AMERICAN VOLUNTEER.
JOBS fc IIUITOA, Mtor & Proprietor.
~~OABLISLE, PA., AUGUST 24, 1854.)
.Democratic State Ticket:
• GOVERNOR:
WILLIAM BIGLEfi,
i
OF CLEAttFIED COUNTY.
JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT,
JEREMIAH S. BLACK,
OF SOiIEESET COUNTY.
CANAL COMMISSIONER
HENRY S. MOTT,
OF Fife COUNTY,
democratic county ticket.
Congress,
J. ELLIS BONHAM, of Cumberland.
Assembly,
11. G. MOSER, of Lower Allen.
JAMES CHESTNUT, of Southampton.
Prothonotary,
DANIEL, K. NOEL, of Upper Allen.
‘E’/er/; of the Courts,
JOHN Mi GREGG, Carlisle,
"Register,
WILLIAM LYTLE, of Ncwville.
Commissioner t
GEORGE M. GRAHAM, Westpennsboro’.
Director of the Poor.
JOHN CLENDENIN, Silver Spring.
Auditors,
ISAAC RING WALT, (I yr.) Carlisle.
JACOB STEINMAN, (3 yrs.) Shippensburg.
COUNTY MEETING.
the Democratic Republicans of Cumberland
county, arc requested to assemble in the Court
House, in Carlisle, on Monday evening tho 28th
of August, 1854, at 74 o’clock, for the purpose
of interchanging opinions on the approaching
election. A general attendance is earnestly re
quested'. MANY.
August‘24, 1854.
Large Tomatto. —Mr. Rodeut Eckels, of
this place, presented us with a Tomatto a few
days ago, weighing two pounds, and measured
fifteen inches in circumference. Mr. E. assured
us that he has a “ few more of the same sort.”
Crowded Oct. — We had an article written
on the subject of the Democratic ticket, and the
importance of all Democrats sustaining it, which
wo have been obliged to omit for want of room.
It shall appear in our next. In the mean time
we may mention the fact, that the ticket ap
pears to give general satisfaction irv the different
townships, and will be generally sustained by
the democracy of the comity.
Address of thf. Central Committee. —Wc
publish in to-day’s paper the third Address of
live Democratic State Central Committee, to
which we invite the attention of our readers.—
Like the two that have preceded it, the present
Address possesses more than ordinary interest,
and is a paper well worthy the attention of the!
people, treating, as it does, the great questions
of self-government, ami the right of the people
to make their own Stale laws, and form their
own Constitutions. The arguments of the Ad
dress are unanswerable. Read it, one and all 1
K7* , >Yc can assure the two Whig papers of
this county that Judge StuaAT desires none of
their crocodile tears for him. He has received
their vile abuse too Tong to believe in any pro
fessions of friendship they may now make; and
ho knows too, that had he received tho Demo
cratic nomination for Congress, they would
have emptied their vials of wrath upon his head
and denounced him in their former billingsgate
slang. No—the Judge is now where he always
has 1 been, heart and hand for the Democratic
party and the entire Democratic ticket. He
asks no favors from his political enemies, and
despises their hypocritical sympathy.
Execution. —To-morrow, the 26th inst., is
the day appointed for the execution, at Harris
burg, of CourthmU Charles Johnson, convicted
of the murder of C'oylicr. It is said he is per
fectly resigned to his fate, and appears to have
made his pence with his Maker. The execution
will lake place in the prison yard, between the
hours of 12 and 2 o’clock, and will-only bo wit
nessed by the HhcrilF, his Deputy, a Jury, Phy
sician, Clergy, and a representative of the Press*
Meeting o( Conferees.
As the Democratic Convention in Perry
county will be held one week later than was an
ticipated, wo would suggest a change of the |
time of the meeting of the Congressional Con
ferees from tho 20th hist., to Friday the Ist of i
September, if that time he fixed by Perry coon-1
ty, and it be convenient for both tho Perry and
York county Conferees. Bridgeport, in this
county, is named as the place, it being central
in the district, and accessible by rail-road from
each county.
THE WHIG TICKET.
Tho Whig Convention met on Tuesday lasi
and nominated' tho following ticket.
Assembly —Montgomery Donaldson, West
nenns bo rough; Geo. W. Cns Well, Hampden.
Protlwnotory-~ W. D, Shoop, Lowu Allen.
Clerk —S. S. Snyder. Hopewell.
KeaXer—Wm. Skilcs, Car laic.
Commissioner —Wm. Baughman, Sbiji. tp.
Direclor-Son. H. Wcibly, Carlisle, (1 yr.)
W. W. Frazier, Hopewell, (3 yra.)
The above ticket Joes not seem to giro very
general satisfaction to the Whig party, inas
much as some ol tho candidates have on former
occasions been trotted over the course and found
to bo a little thick in the wind, and too much
dictation on the part of some of the would-bc-
Icader'a of tho Whig party in and about Car
lisle. ____
Camp Msbtin'u. —Tho Colored people of the
M. E. Church will hold ft Camp Meeting near
New Cumberland, in this County, commencing
on Friday, tho 2Sth hist. A largo turn-out of
darltics from Baltimore and dec where ia expect
ed.
<■ A tiTTM «obb GnAPK, Caw- Bbao ° i ”
Tho Whig press , havo spited their guns In the
North Carolina battle., Tho Democratic candi
date, DuAaa, has a majority of over two thou
wad for Governor. '
fTy-'Oen. Lane, of Oregon, has been lying m
at tile President’s house Since the adjourmmm
of Congress, hut is now convalescent, uis
said the President, on hearing of ins intopo
sltion at Ids hoarding Itouso, for him ami
made him a guest at tho Executive Mansion du
ring his sickness.
lIESBY S, MOTT-miV-MMIMISH.
■ It haring been shown- conclusively, that
Judge Pollock, the opposition candidate for
Governor, is a member, in good standing, of that
bigoted fiction, called Know-Nothings, the
Whi
nig-ICfcow-Nothing papers of the State arc at
tempting to draw attention from Pollock, by
charging the Democratic candidate for Canal
Commissioner, Mr. Mott, with being a member
of the same order also. Whig editors of course
ought to 11 know, for nearly every mother’s son
of them arc Know-Nothings, and they can thero
forospeak with positive knowledge. But, they
merely make the charge against Mr. Mott,
without producing £ particle of proof to sustain
the accusation. They fail to tell us when and
where Mr. Mott joined this detestable faction
of mid-night conspirators and.cncmiesto order.
1 No, they gfro us no circumstances connected
with his initiation into the order, but merely
make the naked assertion, that “Henry S. Mott
is a member.of the Know-Nothings.”
We cannot believe this assertion of our oppo
nents. We have been too long accustomed to
their boog-a-bob stories, to credit them now.—
But, for one, we promise them—-and to this pro
mise we shall faithfully adhere—that as soon as ,
they produce tangible and conclusive evidence I
that Mr. Mott is a Know-Nothing, we shall
hurl his nnmo from the head of our columns, |
and oppose his election with the same zeal that
we have heretofore advocated it. Prove him a
Know-Nothing, and we shall have,'nothing to
cfyvrith' him except to denounce hia 'apostacy
and infamy, and we venture to say that every
Democratic editor in the State will endorse the
sentiments we here express.. If our opponents
can produce this' evidence—if they can'prove
that Henry S. Mott has so'-far degraded him"
self as to join Ned BuktliN'e’s miserable and
abhorred sworn faction of intolerant bigots, we
venture to say that his name will not be found
at the head of a single Democratic paper in the
! Commonwealth, one week after the expose is
made. Democrats are not opposing Know-
Nothlngisrn as a'mcrc matter of expediency, but
from a conviction of duty—from a conviction
that the doctrines advocated by this dangerous
combination are in conflict with the Constitu
tion, and against the spirit of our free country.
Tho very fact that Ned Buntline, of New York,
who, it will bo remembered, is now confined in
the Sing-Sing prison, on the charge of bigamy,
is the father and founder of Know-Nothingistn,
should prevent any man who has the least re
gard for his own character, from giving coun
tenance to the snake-like approaches of this de
testable faction. Just think of the Whigs,
whose leaders have been Hamilton, Adams, Clay,
Webster, Jones, &c., now following the lead of
that Five-Points New York b’hoy, Ned Bunt-
line, now in the iron grip of the law for the
perpetration of a horrible crime! Is it not hu
miliating to see the disciples of Clay and Web
ster, thus to forget their self-respect, and to de
grade themselves in the eyes of the people ?
Oh, could Clay and Webster rise from their
I graves and witness the degradation of their for
mer followers, how they would recoil, os from
a leprosy, the contamination that now surrounds
the once Whig party !
But, we are digressing, our object being when I
we commenced this article to merely ask our |
political opponents to establish the charge that
Mr. Mott is a Know-Nothing, and to promise
them that if they can do this that he cannot
receive the votes of Democrats for the office for
which he has been nominated. The nSmc of no
one shall remain at the head of our columns for
any office, whether State or county, who has
so far degraded his manhood ns to join the
Know-Nothings. '
J. ELLIS BOMAH, Esq.
The Democracy of this Congressional district (
have good reason to feel proud of their candi- ]
date for Congress, Mr. Bonham. In the event ,
of his election, (and of this there is no doubt
whatever,) ho will occupy a commanding and
enviable position in the councils of the nation,
and give tone and character, not only to his own
district, but to our entire State. Possessed of
extraordinary powers as a public speaker, and
backed by a thorough and complete classical
education, ho will ho enabled to leave Ids mark,
deep ahd indelible, upon tho national archives.
Mr. Bonham is well known, not only to tho
I people of this Congressional district, but his
name is familiar in every portion of Pennsylva
nia. During tho two sessions he represented,
in part, this county in tho State Legislature,
he attracted tho universal attention of the de-
mocracy of the Slate, by his bold, manly, dig
nifled, and upright course on all public ques
tions that came before that body. But, more
anon—on future occasions wo may refer to our
candidate for Congress more at length. In tho
meantime we publish tho following compli-
I mentary notices, taken from papers published
out of this district:
In the Cumberland district tho contest lor
Congress wos between Judge Sttakt and Mr.
Bosiieu. Tho former is known to many Dem
ocrats In the State os a very reliable and up
right gentleman, and one who would make a
faithful representative. Tho successful candi
date, J. Ellis Bonham, Esq., Is known, gener
ally througtmnt tho State, as a gentleman ol a
high order of Intellect, and varied information.
Ho represented Cumberland In the Legislature
a few years ago, and was one of tho loaders of
the Democratic side of tho House. He Is tho
Chairman of tho Democratic Stale Control Com
mltteo. Of ids addresses wo havo before spo
ken. They have elicited tho highest common
dation of tho Democratic press of tho State.
Mr. Bonham may bo regarded os tho nominee,
ns York and Perry havo conceded the candi
date to Cumberland. That ho will bo elected
there Is no doubt, and that ho will honor his
constituents and his State, is equally certain.
Harrisimrg Patriot'
J. Elias Bonham, Esq., of Carlisle, has boon
nominated lor Congress In tho district composed
of York, Cumberland and Perry counties, now
represented by Hon. William It. Kurtz. Mr.
Bonham 1» a radical Democrat, and possesses
Intellectual abilities of, no common order.
Reading Gazette.
Joun Van Boren has shown more good sense
uinco his arrival In London than his too ardent
friends on this side of tho water gave him cred
it for. Ho has requested tho Mvertiser of that
1 dly to contradict tho report that ho will attend
I tho anti-slavery conference at Manchester, and
adds, that though ho freely expresses his tool
ing on tho subject ol slavery at homo, ho enter
tains no idea of taking part In tho discussions on
tho subject elsewhere. A. very pralsworthy con
clusion.
Tho Dircctorn of tho New York Crystal
Palace, have authorized their President to sell
the entire concern—gas fixtures, iron fence en
closing the place, and nil the property of the
association, delivered on and after the Ist of
November next, for one-half its actual cost,-
Tho first cost is understood to have been about
$700,000.
THE MANNER OP VOTING IN CONVENTION.
Voting liy ballot in our Democratic County
Conventions is. not only wrong, but cowardly;
and wo hope to sco the practice abandoned in
future.. The gentlemen who arc candidates for.
office before h. Convention have a right to know
how the Delegates, who aro sent hero voted.— :
Nor will any. Delegate, if bo ho honest and fair,'
attempt to conceal his vote by tho reprehensi
ble mode of depositing his ticket in a hat. If
he bean up-and-down fuirand honorable man,
ho is ready to speak out boldly, and vote for the
men of his choice when his navno is called. Had
wo tho power, we would also have the viva voce
system of voting adopted at our gcncralclection
—for, as we have said, no honest mhn could
object to it, and it would be the means of un
masking the sneaking treachery'of those who
are “all things to-all men.” That there is de
ception practised in the County Conventions of
both parties in this county, very frequently, is
a well known fact, and it is time that the men
who.practise this hocus-pocus mode of forming
a ticket should be exposed to tho public gaze.
We hold that a man .who is dishonest in poli-
tics Is tricky in every thing else, and for one
we desire to expose his treachery to those he
misrepresented. We have no notion that h*o
shall enter, our Conventions, and bargain and
sell, and vote against the men his township
elected him to support, and then go homo and
express surprise at what was done. We desire
to unmask all traitors, and to apeak of them hi
terms of merited condemnation.
Some men who are sent to our County Con
ventions aa Delegates, when cornered and dis
covered that they voted against tho voice of
their township for certain officers, attempt to
palliate their oflcnce by that miserable plea of
“expediency,’’and that they voted for such and
such a man for office, not because his constitu
ents desired him to do so, but for tho purpose
of reconciling that interest, and satisfying this
and that man 1 Beautiful excuse for a man of
sense to make. What right, wo ask, has ho to
set up his opinion against the voice of his town
or township? What right has he*to bargain
and sell, and misrepresent the sentinients of his
people ?' Such an excuse for his treachery is as
untenable as it is dishonest and contemptible.
Besides it is a cowardly course, against which
no man, we care not how stronghc may bo in
the affections of the people, can guard against.
A man who intends to be a candidate before a
County Convention for some post of honor or
profit, may have strength enough to carry nearly
every ward and townslup in the county, and
yet he may be defeated for the nomination by
one who had not popularity sufficient even to
carry his own township—and all this is brought
about by the contemptible plea of “expediency."
We never did like that word “expediency,” for.
it is made the excuse for nearly all dishonora
ble practices. ’ '
Kow, we submit, shall this piodc of voting
be continued in our County Conventions in fu
ture? We sincerely hope not, and we trust
the Democratic County Committee, at its first
meeting, will not only order that the viva iocc
system of voting shall be practiced in all Con
ventions hereafter, but that the Conventions
shall sit with open doors, so that their proceed
ings may be witnessed by all who please to be
present. The delegates representing the peo
plc-y-or mis-reprcscnting them, if you please—
have no-right to lock themselves up in a room,
and hide themselves from the light of day, as
though they contemplated soma treason against
those who appointed them. They haveito right,
1 we say, to adopt any such arbitrary rule, and
when they do so they usurp their own duties, i
and often an insult to the people of their party. |
bet everything be done fair—let the Delegates
in future vote out boldly, that all may hear
them, and lot them throw open the doors to the
people. We desire no concealment, and have
no sympathy with those who prefer darkness
rather than light.
FALSE HUMORS, WE HOPE,
We hear it whispered about that one or two
of tho-candidates on the Democratic ticket arc
members of the Know-Notiling order. Wo
know not how much truth there may be in these
minors, but for the purpose of patting an end
to all doubts on the subject, we would suggest
that all the Democratic candidates deny the
I accusation over their own signatures. Wo can
■ not believe that any man who aspired tp a nonu
-1 nation by the Democratic party, could ever have
I been guilty of so imprudent an act as to join a
| bigoted faction, the whole object of which is to
break down the Democratic phrty. And if any
one of the gentlemen on the Democratic ticket
lias committed this error, ho must take the ro
sponsiblity on Ids own shoulders, for the Demo
cratic party can have no sympathy for him or
with him. The times and the crisis demand
hold words and deeds, and for one we fearlessly
declare that we will support no man for office
who belongs to or sympathises with ICnow-
Nothingiam, nor shall his name remain at the
head of our columns one hour after we discover
him.
FAivMßti'a limn School.— A preliminary
meeting of the board of trustees, in accordance
with the provisions of the act to incorporate
“The Farmers’ High School of Pennsylvania,’
was lately held, but not much business tran*
sactcd. A committee was appointed to pro*
cure further legislation and to issue an address.
Another committee was appointed to solicit
subscriptions for tho purchase of a farm. Judge
Watts is chairman of both committees.
Tnu Pennsylvania Railroad.—Tho re
cants tho Pennsylvania Railroad for tho month
ending July 30th, exhibit tho most gratifying
results, for tho month ending on tlio Mth thc
receipts wore $209, mB7,agamat 3167,244.00
for tho same month hr 1853. thus showing a
2a in of $52,054.90 in favor of tho past month.
Iho increase in tho receipts of tho year 18n4
over those of 1863 is also most encourog.ng.-
The figures stand thus: For the year 18^ 3 -
®1 603,370.53: for tho year 1854, $2,12,1,348.-
50.' The excess of 1854 over tho preceding year
1853, is $500,970.00. These facts speak well
for tho management of tho road and also oxh.h
t!.o vast increase of trade and travel on this
State thoroughfare. __
Wno Mayor a Kxow-Notii.no f-Tho fol
lowing extract Ire... article 2of tholr conalltu
tlou, answers this question 5
• ..No person shall ho proposed » memberol
this order unless'ho boa white male, of good
moral character, of tho ago of twonty-ono jonrs,
a believer in tho Supreme Hoing, and bornwitn
in the lUqUi of the United Stales Americas
“ Tho parents and at least one <f the grand
parent* of all candidates must have .boon born
within tho United States.**
PUILADEtriIU MARKET COMPARED WITH
/ ' OUR OWN. ■
Until recently ft was considered, true econo
my to live j4n the country 1 ’ in preference to the
city, because ofthe high prices of all kinds of
the latter, 1 But of late years the
rcyeyso ia the cafco, nearly every article in our
market comnianding a higher price than is asked
or received The fact is there
is not a town vn th\£ section of country, where
all kinds Of-.mdtketing.command as exorbitant
prices as our own. Tho' people of Carlisle arc
fairly robbed of late, arfd it requires a man to
be doing a good’"business to be able to purchase
the necessaries of life. ,-Nob only have we to
pay two-thirds of our marketing
than is paid in thocity, but everything is of In
ferior quality, such as would not sell in Phila
delphia at any lf this imposition is to'
,j be continued,'we think our citizens would do
well to charter a car, and hire a trusty man to
do their marketing for them cither in Pluladel
phia or Baltimore. For one, we arc tired of
I submitting longer to this robbery and impo
sition. Below frogfre a list of prices of good
articles oflered for sale ia the Philadelphia mar
ket, compared with the prices of bad articles
sold in the Carlisle market
Philadelphia Market. l
Boast Beef & Steaks,
per lb. : 124
Corned Beef, per lb. 8
Mutton & Lamb,
•■jperlb. ' 8
Ham, per lb. 124
Potatoes, per bo. 60 ;
Sweet do. per bu. 100
Beets, per bunch 3
Cantelopcs, per bu. 25
Corn, per doz. 10
Apples, per bu. 75
Watermelons, each 8
Butter, per lb. - 31
Eggs, per doz. . 18ij
Tomatoes, per half
peek • ■ Gl
Cabbage, per head A
i Carlisle Market. \
Roast Beef& Steaks
per lb. 12^
Corned Beef 10
Mutton & Lamb
per lb. 10
Ham 14
Potatoes 100
Sweet do. per bn. 200
Beets, per bunch 6
Cantelopcs. prbu. £OO
Corn, per doz. 14
Apples, per bu. 100
Watermelons, cadi 20
Butter, per lb. 20
Eggs, per doz. 124
(Tomatoes, per half
j peck 15
Cabbage, per head, 10
Those who'arc not For us ore Against ns.
In many instances how true is this! It is
the touchstone by which the friends and the
opponents of the Democratic party may be tried.
Whenever you find a man who is not willing to
acknowledge he is a Democrat, put him down
as an opponct, says the Western Star. It is
preposterous for any one to suppose that ho can
be a Whig, pr, if you please, a Know-Nothing,
and a DcitfgqraC^tthe same time. The princi
ples entertained by each arc directly at variance.
It is os impossible for these parlies to affiliate,
as it is for oil and water to unite without the
introduction of a third ingredient. The prin
ciples of each are as opposite as the North is to
the South polo. Kuow-Nolhingism seeks to
cripple and pijlsy our institutions, while De
mocracy is ever pointing to their preservation.
During the.long scries of years which the Demo
cratic party has been administering the affairs
of government, she has never resorted to a se
cret organization, for the purpose of being sus
tained, but has stood'the test oi time without
exhibiting the least symptom of decay. Her
pure, republican principles stand every assault
of the enemy, without the aid of new-fangled
notions to which.they cling with tenacity; and
which, word they permitted to be in the ascen
dent, would'sop the very foundation of our gov
ernment.
.Thu ■ Kmnv-Nothings have tyu,view the de
struction of llie.Democratio parly, and seek to
ma!ke*mroftdft3>y appealing U> UgmjLssiops, and
thojxmstuwj'ejrerotte i^^mmuoacd^ prejudices.
Why hocd'noy, man desire to bo connected with
A greater political organization than- the Na
tional Democratic Part]} 1 She it is that must
preserve tho existence of our government.—
Whencvcf traitors belch forth their treasonable
anathertiaa, there will bo found members of our
party ready to defend tho Union of the States,
and meet out a portion that will prove as bitter
os gall —that will sting them as with tho poi
sonous fangs of an adder. Docs any man, and
particularly any Democrat, wish to be connect
ed with a greater party, than that which the
illustrious Jefferson, Jackson and Polk fought
fori Whoever becomes connected with the
Know Nothings throws away his freedom —that
sacred boon which should bo treasured above
I every thing else*. ______
[£7* A shocking affair occurred in Carter
county, Tcnn., a few days ago- It appears a
man named Nelson, a member of an influential
family.was charged with outraging, in his store,
tho person of a girl named Hamilton. Thcj
.father of tho girl soon after threatened to shoot
him, and on his hearing of tho threat, it is said,
ho walked into the street, called Hamilton out,
and deliberately shot him down in the presence
of his wife and several citizens. Hamilton was
alive at last accounts, but it was thought was
mortally wounded. Nelson was arrested, and
two revolvers, two horso pistols and a bowie
knife found on his person.
Neuiiaska. —The editor of the Council Bluffs .
(Iowa) Hugh has recently made a three days'
tup into Nebraska. lit; says lie saw one elk,
.thirty-seven turkeys, thirteen deer .three wolves,
and wild ducks a plenty; found n plenty of the
i finest raspberries and strawberries ho boa ever
(seen, and caught some fish. lie speaksa
I new town called Omaha, at which a weekly
I democratic paptr Is soon to bo issued. The
streets are all laid out one hundred feet wide,
and alleys through each block twenty feet wide;
a large square of nearly ten acres upon a cen
tral and commanding eminences, is laid out for!
capital square. The lota contain about a fourth
of QO aero each, and farther out they arc five
anu ten acres. fhcreanoflvo or six houses,
mostly frame, already erected, and many more
|j n progress. Tllcro is to be a commodious and
! elegant brick hoilso erected immediately for the
convenience of the territorial legislature.
TmNos FonoOTTEN by Know-Notiiinoibm.
—When King Georges of England, during tins
Revolution w»r, demanded forty thousand men
of Ireland to. send to America, the Irish Parlia
ment peremptorily refused to vote men or
money. Although the Know nothings.may
forget this, Franklin said America would not:
■nor will she.
When OatholM Carroll, of Carrolton, signed
his name to tho Declaration of Independence,
John Adams said it was worth 'lwlf a million.’
Know Nothingism considers it a reproach to
associate, in 18S1, with Catholics in tho qmet
and peaceahto enjoyment of tho right to wor
ship Godaccording to the dictates of conscience;
but it forgets that Washington. Jefferson, Madi
liberties of the colonies and of tho world.
Tho Whig Victory in North Carolina grows
beautifully 1«Q. |
- ADDRESS
)P THE SME CENTER COMMITTEE-NO. 3.
TO THE PEOPLE OFPENXSYZVdNIJI:
Ff.llow-Citizens-t-Tlio manner of organiz
ing the temtorles’of Nebraska and Kansas, you
wul agree with; ua,-.is not necessarily nn issue in
! tins not a subject connected with
the duties of a;§to;tb Executive. It is scarcely
possiblc’that Uio election of a Governor, whoev
er may succeed, is lohaveany practical bearing
I upon the future policy of those territories —and
surely no man will be so unreasonable as to
hold the Governor of Pennsylvania accountable
in any official sense for what Congress has al
ready done on this subject. Itis asubjectwith
which that officer has had, and can have, offici
ally, nothing whatever to do. As a member of i
the Democratic party it must be presumed that
ho takes an interest in public aflhirs, ifod has ;
not been an inattentive observer that there has ,
existed a diversity of opinion in relation to cer
| tain features of this measure.
Since the origin of our government, with oo
| cosional intervals, the question of slavery, in.
seine of its phases, has been a subject of violent I
and at times dangerous controversy In Congress,!
menacing the peace of the people and the exist
ence of the national confederacy. Its adjust
ment within the territories has led to the most i
threatning struggles. These were invariably
renewed by every new acquisition of territory. |
In 1820, the act of Congress fixing the Missouri
line was adopted interdicting the extension of
slavery north of 30 deg. 30 min.,' as a means of
settling the controversy growing out of the ac
quisition of Louisiana from Franco in 1803. In
1845 this line was extended over Texas, which
had just been annexed to the United States and
1 seemed to answer the purpose of aw-adjustment.
In 1848, however, when it was proposed to ex
tend this parallel of 3G deg. 30 min. from the
1 Eio delNorlo to the Pacitic, it was defeated in
I the House of Representatives, after having pass
-1 cd the Senate by a majority of ten votes. The
agitation in the country soon become general,
and by 1850 it bad assumed an alarming as-
I pect. ,Tho good and groat men of all parties,
1 forgetting former difibrcnccfl and constrained by
, a noble spirit of patriotism, united in a common
effort to allay the mighty surging of an excited
public sentiment. Foremost in this great work
was the eloquent and patriotic Claj’, sustained
jby Cass, Webster, King and others. A scries
©facts were passed, familiarly known as the
I Compromise Measures, which were acceptable
to the people and were ardently maintained.
One of these acts organized the territories of
New Mexico and Utah, on the principles of non
intervention—on the plan of allowing the people
to decide for themselves whether they would
have the institution of slavery or not. The
whole country seemed satisfied with the doc
i trine of non-intervention by Congress, in the
: regulation of the domestic institutions of the
territories, including that of slavery. Without
stopping to inquire into the constitutional power
1 of Congress to legislate on the subject or to
| what extent that power might be exercised, the
people regarded it as wise and politic to remove
this topic of angry ami dangerous controversy
out of Congress, and confide it to those who
may occupy tho territories. We may however
remark that the question of authority in the
passage of the Ordinance of 1787 under the old
Confederation, is a very different one from the
passage of tho Missouri Compromise or any
slavery restriction whatever, under our present
Constitution. Under the Confederation the In
stitution of slavery was not recognized—under
the Constitution it is, in ihrce several particu
lars : , ■ i
Ist. In fixing the basis of representation and
direct taxation.
2d. In tolerating the foreign slave trade un
til 1808. . , . .
3d. In providing for the rendition of fugitives
from labor.
If it even be clear that Congress is possessed
of ample power to legislate on the subject (ami
this is* stoutly denied by Gen. Cass and other
eminent men of tho country) it was proper to
forego its exercise. The resort to this mode of i
adjustment in 1850, seemed most auspicious
for tho honor, the dignity, and pence of the
States —for the baajpnes&and prosperity of the
people, ami; above oil, stability of our
Rational Union’.
And is not this policy right and just In itself
according to all ouv theories of government ?
Indeed we should never allow ourselves to fear
the consequences of trusting any question of
politics or morals with the people, whether they
bo residents of a State or territory. This mode
of adjustment rests on great principles, which
in their application will be co-extcnsive with all
tho territory we now have or ever can have, and
which are as enduring os tho r&co of man. It
is a principle in beautiful harmony with our re
publican institutions—the principle of self-gov
ernment —the basis of our entire system. Tt
| was for this doctrine that our forefathers peril
ed their lives, their •fortunes, and their sacred
| honor in the Declaration of Independence —that
they struggled and bled, and left their bonesflo
bleach on the battle Helds of the Revolution.-
It was for this principle of self-government that
they invoked the interposition of heaven and
accepted the preferred aid of the generous stran
ger. For seven long years did they labor to
impress upon Lord North and George 111, the
virtue and powerof this great fundamental truth
in the science of government. The attempt of
1 that monarch “to hind the Colonies in all things
I whatsoever,” and to impose taxes without rep
resentation. gave this principle growth and vig
or, and cost him armies and an empire. Since
that day to the present lime it has been gaining
strength in all civilized countries. American
I experience has fully solved and settled the pro
blem of man’s ability for self-government.—
Where can be found the instance in which gov
crmncmal affairs have been submitted to, or in
i trusted with the people, that the results have
not been salutary ? Who will then at this day
doubt the fitness of the American people to dis
pose of any question of governmental policy
found within tho limits of tho Constitution ?
Who will contend for the absurd idea, that a
man loses his capacity for self-government by
emigrating from a State to a territory 1 Who
will say that a man residing i« Massachusetts
should, through his representatives in Congress,
bo permitted to adopt and regulate msliyiliona
1 of local government for his fellow man inUtan,
New Mexico, Minnesota, Nebraska or Kansas I
Will our Whig or Abolition friends agree that
when they shall have emigrated to any of these
territories, their Democratic whom
they leave behind, shall decide for them what
kind of local institutions they shall have ?
that their judgment and not that of tho emi
grants thewfielvo filial! control a« to the Institu
tion of Slavery ? Or who will contend that tho
people will he careless of their own true inter
ests?—that their government will bo feeble or
injudicious 1 Whoever says these things doubts
all the principles of our republican Institutions,
and disregards tho lessons of experience and the
teachings of the sages of the revolution.
Wo have already intimated, that wo will not
discuss tho abstract and somewhat difficult
questions of Congressional power, which have
grown out of tho slavery controversy in the
llallsoftho National Legislature. Woearenot
to decide, where so many eminent men have
differed, whether Congress has tho power to
tslablish or abolish tho institution in the ter
ritories. Ro that os it may, wo assert that it
was wise in 1850, as in 1851, to refer tho whole
question to tho sovcrlgn will of tho people, to
bo settled through tho action of tho local gov
ernments, as all other questions of domestic
policy tiro settled. The rights of property, the
I relations between husband and wife, parent and
j child, guardian and ward, aro so confided, and
I wo can conceive none moro sacred and impor-
I taut in tho social state; and wo sco no good
1 reason wliy tho question of domestic slavery,
I the relation of master and servant, should Mono
: bo withheld from tho action of tho people.
It must not bo forgotten, that wobavonol
the creation of circumstance for ourselves, but
that wo must deal with existing facia, i»«|
same difficulty occurred in tho early history ot ■
fho country. Wo had tho institution of slavery
entailed upon ns, anil tlio only matter of enquiry
has long been, how it was to bo managed to the
greatest advantage of both the white and black
races. The latternumber several millions, and
wo are forced to the dilemma of retaining a largo'
portion of thcm.in bondage, or make them our
companions' and equals, and permit.'-them to
share the honors of tho State and intermarry
with otir daughters and friends., In the forci- 1
blc language of, Mr. Jeffcrsori?'*‘wo have thoi
| wolf by the cars, and wo can neither hold him ,
: nor safely let him go.”
And yet much baa been done in n legal and
constitutional way for tho amelioration of this I
[unfortunate race of people. The men of tho
revolution had to deal with the institution of I
slavery as they found it, and they so acted in
the formation of tho government. When these
! States were colonics of Great Britain every one
was a slave-holding province. At the time tho j
Constitution was framed, twelve out of tho tliir- 1
1 teen were slave-holding States. Six of the orig- j
inal tliirtcen have now become ft-ce, not by abo-1
lition agitation in Congress, but by the action ]
iof the people of the several States in their sov-,
1 crign capacity at' home.
| This leaving the question to the people was |
; first adopted by Congress m 1850, and was in
tended to bo general in its application to all i
1 territories thereafter to be organized—-that it J
[ was to be a finality as to tho principle to be
j invoked, but not a finality as to its application
! —for that would imply that no more territories ,
1 were to be organized. This position is sustain
; cd by tho fact, that in forming tho boundaries
1 of Utah and New Mexico, no respect seems to
have been paid to the act of 1820, fixing what |
is termed the Missouri lino, nop the act of 1845
j extending that lino to the Rio Del Norte. .The
! larger portion of territory included in these acts
of organization was taken from the Mexican |
acquisition, but they include also a portion of
the Texas territory north of 30 deg. 30 mm-,
and a part of tho* Louisiana purchase, which j
was covered by that line. This territory was !
taken from under the act of 1820, interdicting
slavery north of 30 deg. 30 min.,
to the notion of the principles of the' Compro- 1
mise of 1850, that tho territory thus embraced j
should bo admitted into the Union ns States ,
with or without slavery as the people thereof
might determine. These facts are claimed as a
precedent for the act organizing Nebraska and
Kansas. It is for these reasons, and in this
sense also, claimed that the principles of non
intervention ns adopted in 1850 should be re
garded as a ftntdiiy.
As Pennsylvanians wo arc not the advocates
of the extension of slavery, and wc deny that
the principles of the Nebraska and Kansas bill
produce that died. It merely leaves it to the
people to determine this question for themselves.
But the soil, climate and productions of that
region arc not adapted to slave labor, tl is our
firm belief that slavery will not enter those ter-!
ritories. Those who are sensitive on this point j
should not close their eyes to tho evidence that,
surrounds them. Tho indications arc all op
posed to its extension to that country. Such ,
is the belief of the ablest men in tho nation,
those who advocated and voted for the Nebraska
and Kansas bill, as well as those who voted
against it.
Mr. Douglas said:
“1 do not believe there is a man In Congress
who thinks it would be permanently a slave
holding country ; I have no idea that it could.’
Mr. Badger said :
“I have no more idea of seeing a slave popu
lation in cither of them (Nebraska or Kansas)
than 1 have of seeing it in Massachusetts.”
Mr. Edward Everett said t
“I am quite sure everybody ftUtnfis that this
is not to lie a slave holding regiim.”
Mr. Hunter said:
“Does any man believe that yon will have a
slave holding Stale in Kansas or Nebraska ? I
confess that for a moment, I permitted such an
illusion to rest upon my mind. ” ,
Mr. Bell said, that ns respects the South, “it
was a contest for a mere abstraction.”
Mr, Benton said in his first speech against
the hill: . .
“The question of slavery In these territories,
if thrown open to territorial action, will be
question of numbers —a question of the majori
ty for or against slavery; and what chance
would the slaveholders have in such a contest t
No chance at all. The slave will be
out numbered and compelled to play at a (poet
unequal game, not only m point of numbers,
but also in point of States.”
In his second speech. Mr. Benton ogam said: |
“I believe in the futility of this bill—its ftb
solnt#futility in lbe slnvtholding States, and j
that not a single slave will ever be held in Kan- j
sas or Nebraska under it, even admitting it to I
be passed.” i
Gen. Houston said:
“There was no more probability of slavery
being introduced into these territories than Into
Illinois.”
Even Mr. Seward, who is astute on this sub
ject, thus expressed himself:
1 • I feel quite sure that slavery at most can
get nothing more than Kansas : whiloNebroaka
the wider fvgion will escape, for the reason that
its soil and climate arc uncongenial with the
staples of slave culture—rice, sugar, cotton and
tobacco. Moreover, since the public attention
has been so well and so effectually directed to
wards the subject,! cherish a hope that slavery
will not be able to gain a foothold even in Kan
; sas.”
But to render assurance double sore, wchnvc
even a stronger opinion from Judge Pollock him
self, the Whig candidate for Governor, who
I says in a letter dated June 19th, 1854 : ‘Slavery
cau have no legal existence in those territories.
I either by act of Congress, or under the false
pretence oi popular sovereignty.’
! U may in fact be safely said that of all the
acquisitions of territory from Mexico, there will
not be a slave slate added to the Union, and
that the territory embraced in the Louisiana pur
chase not already admitted, will come in os
free SlaU-a.
It should also be home in mind, that any
territory that tho United Slates may hereafter
acquire must be South of 30d. 30m., and that
this principle of popular sovereignty may drive
the institution farmer south than any positive
act of Congrca could do. Nor should it be for
gotten that the interdiction of slavery north of
30el. 30m. is a virtual deelication of the terri
tory south of that line for slave purposes. This
has been the moral influence of such legislation,
and it would no doubt continue to have that
died. It would in all probability bavo been a
happy event for the country, had this doctrine
of popular sovereignly in the territories been
adopted in 1820. We should most likely have
had a larger proportion of free states than wo
i now have.
The Missouri line was never ft favorite mea
sure with the old Democratic statesmen. It
suited a temporary purpose, and quieted agita
tion for a time, but it was manifestly wrong in
principle, and legislation of n dangerous char-
I actor, calculated to divide the country' into
! geographical sections, iitul create dissensions
and divisions among the States and the people.
Thomas JeillTson once said; .
“This Missouri question, by ft gcograpicni
line of division is the most portentous ono that
I have ever contemplated.” !
In 1820 ho wrote to John Holmes;
-«A geographical lino coinciding with a marx ,
I ed principle, !Ual and P°K tic t“TmTwm I
anil held up to tho angry passions of men, will
never bo obliterated.’ i
Have always leaned to j
tho belief that tto «strlo|jon '»»« uot within,
tho true scope of the Constituti
rostriolion ns to tho territories
wind ‘are to admitted into tho Union, if not in
'S violation of tho Constitution, is repug-
tho list of authorities on this
satno point, from eminent American statesmen,
living and dead.
It is difficult to foroo from tho mind tho belief
thatthtawholosubjcototslavoryinthcftcrntoncs
is greatly magnified. Tho rigid of a sovereign
Stole to control this subject, is not disputed oven
by abolitionists. Tho rigid to establish or
abolish the institution is admitted. Tho only
cfibol that the legislation of Congress can possi
bly have taust bo confined to tho territorial pro-
bation of a State, during which time it can cx«
ercise but a limited influence upon the social of
political affairs of the country. When once ad
mitted into the Union w;ith slavery, a State can
abolish' it—or adpiittcd.AVithoUt it, -she can cb
tablish it. ■ ShoUldWlicpplc north of 3Gd 3Cm
in Nebraska bccbme’inumerous enough to bo
admitted as a free State, they could afterwards
establish.the institution, even if the Missouri
line or the act of ,1820 had not been disturbed
Suppose, for example, that any. of the Slates
covered by the ordinance of 1787, were at ibis
time to establish slavery, where would be tli o
remedy ? There would be none. If the pto.
pie of a territory should desire to have the in
stitution, hut perceiving that Congress might
object to their admission into the Union, they
could forbear to establish it until after their ad-
and then do as they might deem best.
Hence the wisdom of allowing that power to
control in the beginning, that will most" cer
tainly controlin me end, or at a subsequent
period. - \ '
It is not to be denied that there is a tnest
violent and unwarrantable spirit evoked by this
slavery conflict, that should be discountenanced
by the good men of all parties. It is oncofifo
enigmas of human nature, that it can bcccm*
so unreasonable in some of its. mamfcElv
tions. Our AnlLNcbraska friends should take
care lest the manta of ft wild and Ungovernable
fanaticism should possess thrfn as it :hos‘ al
ready possessed many Others, the inflamma
tory, and treasonable proceedings of anabolitiort,
convention in the City of New York, not long
since, calls for the earnest condemnation of
every lover ©four national Union..
Wendell Philips said
“The Union sentiment is the great vortc#
which swallows up the great minds, and they'
have power enough for the time being to in*
flucncc the people. The only remedy for thtf
slave is the destruction of the government. 1
challenge any man to tell me what the Union
has done for us.”
Wm. Loyd Garrison proposed the following
resolution:
“Resolved, That the one grand vital issue to
* be made with the slave power, is the dissolution
, of the existing American Union.”
Henry C. Wright spoke to the resolution and
i said: ' .
“I like that resolution very much. Tina
country (Units God, or if it believes in Ged, I
do not. The Christian God is thc-moat nccur*
wd of (Unions. No man’s rights can he Ascer
tained by reference to a Ihble, a law, or a Con
stitution. I clout care that (snapping his fin
ders) for any such book or Constitution, when
the question of liberty or slavery is to be con
sidered. The only thing of importance is that
the moss of the people venerate tho Constitu
tion. We should endeavor to do away with
this- I thank God that lam a traitor to that
Constitution. I thank God also that lam an
infidel to the popular religion of this country
and ot nil Christendom.”
The lion. Edmund Quincy said that: “Tho
Constitution displayed the ingenuity of the very
devil, and that theUnionought to be dissolved.”
This was during the pendency of the JS ebras
ka and Kansas bill before Congress. At tho
same time the leading Abolition journals wtro
loud in their denunciations of the bill itself, and
treasonable in their opposition to the action of
the government. Horace Greeley, through the
New York Tribune, said in reference to the con
templated passage of the bill; '
“Better that confusion should ensue—better
(.hat discord should reign in the National Coun
cils— better that Congress should break up in
wild disorder, nay, better that tho capital itself
should Maze by the torch of the incendiary, or
full and bury all its inmates beneath its crum
bling ruins, than that this perfidy and wrong
be finally accontplialied. ’
There were many treasonable exhibitions also,
bv tho same class of men, during the recent
Anniversary of American Independence. At
some nlncts the btH« were tolled, ns if mourn
ing for some great National calamity. At Farm
ingham. Massachusetts, treasonable spcccbs
were delivered, after which Garrison, abovo
named, burned thfcCpnstitution of the United
Slates and' the Fiigtnve Slave Law, amid tho
applause of men of ns little patriotism as Bene
dict Arnold or himself.
Such arc tho .incendiary, and inflammatory
sentiments with which despicable fanatics orb
endeavoring to indoctrinate the minds of tbs
Northern people. Such setStotnls arc the fit
precursors of the rectnt riolsjand murder in
Boston, trampling the Constitution and Laws
under the fool of violence.
Let us therefore, fellow citizens, discard tho
doctrines of the Abolitionists and anti-slavery
agitators, and look upon tbc opinions which
they have promulgated and arc now promulga
ting, as the false lights thrown out by the an
cient Federalists, during the Missouri contro
versy, to mystify tho people and regain lost
1 great confidence in the doctrine of
popular sovereignty, and in the justice and
! wisdom of tho people. They have saved the
country in ronnv important crises in our affairs.
It was the people that settled the government
upon the republican pisiform after the Federal
ists of 1798 were driven from power. It Was
the people who sustained Jackson against tho
mammoth hank. It was the moss of the peo- .
pic who have always upheld thecounlry in time
of war. It is to the people that we must look ,
for protection against the miserable tnoson afio
despicable wiles of ihr.cnimics of the republic.
The people of Pennsylvania will be true to them
constitutional obligations, and their triumph m
1851 and 1862. are evidences that thij arc not
only willing lobe so, but nlso that liny have tho
power to be so. The day ot wild fanaticism and
stolid bigotry on thequestionof slavery has pass
ed by in this Slate, and her Democracy and her
people generally have planted themselves upon
the principles of tho Compromise of 1860, and
there they will continue to stand, whether vic
tory or defeat awaits them. They arc willing'
to see the citizens of tho territories determino
in their primary assemblages, the question or
domestic slavery for tlnmselves. without tho
control or dictation of the Central Government,
which may hy a usurpation of powtr pretend _
to define the lines of freedom and slavery by
degrees of latitude and longitude, ot-by geo
graphical boundaries. TlicDimoorooy of 1-«»«.
sylvnnia guanling the destinus of tho giwat cen
tral Commonwealth of this Union,wtl adhmi
faithfully to tluo rriuciples of tho Constitution,
the sovereignty cfll.e itat t3 ar ;
and the stability and ™P“ E » n t!j|srand nnam!
nwptoofPennsyltm
bilious, hut they are jus J v : nE a t condu
nnpretending, and slow at ntrwmg
sions, hut they »rc instinct,
people of Pcn "7i?ioma all F the feeble harriers,
and will crush to atoms a t w J>enn .
to a healthy flow of p ,„ t riolio, union
sylranta has M ' U vayii stood by the flag
i loving State, o' . gho , 8 tho ICcyelouo
ih'lTFederal Arch, and standing midway bc
f ‘in the North and tho South, she constitutes
the great breakwater, against which the waves
of northern fanaticism and southern folly, have
fong surged and will continue to surge in vam,
long sur b j E[ LIS jjonham, Chairman,
Gttonsß 0. W'Et.Kßil, Secretary-
Order at Sr. l.amti.—The halt Bioli —
The St. Louis Democrat of llio 11th inst., Speak
ing of tho restoration of order and quiet in luat
oily, after the Into election riot, says :
The city was never more quiet. The procla
mation, sweeping the streets of boys alter
o'clock, seemed to bo tbo very measure desired
for a long time, and having observed its excel
lent results in this Into emergency, wo hope it
will bo persevered in for all timo to come. jm
over tho city tbo tranquility was really wonrtcr
nil Wm. Farrington, one of those wounded
during tiio riots, has since died. It is estimated
that 2000 pistols and 500 bowie-knivesi w o
sold in the city while ‘ko riots tvero In pyogrea
Tho military who were ori ercd ou s ntc in
card that their pieces were loaded with ball a
buckshot, so that had it been ncccraajy_*« »,
on tho mob, bloody work would have ensneu
New Orleans has been visited by another dis
asterous conllogvation.