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Our prices for the printing of Blanks, flandbille, etc. are reasonably lose. INAUGURAL ADDRESS COy. JOHN W. GEARY, JANUARY 15, 1867 PELLOW-CITIZ EN S —il 0 tlored by the Selection of the sovereign people of my native State as their choice for Chief Magistrate of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, it is with mingled feel ings of humility and gratitude that I nave appeared in the presence of my untrymen, and before the Searcher of all Hearts, to take.the sol emn obligation prescribed as a qualifi- cation for that exalted station, "to sup port the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of Penn Sylvania, and to perform my official 4.luties with fidelity.' Profoundly sensible of everything that is implied by this manifestation of the people's confidence, and more deep ly impressed with the vast importance and responsibilities of the office, than elevated by its attendant honors, let it be our first grateful duty to return fervent thanksgivings to Almighty God for his constant providence and unnumbered blessings to us as a peo ple, and especially mine to implore his aid and counsel in the discharge of civil trusts, who has been my shield and buckler anti* scenes of peril and death. In addressing you on this occasion, in accordance with a custom origina ting with the Republican fathers, I propose briefly to express my opinions on such questions as concern our com mon constituency, and relate to our common responsibilities. Like countries of the Old World, our nation has had its internal commit- Dons. From the last of these we have .scarcely yet emerged, and during ' which "war's desolation" passed over our land, leaving its blighting influen ces principally upon those untortueate States whose people rebelled against the government, and notwithstanding the agonizing sacrifices of a great civil war, the States that maintained the government and determined that the Union should be preserved, haVe con stantly advanced in honor, wealth, population and general prosperity. This is the first time that a change has occurred in the Executive Depart ment of this State since the commence ment of the war of the rebellion ; a brief reference, therefore, to that con flict, and to its results, may not be in appropriate. We have the consolation of knowing that the contest between the North and the South was not, on our part, one for ambition, for military renown, for territorial acquisition, nor was it for a violation of any of the rights of the South, but it was for the preserva tion of our own rights and privileges as men, and for the maintenance of justice, liberty and the Union. The object of the South was avowedly the dissolution of the Union and the estab lishment of a confederacy based upon i -"the corner stone of human slavery." To have submitted to this on our part, and to have shrunk from a manly re sistance under such circumstances, would have been deeply and lastingly degrading, and would have destroyed the value of the priceless legacy be queathed to us by our fathers, and which we are obliged to transmit un impaired to future generations. The patriotic and Union-loving people felt that the alternative was that of life or death to the Union; and under the aus -picious guidance of Abraham Lincoln, that virtuous and patriotic Chief Mag istrate, with the blessings of Him who directs the destinies of nations. after open action and arbitrary violence on the part of the South, the appeal to arms was made. We had a just cause, and our citizens approving it with a degree of unanimity heretofore un known, in this or any other country, left their various employments, thew homes and all that was dear to them, and hastened with enthusiasm to the scenes where duty and &tiger ended, and as the surest pledge cf their un swerving love and fidelity to the Union they unhesitatingly offered their lives for its preservation. Nor was any oth er tribute withheld in providing the -means necessary for the support of our fleets and armies. Nearly two millions of soldiers entered the field from time to time on different terms of enlistment The citizens generally exhibited the highest degree of patriotism in the prompt payment of taxes, in their lib eral contributions in the shape of loans to the government;-and the world was ; astonished by the amount expeiided in ;their benevolent care for the sick and wounded, through the mercies of the :Sanitary and Christian Commissions and other charitable associations.— More than six hundred sanguinary battles and skirmishes were fought, in -which nearly three hundred thousand of our heroic defenders laid down their lives in their devotion to the nation— "for God and Liberty." In every phase of this terrible con flict, Pennsylvania bore an honorable and conspicuous part. She contribu ted three hundred and sixty-six thous and three hundred and twenty-six vol unteer soldiers to the rescue of the na tion; and nearly every battle-field has been moistened wtth the blood, and whitened wit +, the bones of her heroes. .To them we owe our victories, unsur :passed in brillianey and in the import ;ance of their consequences. To the dead—the thrice honored dead—we ,are deeply indebted, for without their ,services it is possible our cause might .not have been successful, It is natural and eminently proper that we, as a people, should feel a deep and lasting interest in the present and future welfare of the soldiers who have borne so distinguished a part in the great contest which has resulted in the maintenance of the life, honor and prosperity of the nation. The high .$2 10 1 00 e 3 471 , _ 4. 4 ':I '' sg,, a . ‘ . . , . WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor. VOL, XXII. claims of the private soldiers upon the country are universally acknowledged, and the generous sentiment prevails that the amplest care should be taken by the government to compensate them, equally and generously, with bounties and pensions, for their servi ces and sacrifices. I desire that it may be distinctly un derstood that I do not speak of myself in connection with this subject; but I am happy to avail myself of this op portunity to speak kind words of Penn sylvania's private soldiers, and the no ble officers who coMmanded them. The generusityof the people of Penn sylvania to the Union soldiers has been imitated, but not equalled, by other States. There is something peculiar in the loyalty of Pennsylvania. She seemed to feel, from the first, as if up on her devolved the setting of a supe rior example. The fact that she car ried upon her standard the brightest jewel of the Republic, that in her bu. sem was conceived and from her com mercial capital was issued the Declar ation of Independence, gave to her contributions, in men and money, and hen unparalleled charitable organiza tions, all the dignity and force of a mo• dcl for others to copy. The rebel foe seemed to feel that if he could strike a fatal blow at Pennsylvania, he would recover all his losses, and establish a resistless prestige in the old world.— But thanks to Divine Providence, and to the enduring bravery of our citizen soldiers, the invasion of our beloved State sealed her more closely to the cause of freedom. The result of the battle of Gettys burg broke the power of the rebellion, and although the foal issue was de layed, it was inevitable from the date of that great event. That battle res cued all the other free States; and when the arch of victory was comple ted by Sherman's successful advance from the sea, so that the two conquer ors could shako hands over the two fields that closed the war, the soldiers of Pennsylvania were equal sharers in the glorious consummation. No people in the world's history have ever been saved from so incalcu lable a calamity, and no people have over had such cause for gratitude tow ards their defenders. And hero I cannot refrain from an expression of regret that ,the General Government has not taken any stops to inflict the proper penalties of the Constitution and laws upon the leaders of those who rudely and ferociously in vaded the ever sacred soil of. our State. It is certainly a morbid clemency, and a censurable forbearance, which fail to punish the greatest crimes "known to the laws of civilized na tions;" and may not the hope be rea sonably indulged, that the Federal au• thorities will cease to extend unmerit ed mercy to those who inaugurated the rebellion and controlled the move ments of its armies? If this be done treason will be rendered "odious," and it will be distinctly proclaimed, on the pages of our future history, that no at tempt can be made with impunity to destroy our republican form of govern ment. Soldiers' Orphans And while we would remember the "soldier who has borne the battle," wo must not forget "his widow and his orphan children." Among our most solemn obligations is the maintenance of the indigent widows, and the sup port and education of the orphan chil dren, of those noble man who fell in defence of the Union. To affirm that we owe a debt of gratitude to those who have been rendered homeless and fatherless, by their parents' patriotic devotion to the country, is a truth to which all mankind will yield a ready assent; and though wo cannot call the dead to life, it is a privilege, as well as duty, to take the orphan by the hand, and be to him a protector and a father. Legislative appropriations have hon ored the living soldiers, and entombed the dead. The people, at the ballot box, have sought out the meritorious veterans, and the noble spectacle is now presented of the youthful V ors of those who fell for their country, cherished and educated at the public expense. Even if I wore differently constituted, my official duties would constrain Inc vigilantly to guard this sacred trust. But having served in the same cause, and been honored by the highest marks of public favor, I pledge myself to bear in mind the in junctions and wishes of the people, and if possible to increase the efficiency and multiply the benefits of the schools and institutions, already so creditably established, for the benefit of the or phans of our martyred heroes. Freedom and &angry. The infatuation of treason ,the down fall of slavery, the vindication of free dom, and the complete triumph of the government of the people, are all so many proofs of the "Divinity that has shaped our ends," and so many prom ises of a future crowned with success if we aro only true to our mission. Six years ago the spectacle of four millions of slaves, increasing steadily both their own numbers and the pride and the material and political power of their masters, presented a problem so appal ling, the statesman contemplated it with undisguised alarm, and the mora list with shame. To-day those lour millions, no longer slaves, but freemen, having intermediately proved their humanity towards their oppressors, their fidelity to society, and their loy alty to the government, are peacefully incorporated into the body politic, and are rapidly preparing to assume their rights as citizens of the United Slates. Notwithstanding this unparalleled change was only effected alter an aw ful expenditure of blood and treasure, its consummation may well be cited as the sublimest proof of the fitness of the American people to administer the HUNTINGDON, PA„ WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 21, 1867, government according to the pledges of the Declaration of Independence. We have but to estimate where hu man slavery would have carried our country, in the course of another gen eration, to realize the force of this com manding truth. And as we dwell up on the dangers we have escaped, we may the better understand what Jef ferson meant when, in the comparative infancy of human slavery, he exclaim• ed, "I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just I" A simple glance at what must have been our fate had slavery been permit ted to increase will be sufficient. In 1860 the slave population amounted, in exact numbers, to three millions nine hundred and fifty-three thousand seven hundred and sixty. Taking the increase, 23.39 per cont., from 1850 to 1360. as the basis of calculation for ev ery ten years, in 1900, they would have numbered at least upwards of nine millions. What Christian .states man' as be thanks God for the triumph of the Union arms, does not shudder at the terrible prospect presented by these startling figures. But while there is cause for constant solicitude in the natural irritations produced by such a conflict, he is but a gloomy prophet who does not anti cipate that the agencies which accom plished these tremendous results, will successfully cope with and put down all who attempt to govern the nation in the interests of defeated ambition and vanquished treason. The people of the conquering North and West have comparatively little to do but to complete the good work. They command the position. The, cour age of the soldier and the sagacity of the statesman, working harmoniously, have now sealed and confirmed the victory, and nothing more is required but a faithful adherence to the doe, trines which have achieved such mar velous results. Education of the People The overthrow of the rebellion has changed the whole system of Southern society, and proportionately affected. other interests and sections. Demand. ing the enlightenment of millions. long benighted, it forces upon the North and West the consideration of a more perfect and pervading educational policy. Much as we have boasted, and have reason to boast, of our common schools, wo cannot deny, when we compare them with those of - NOW Enziand. and_ contrast them with the preparations for the education of the Southern peo ple of all classes, that we have much to overcome, if we would equal the one, or stimulate the other. The Cent convention of County School Su perintendents of Pennsylvania exhibits some startling facts, which deserve the attention of the people and their rep resentatives. Yet it is not by legisla tion alone that any people can he brought to understand their relations to each other its citizens. Their best instructors are themselves. However liberal appropriations may be, it these are not seconded by that commendable spirit which impels the parent to im press upon the child the necessity of a 1 , sound moral and intellectual training, your representatives are generous, in vain. Everything depends upon the people; hence the great complaint, preferred by the conventions of teach ers, of shortness of terms in seine dis tricts, of the small attendance of on• rolled scholars, of the employment of unqualified instructors, and of the want of proper school houses, results unquestionably not so much from the indifference of the State, as from the negligence of those who aro invited to share and enjoy the blessings of a cheap and admirable system of popular edu cation. limy fulloW citizens will only recollect the difference between the op portunities of the present generation and those of their lathers, and how much is to be gained by a cultivation of modern facilities, they will require exhortation to the discharge of duties which relate almost exclusively to themselves and to those nearest and dearest to them. The importance of common schools, in a republican government, can never be Tully estimated. To educate the people is the highest public duty. To purinit them to remain in ignorance is inexcusable. Everything, therefore, should be encouraged that tends to build up, strengthen and elevate our State on the sure foundation of the ed ucation of the people. Every interest and industrial pursuit will be aided and promoted by itsoperations ; every man who is educated is improved in usefulness, in proportion as be is skill ed in labor, or intelligent in the pro fessions, and is in every respect more valuable to society. Education seems to be essential to loyalty, for no State in the full enjoyment of free schools, ever rebelled against the government. Pennsylvania should bo the van guard of education. She should re member that as she has been the moth er of States, she should also bo the teacher of States. "The groa t problem of civilization is how to bring the lOgh or intelligence of the community, and its better moral feelings, to bear upon the masses of the people, so that the lowest grades of intelligence and mor, als shall always be approaching the higher and the higher still rising. A church purified of superstition solves part of this problem, and a good school system does the rest," The State Military. Nothing, after the education of the people, contributes more to the securi ty of a State than a thorough military system. The fathers of the Republic, acting upon the instinct of preparing for war in time of peace, embodied this knowledge among the primary obligations of the citizen. Yet the re bellion bound us almost wholly unpre pared. Our confidence in our institu- Et= . ~,:a;`*~ 7 CT',ikfpq<lkritZi: ' .. ~~. ~~ tions was so firm that the idea of an attack upon them from any quarter, much less from those who had been the "spoiled children" of the govern ment, was never believed possible, however threatened. The first clash of arms found us equally undeceived and unorganized, and we very soon experienced that the contrivers of the great slave conspiracy had not only strengthened themselvesby the stolen ships, arms and fortifications of the government, but had been for years designedly instructing their youth in the science of arms; and when the bloody tempest opened upon us they were ready to spring at the heart of the Republic, while the citizens, in whose hands the government was left, were compelled to protect themselves and their country as best they could. When we reflect upon the terrible sacrifices we endure to maintain our liberties, and anticipate that glorious period of our country when the whole continent will be dedicated to human freedom, and when the despotisms of the earth will construe our example into a standing threat against their tyranny, we cannot disregard the con sideration of this important subject. As before remarked, `Pennsylvania contributed over three hundred thou• sand troops to the national cause. Deducting the loss of nearly thirty thousand by wounds and disease in curred in the field, what an immense army has been left to circulate among and to educate the mass of our popu lation I Properly comprehending this thought, we have at once the secret of our past success, our present safety and our future power. It would be easy to create an emulation in the science of arms among the youth of the by proper organization, and to disseminate, in all our schools, that loyalty to the whole country, without which there can be no permanent safety for oar liberty. In their late report, the visitors to West Point Military Academy laid a significant stress upon the necessity of such preceptors, in the future, as would teach the students of that institution their first and asavoidable obligation to the principles upon which the gov ernment itself reposes. The neglect of tide kind of instruction was felt in al most every movement during the re cent conflict; and it is not going too fitr to say that many who disregarded their oaths,and who drew their swords against the government that had edu -caLett-antt-nourisned .them;--rouna meretricious consolation in the fact that they were permitted to cherish an allegiance to the State in which they were born, which conflicted with and destroyed that love of country which should be made supremo and above all other ; olitical obligations. If, in our past and recent experience, there has been exhibited the valuable and splendid achievement of our vol unteers in the national defense, there has also been shown the necessity for military skill, and that knowledge of, and familiarity with, the rules of disci pline so essentially necessary in their prompt and effectual employment. In order, therefore, to make our military system effective, we should have par ticular regard for the lesson, that to prevent or repel danger our State should always .have a well disciplined force, prepared to act with promptness and vigor on any emergency; nor should we forget that it is impossible to tell how soon our warlike energies may again be required in the field. Home Resources and Rome Labor In nothing have our trials during the war, and the resulting triumphs to our arms, been so full of componsa Con as in the establishment of the proud fact that wo aro not only able to defend ourselves against assault, but what is equally important, to de pend upon and live upon our own resour ces: At the Limo the rebellion was precipitated upon us, the whole busi ness and trade of the nation was par alyzed. Corn in the West was used fbr fuel, and the produce• was com pelled to lose not only the interest upon his capital, but the very capital he had invested. Labor was in excess, and men were everywhere searching for employment. Mills and furnaces were abandoned. Domestic intercourse was so trifling that the stocks of a number of the most important railroads in the con a try fell to, and long remained at, au average price of less than fifty per cent. But the moment danger to the Union became imminent, and the no ccssity of self reliance was plainly pre sented as the only means of securing protection, and the gradual dispersion of our mercantile marine by the ap prehension of the armed vessels of the rebels, the American people began to practice upon the maxims of self-de tense and self-dependence. .From having been, if not absolutely impov erished and almost without remunera tive enterprise, depressed by unem ployed labor and idle capital, all their great material agencies were brought into motion with a promptitude, and kept in operation with a rapidity and regularity, which relieved them from want, their country from danger, and excited the amazement of civilized na tions, Protection to the manufactures of the country, when rightly viewed, is merely the defense of labor against competition from abroad. The wages of labor in the United States is higher than those in any other country, con sequently our laborers aro the more elevated. Labor is the founda tion of both individual and national wealth; and those nations that have best protected it from foreign Compe tition, have been the most prosperous. It is clearly, therefore, the interest of the nation to foster and protect domes tic industry, by relieving from inter nal taxation every sort of labor, and imposing such heavy duties upon all • -PERSEVERE.- e'SA 1V) ~A I J.O It' Vs '. ',l''' 1 • 1 -- `Ns ,/ I ' .. 1 A I i , I- ‘) ffi . . k 1 • V . ! i pi, ••,.... ~ , • ~. -- ) „ ... L 7 .." importations of foreign manufactured articles, as to prevent the possibility of competition from abroad. Not only should individual enterprise and indus try be thus encouraged, but all public works, a liberal and properly restrict ed general railroad system, and inter nal improvement of everyZkind, re ceive the fostering care and' most lib eral aid of the government. We are rich in everything necessary to meet our wants, and render us independent of every other country, and we have only to avail ourselves of our own re settees and capabilities, t rogress continually onward to at' fl'Foree of greatness never yet attained by any nation. Our agricultural, mineral and manufacturing resources are unequall ed, and it should be our constant study to devise and prosecute means tending to their highest development. • Why, then, should not the wisdom of government make available the teachings of experience, and at once legislate for the manifest good of the people ? Why permit our manufac tures to beg that they may live? Tho Government of Great Britain has ; by her protective system, "piled duty upon duty." for more than one hundred and fifty years, and hence upon protection is founded her manu facturing supremacy. Yet her ernis, series come to this country, and for sinister purposes, extol "free trade," speaek scoffingly of "protection," and endeavor to persuade our people to be lieve and adopt the absurd theory, that "tariffs hinder the development of in dustry and the growth of wealth." The great Republican party, in the Convention which nominated Abraham Lincoln, in Chicago, in 1860, as if pre paring for the very war which most of our statesmen were at that period anxious to postpone, adopted a resolu tion, "which," to use the language of an eminent Pennsylvanian, "declared that the produce of the farm should no longer be compelled to remain inert and losing interest while' waiting de mand in distant markets ; that the capital which daily took the form of labor power should nolonger be alow ed to go to waste; that the fuel which underlies our soil should no lohger there remain to. be a mere support for for eign rails; that the power which lay then petrified in Uniform of coal should everywhere be brought to nid the hu man arm; that our vast deposits of iron ore should be made to take form of engines and other machinery. to he uscd'as substitutesfor mere muscular force; and that all our wonderful re sources, material and moral, must and should bo at once developed. Such was the intent and meaning of the brief resolution then and there adopt• ed, to be at the earliest practicable moment ratified by Congress, as pro-_ ved to` be the case when the Xtorrell tariff, on the memorable 2d of March, 1861, was made the law of the land. To that law, aided as it washy the ad mirable action of the Treasury in sup plying machinery of circulation, we stand now indebted for the fact that we "'live, in the short space of five years, produced more food, built more houses and mills. opened more mines, constructed more roads than ever be fore, and so greatly added to the wealth of the country, that the prop erty of the loyal States would this day exchange for twice the quantity of gold than could five years since have been obtained for all the real and per sonal property, southern chattels ex cepted, of the whole of the States and and territories of which the Union btands composed." In the principle of protection proved to be such a talisman in the time of war, shall wo reject kin time of peace ? If an answer were needed to this ques. tion, reference could be had to the re peated concessions to this principle by the recent free-traders of the South. Scarcely one of the ambitious men who led their unfortunate people into rebel. lion, but now freely admits that if the South had manufactured their own fa brics, on their own plantations, and cultivated skilled labor in their great cities, they would have been able to prolong their conflict with the govern ment; and now to enjoy substantial, instead of artificlid prosperity, they must invoke tho very agencies thoy had so lon , r ' and so fatally disregarded. Words need not be multiplied upon this important theme, either to make my own position stronger, or to im press upon the people the value of ad hering to a system which has proved itsellworthy of our continued support, and of the imitation of its former opponents. iiitanccs The exhibit el the finances of the Common weath, as presented in the late annual message of my predecessor, and the report of the State Treasurer, is certainly very gratifying; and the flattering prospect of the speedy ex tinguishment of the debt which has been hanging for so many years, like a dark cloud over the prospects of our Slate, combined with the hope that a reasonable reduction will be made in our habitual annual expenditures, will cheer the people onward in the path way of duty. Among the most delicate and im portant obligations required of those in official positions is a strict and faith ful management of the public revenues and expenditures of the Common wealth. Taxation should be applied where its burdens may be least felt, and where it is most just that it should be borne. Every resource should be carefully husbanded, and the strictest economy practiced, so that the credit of the State shall be maintained on a firm and enduring basis, and tho dobt surely and steadily diminished, until its final extinguishment. Unnecessary delay in this, would, in my opinion, be incompatible with our true interests. That those expectations aro capable TERM, $2,00 a year in advance of speedy and certain consummation, has already been demonstrated. The public improvements, the cause of our heavy debt, which seemed to be an in cubus upon the prosperity of the State, so long as they were managed by her agents, have been sold ; the tax on real estate has been abolished, and considerable reductions have already been mado on the State debt. This important branch of the admin istration shall receive, my constant and zealous attention. . The general and essential principles of law and liberty, declared in the Constitution of Pennsylvania, shall be watchfully guarded. It will be my highest ambition to administer the government in the true spirit of that instrument. Care shall be taken "that the laws be faithfully executed," and the decisions of the courts respected and enforced, if within their authoriz ed jurisdiction. Influenced only by considerations for the public welfare, it is my imperative duty to see that justice be impartially administered. That merciful provision, the pardoning power, conferred upon the Executive doubtlessly for correcting only the er rors of criminal jurisprudence, and se curing justice, shall not be perverted to the indiscriminate protection of those who may be justly sentenced to bear penalties for infractions of the laws made for the security and pro tection of society. Those "cruelly" or "excessively" punished, or erroneous ly convicted, are alone entitled to ite beneflcient protection, and only such should expect its exercise in their be half. Whenever the people deem it expe dient or necessary, from actual expe rience, to alter the laws, or to amend the Constitution, it is their undoubted right to do so, according to the mode prescribed within itself: I hero re peat, what I have said elsewhere, that "so long as the people feel that the power to alter or change the character of the government abides in them, so long will they be impressed with a sense eff security and of dignity which must ever spring from the conscious ness that they hold within their own hands a remedy for eVcry political evil, a corrective for every governmental abuse and usurpation." The National Situation We are confessedly in a transition state. It is marvelous how prejudice has perished in the furnace of war, 0.41-kO,- 4 -from-tne - very :isms or oX hatreds and old parties, the truth rises purified and triumphant. The contest between the Executive and a Con gress twice elected by substantially the same suffrages, a contest so ano malous in our experience as not to have been anticipated by the framers of the National Constitution, has - on. ly served to develop the remarkable energies of our people, and tostrength en them for future conflicts. That contest is virtually decided. The victorious 'forces, physical and moral, of the patriotic millions, are simply pausing before they perfect the work of reconstruction. Twenty-six States have not only been saved from the conflagration of war,but have been crystalized in the saving. The unre stored ten, still disaffected and still defiant, seem to be Providentially do. laying their return to the Union, so that when they ro enter upon its ob ligations and its blessings they will be the better able to fulfil the one and enjoy the other. Their condition is a fearful warning to men and nations, and especially to ourselves. Until slavery fell we did not fully understand the value of Republican institutions. Accustomed to tolerate, and in many cases to defend slavery, we did not feel that its close proximity, so far from assisting, was gradually destroying our liberties ; and it was only when rebellion tore away the mask, that wo saw the hideous fea tures of the monster that was eating out the vitals of the Republic. If we are now astonished and shock ed at the exhibition of cruelty apd in gratitude among those who, having in augurated and prosecuted a causeless war against a generous • goVernment, and having been permitted to escape the punishment they deserve, and once more arrogantly clamoring to as sume control of the destinies of this great nation, how much greater cause we have for surprise had slavery been permitted to increase and multiply ? Boast as we may of our material and our naval victories, yet is it not true that there is no such thing as a Be• publican government in the ten States that began and carried on the war ? There is not, to-day, i despotio State in Europe where the rights of the individual man are so defiantly trampled under toot, as in the sections Which were supposed to have been brought into full submission to the Government of' the United States. But the disease has suggested its Prov idential cure The abhorrent doctrine, that do feated treason shall not only be limo.- nanimously pardoned, but introduced to yet stronger privileges, beoause of its guilty failure, seems to have been insisted upon, as if to strengthen the better and the contrasting doctrine, that a nation, having conquered its freedom, is its best guardian, and that those Wilo were defeated in honorable battle should be constrained to submit to all the terms of the conqueror. The violators of the most solemn ob ligations, the perpetrators of the most atrocious crimes in the annals of time, the murderers of our heroic soldiers on fields of battle, and in loathsome dun goons and barbarous prisons, they must not, shall not re-appear in the council chambers of the nation, to aid in its legislation, or control its destin ies, unless it shall be On oonditions which will preserve our institutions from their baleful purposes and Mau once, and secure Republican forms of THE G-I_lol3 JOB PRINTING OFFICE. THE "GLOBE JOB OFFICE" is the most complete of any in the country . , and pop senses the meet ample facilities for promptly ettecuth2g la the but style, every variety of Job Pttating, such HAND BILLS, • _ CIRCULARS, BILL READS, • CARDS, PROGRAMMES; BLANKS, LABELS, &C.; &C., &U CALL AND RIAMINE sPECUMENN OP wo4ti, UMW BOON, STATIONFIRY & Imam STORd NO, 29, government, in their purity and vigor; in every section of the country. That they are indisposed to accepf such conditions, is manifest from their: recent and oven arrogant rejection of the proposed amendments of the Na tional Constitution, amendments which are believed, by many true and patri- . otic citizens and statesmen, to be too mild and generous. .They have, however, been fully con ' sidered by the people during the late' elections, and approved by majorities so large as to give' them a sanction which it would be improper to either overlook or disregard. And certainly in view of this fact, none of the late! rebel States should be admitted to' their former "practical relations" to' the General Government, while they continue to orpose these amendments:. To the Congress of the United States' the heartfelt • sympathies and over- . whelming suffrages of the people have been generously ' given. They have fearlessly proclaimed their unequivo cal verdict—" Well done good and faith ful servants." Upon the deliberations' and actions of Congress' our presentin- . terests and future welfare' all depend, In its firmness and courage the whbfe' experiment of genuine Republicanism' is indissolubly involved. That this firmness and courage will be fully ex hibited by its controlling majorities, in the origination and adoption of measures of wisdom and discretion,• even moro radical and decisive,. if necessary, than those of the past; entertain no doubt. Such measures will meet with my cordial approval. And I may well add, that while Penn-: sylvania will confide in a loyal Con gross, she will not hesitate to sustain it with her entire influence and pow er. That in the administration of the. government I may err, is only whae , should be expected from the infirmities . of the human mind ; but as I enter upon the discharge of responsible-duties with a firm resolution to act with hott est), and impartiality, 1 trent my er rors will be regarded with charity and treated with the gentleness of maguani- , mous forgiveness. • And. I earnestly hope that my inter.. course with my fellow-citizens of the. Senate and House of Representatives will be so frank and cordial that our' duties to a common constituency will be pleasantly and faithfully discharg ed. Different branches of the Govern mont as we are, with distinctive duties,„ we are nevertheless parts of ono or ganized and well regulated systern,aud as we co-operate or disagree, the tenets of the State will probably be' promoted or retarded. Elected by the people, desirous to promote the• welfare of every citizen, mere party differences should not be allowed to , ' interfere with the maintenance of at generous, a true and comprehensive' public policy. It was the illustrious Washington, equally distinguished as a warrior and a statesman, who gave utterance to; the declaration, "that the 'propitious, smiles of Heaven cannot be expected= on a nation that disregards the eter..- nal rules of order and right ; and Jef ferson who asserted that "whatever is morally wrong cannot be politically right." These utterances express my deepest convictions of the rules and principles which should permeate alati control all governments. Lot us, fel low-citizens, adbere to them, be goi erned by them, and our efforts will be happily united in surrounding the in stitutions of our State, as well as those of our nation, with a rampart of truth that will repel the madness of ambi tion, the schemes of usurps.tion, - and successfully resist the changes and agitations of all coming time. I HAAS IVIY ORDERS NOT TO Go,—"l have orders, positive orders, not to go there; order that I dare not disobey," said a youth who was being tempted, to a smoking and gambling saloon. "Come, don't be so womanish, ! came along like a man," shouted the youths. "No, I can't break orders," said John. "What special orders have you got ? Come, show them to us, if you can. Show us your orders." John took a neat little book from his, pocket, and read aloud .1 "Enter not into the paths of the wicked; and go not in the way of evil men. Avoid it ! pass not near ! turn from it ! and pass away V' "Now," said John, "you, see my or— ders forbid my going with you. 'They• aro God's orders, and by his help mean to keep them." Difx.We have chanced upon the fol, lowing lines significantly beaded "B -ow to choose a Wife." The author does not inform us if it was the criterions that guided him in his choirs "Aa much beauty an preserves affection, As much sprightliness as shuns dejection, or modest diffidence an claims protection, A mind subservient and conscious of attention, Tel stored with sense, reason and reilection, And every passion bold in due aubjeetien, Tat faults enough to keep her (Mtn perfection; First find all this, and then make your selection. When her you find, no longer tarry, But take her by the hand and marry." Always providing, as Wilkie's Micaw her would say, that the lady is willing, ' For after all your wooing, the answer might be 21. M. LIED - " Were you , guarded in your con duct while ih New York 7" asked a fa ther of his son, who had just returned to his country home from a visit to the city. "Yes, sir, part of the time by two policemen.', A negro woman in. Richmond, after dancing at a ball all night, found her child halt eaten by rats in the morn ing—its face, hands, and ears gnawet% a way. M...A young lady down East facer-, tisos for a young man that "embraced up opportunity," and sap, "If he will come over to our town be can do better. Gen Tom Thumb and family aro tu 142nel:tester, England,. POSTERS, BALL TICKETS;
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers