunter said: “Does any man believe that yon will have a slave holding Stale in Kansas or Nebraska ? I confess that for a moment, I permitted such an illusion to rest upon my mind. ” , Mr. Bell said, that ns respects the South, “it was a contest for a mere abstraction.” Mr, Benton said in his first speech against the hill: . . “The question of slavery In these territories, if thrown open to territorial action, will be question of numbers —a question of the majori ty for or against slavery; and what chance would the slaveholders have in such a contest t No chance at all. The slave will be out numbered and compelled to play at a (poet unequal game, not only m point of numbers, but also in point of States.” In his second speech. Mr. Benton ogam said: | “I believe in the futility of this bill—its ftb solnt#futility in lbe slnvtholding States, and j that not a single slave will ever be held in Kan- j sas or Nebraska under it, even admitting it to I be passed.” i Gen. Houston said: “There was no more probability of slavery being introduced into these territories than Into Illinois.” Even Mr. Seward, who is astute on this sub ject, thus expressed himself: 1 • I feel quite sure that slavery at most can get nothing more than Kansas : whiloNebroaka the wider fvgion will escape, for the reason that its soil and climate arc uncongenial with the staples of slave culture—rice, sugar, cotton and tobacco. Moreover, since the public attention has been so well and so effectually directed to wards the subject,! cherish a hope that slavery will not be able to gain a foothold even in Kan ; sas.” But to render assurance double sore, wchnvc even a stronger opinion from Judge Pollock him self, the Whig candidate for Governor, who I says in a letter dated June 19th, 1854 : ‘Slavery cau have no legal existence in those territories. I either by act of Congress, or under the false pretence oi popular sovereignty.’ ! U may in fact be safely said that of all the acquisitions of territory from Mexico, there will not be a slave slate added to the Union, and that the territory embraced in the Louisiana pur chase not already admitted, will come in os free SlaU-a. It should also be home in mind, that any territory that tho United Slates may hereafter acquire must be South of 30d. 30m., and that this principle of popular sovereignty may drive the institution farmer south than any positive act of Congrca could do. Nor should it be for gotten that the interdiction of slavery north of 30el. 30m. is a virtual deelication of the terri tory south of that line for slave purposes. This has been the moral influence of such legislation, and it would no doubt continue to have that died. It would in all probability bavo been a happy event for the country, had this doctrine of popular sovereignly in the territories been adopted in 1820. We should most likely have had a larger proportion of free states than wo i now have. The Missouri line was never ft favorite mea sure with the old Democratic statesmen. It suited a temporary purpose, and quieted agita tion for a time, but it was manifestly wrong in principle, and legislation of n dangerous char- I actor, calculated to divide the country' into ! geographical sections, iitul create dissensions and divisions among the States and the people. Thomas JeillTson once said; . “This Missouri question, by ft gcograpicni line of division is the most portentous ono that I have ever contemplated.” ! In 1820 ho wrote to John Holmes; -«A geographical lino coinciding with a marx , I ed principle, !Ual and P°K tic t“TmTwm I anil held up to tho angry passions of men, will never bo obliterated.’ i Have always leaned to j tho belief that tto «strlo|jon '»»« uot within, tho true scope of the Constituti rostriolion ns to tho territories wind ‘are to admitted into tho Union, if not in 'S violation of tho Constitution, is repug- tho list of authorities on this satno point, from eminent American statesmen, living and dead. It is difficult to foroo from tho mind tho belief thatthtawholosubjcototslavoryinthcftcrntoncs is greatly magnified. Tho rigid of a sovereign Stole to control this subject, is not disputed oven by abolitionists. Tho rigid to establish or abolish the institution is admitted. Tho only cfibol that the legislation of Congress can possi bly have taust bo confined to tho territorial pro- bation of a State, during which time it can cx« ercise but a limited influence upon the social of political affairs of the country. When once ad mitted into the Union w;ith slavery, a State can abolish' it—or adpiittcd.AVithoUt it, -she can cb tablish it. ■ ShoUldWlicpplc north of 3Gd 3Cm in Nebraska bccbme’inumerous enough to bo admitted as a free State, they could afterwards establish.the institution, even if the Missouri line or the act of ,1820 had not been disturbed Suppose, for example, that any. of the Slates covered by the ordinance of 1787, were at ibis time to establish slavery, where would be tli o remedy ? There would be none. If the pto. pie of a territory should desire to have the in stitution, hut perceiving that Congress might object to their admission into the Union, they could forbear to establish it until after their ad- and then do as they might deem best. Hence the wisdom of allowing that power to control in the beginning, that will most" cer tainly controlin me end, or at a subsequent period. - \ ' It is not to be denied that there is a tnest violent and unwarrantable spirit evoked by this slavery conflict, that should be discountenanced by the good men of all parties. It is oncofifo enigmas of human nature, that it can bcccm* so unreasonable in some of its. mamfcElv tions. Our AnlLNcbraska friends should take care lest the manta of ft wild and Ungovernable fanaticism should possess thrfn as it :hos‘ al ready possessed many Others, the inflamma tory, and treasonable proceedings of anabolitiort, convention in the City of New York, not long since, calls for the earnest condemnation of every lover ©four national Union.. Wendell Philips said “The Union sentiment is the great vortc# which swallows up the great minds, and they' have power enough for the time being to in* flucncc the people. The only remedy for thtf slave is the destruction of the government. 1 challenge any man to tell me what the Union has done for us.” Wm. Loyd Garrison proposed the following resolution: “Resolved, That the one grand vital issue to * be made with the slave power, is the dissolution , of the existing American Union.” Henry C. Wright spoke to the resolution and i said: ' . “I like that resolution very much. Tina country (Units God, or if it believes in Ged, I do not. The Christian God is thc-moat nccur* wd of (Unions. No man’s rights can he Ascer tained by reference to a Ihble, a law, or a Con stitution. I clout care that (snapping his fin ders) for any such book or Constitution, when the question of liberty or slavery is to be con sidered. The only thing of importance is that the moss of the people venerate tho Constitu tion. We should endeavor to do away with this- I thank God that lam a traitor to that Constitution. I thank God also that lam an infidel to the popular religion of this country and ot nil Christendom.” The lion. Edmund Quincy said that: “Tho Constitution displayed the ingenuity of the very devil, and that theUnionought to be dissolved.” This was during the pendency of the JS ebras ka and Kansas bill before Congress. At tho same time the leading Abolition journals wtro loud in their denunciations of the bill itself, and treasonable in their opposition to the action of the government. Horace Greeley, through the New York Tribune, said in reference to the con templated passage of the bill; ' “Better that confusion should ensue—better (.hat discord should reign in the National Coun cils— better that Congress should break up in wild disorder, nay, better that tho capital itself should Maze by the torch of the incendiary, or full and bury all its inmates beneath its crum bling ruins, than that this perfidy and wrong be finally accontplialied. ’ There were many treasonable exhibitions also, bv tho same class of men, during the recent Anniversary of American Independence. At some nlncts the btH« were tolled, ns if mourn ing for some great National calamity. At Farm ingham. Massachusetts, treasonable spcccbs were delivered, after which Garrison, abovo named, burned thfcCpnstitution of the United Slates and' the Fiigtnve Slave Law, amid tho applause of men of ns little patriotism as Bene dict Arnold or himself. Such arc tho .incendiary, and inflammatory sentiments with which despicable fanatics orb endeavoring to indoctrinate the minds of tbs Northern people. Such setStotnls arc the fit precursors of the rectnt riolsjand murder in Boston, trampling the Constitution and Laws under the fool of violence. Let us therefore, fellow citizens, discard tho doctrines of the Abolitionists and anti-slavery agitators, and look upon tbc opinions which they have promulgated and arc now promulga ting, as the false lights thrown out by the an cient Federalists, during the Missouri contro versy, to mystify tho people and regain lost 1 great confidence in the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and in the justice and ! wisdom of tho people. They have saved the country in ronnv important crises in our affairs. It was the people that settled the government upon the republican pisiform after the Federal ists of 1798 were driven from power. It Was the people who sustained Jackson against tho mammoth hank. It was the moss of the peo- . pic who have always upheld thecounlry in time of war. It is to the people that we must look , for protection against the miserable tnoson afio despicable wiles of ihr.cnimics of the republic. The people of Pennsylvania will be true to them constitutional obligations, and their triumph m 1851 and 1862. are evidences that thij arc not only willing lobe so, but nlso that liny have tho power to be so. The day ot wild fanaticism and stolid bigotry on thequestionof slavery has pass ed by in this Slate, and her Democracy and her people generally have planted themselves upon the principles of tho Compromise of 1860, and there they will continue to stand, whether vic tory or defeat awaits them. They arc willing' to see the citizens of tho territories determino in their primary assemblages, the question or domestic slavery for tlnmselves. without tho control or dictation of the Central Government, which may hy a usurpation of powtr pretend _ to define the lines of freedom and slavery by degrees of latitude and longitude, ot-by geo graphical boundaries. TlicDimoorooy of 1-«»«. sylvnnia guanling the destinus of tho giwat cen tral Commonwealth of this Union,wtl adhmi faithfully to tluo rriuciples of tho Constitution, the sovereignty cfll.e itat t3 ar ; and the stability and ™P“ E » n t!j|srand nnam! nwptoofPennsyltm bilious, hut they are jus J v : nE a t condu nnpretending, and slow at ntrwmg sions, hut they »rc instinct, people of Pcn "7i?ioma all F the feeble harriers, and will crush to atoms a t w J>enn . to a healthy flow of p ,„ t riolio, union sylranta has M ' U vayii stood by the flag i loving State, o' . gho , 8 tho ICcyelouo ih'lTFederal Arch, and standing midway bc f ‘in the North and tho South, she constitutes the great breakwater, against which the waves of northern fanaticism and southern folly, have fong surged and will continue to surge in vam, long sur b j E[ LIS jjonham, Chairman, Gttonsß 0. W'Et.Kßil, Secretary- Order at Sr. l.amti.—The halt Bioli — The St. Louis Democrat of llio 11th inst., Speak ing of tho restoration of order and quiet in luat oily, after the Into election riot, says : The city was never more quiet. The procla mation, sweeping the streets of boys alter o'clock, seemed to bo tbo very measure desired for a long time, and having observed its excel lent results in this Into emergency, wo hope it will bo persevered in for all timo to come. jm over tho city tbo tranquility was really wonrtcr nil Wm. Farrington, one of those wounded during tiio riots, has since died. It is estimated that 2000 pistols and 500 bowie-knivesi w o sold in the city while ‘ko riots tvero In pyogrea Tho military who were ori ercd ou s ntc in card that their pieces were loaded with ball a buckshot, so that had it been ncccraajy_*« », on tho mob, bloody work would have ensneu New Orleans has been visited by another dis asterous conllogvation.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers