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INAUGURAL ADDRESS
COy. JOHN W. GEARY,
JANUARY 15, 1867
PELLOW-CITIZ EN S —il 0 tlored by the
Selection of the sovereign people of my
native State as their choice for Chief
Magistrate of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania, it is with mingled feel
ings of humility and gratitude that I
nave appeared in the presence of my
untrymen, and before the
Searcher of all Hearts, to take.the sol
emn obligation prescribed as a qualifi-
cation for that exalted station, "to sup
port the Constitution of the United
States and the Constitution of Penn
Sylvania, and to perform my official
4.luties with fidelity.'
Profoundly sensible of everything
that is implied by this manifestation of
the people's confidence, and more deep
ly impressed with the vast importance
and responsibilities of the office, than
elevated by its attendant honors, let
it be our first grateful duty to return
fervent thanksgivings to Almighty
God for his constant providence and
unnumbered blessings to us as a peo
ple, and especially mine to implore his
aid and counsel in the discharge of civil
trusts, who has been my shield and
buckler anti* scenes of peril and
death.
In addressing you on this occasion,
in accordance with a custom origina
ting with the Republican fathers, I
propose briefly to express my opinions
on such questions as concern our com
mon constituency, and relate to our
common responsibilities.
Like countries of the Old World,
our nation has had its internal commit-
Dons. From the last of these we have
.scarcely yet emerged, and during '
which "war's desolation" passed over
our land, leaving its blighting influen
ces principally upon those untortueate
States whose people rebelled against
the government, and notwithstanding
the agonizing sacrifices of a great civil
war, the States that maintained the
government and determined that the
Union should be preserved, haVe con
stantly advanced in honor, wealth,
population and general prosperity.
This is the first time that a change
has occurred in the Executive Depart
ment of this State since the commence
ment of the war of the rebellion ; a
brief reference, therefore, to that con
flict, and to its results, may not be in
appropriate.
We have the consolation of knowing
that the contest between the North
and the South was not, on our part,
one for ambition, for military renown,
for territorial acquisition, nor was it
for a violation of any of the rights of
the South, but it was for the preserva
tion of our own rights and privileges
as men, and for the maintenance of
justice, liberty and the Union. The
object of the South was avowedly the
dissolution of the Union and the estab
lishment of a confederacy based upon i
-"the corner stone of human slavery."
To have submitted to this on our part,
and to have shrunk from a manly re
sistance under such circumstances,
would have been deeply and lastingly
degrading, and would have destroyed
the value of the priceless legacy be
queathed to us by our fathers, and
which we are obliged to transmit un
impaired to future generations. The
patriotic and Union-loving people felt
that the alternative was that of life or
death to the Union; and under the aus
-picious guidance of Abraham Lincoln,
that virtuous and patriotic Chief Mag
istrate, with the blessings of Him who
directs the destinies of nations. after
open action and arbitrary violence on
the part of the South, the appeal to
arms was made. We had a just cause,
and our citizens approving it with a
degree of unanimity heretofore un
known, in this or any other country,
left their various employments, thew
homes and all that was dear to them,
and hastened with enthusiasm to the
scenes where duty and &tiger ended,
and as the surest pledge cf their un
swerving love and fidelity to the Union
they unhesitatingly offered their lives
for its preservation. Nor was any oth
er tribute withheld in providing the
-means necessary for the support of our
fleets and armies. Nearly two millions
of soldiers entered the field from time
to time on different terms of enlistment
The citizens generally exhibited the
highest degree of patriotism in the
prompt payment of taxes, in their lib
eral contributions in the shape of loans
to the government;-and the world was
; astonished by the amount expeiided in
;their benevolent care for the sick and
wounded, through the mercies of the
:Sanitary and Christian Commissions
and other charitable associations.—
More than six hundred sanguinary
battles and skirmishes were fought, in
-which nearly three hundred thousand
of our heroic defenders laid down their
lives in their devotion to the nation—
"for God and Liberty."
In every phase of this terrible con
flict, Pennsylvania bore an honorable
and conspicuous part. She contribu
ted three hundred and sixty-six thous
and three hundred and twenty-six vol
unteer soldiers to the rescue of the na
tion; and nearly every battle-field has
been moistened wtth the blood, and
whitened wit +, the bones of her heroes.
.To them we owe our victories, unsur
:passed in brillianey and in the import
;ance of their consequences. To the
dead—the thrice honored dead—we
,are deeply indebted, for without their
,services it is possible our cause might
.not have been successful,
It is natural and eminently proper
that we, as a people, should feel a deep
and lasting interest in the present and
future welfare of the soldiers who have
borne so distinguished a part in the
great contest which has resulted in the
maintenance of the life, honor and
prosperity of the nation. The high
.$2 10
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. . ,
.
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL, XXII.
claims of the private soldiers upon the
country are universally acknowledged,
and the generous sentiment prevails
that the amplest care should be taken
by the government to compensate
them, equally and generously, with
bounties and pensions, for their servi
ces and sacrifices.
I desire that it may be distinctly un
derstood that I do not speak of myself
in connection with this subject; but I
am happy to avail myself of this op
portunity to speak kind words of Penn
sylvania's private soldiers, and the no
ble officers who coMmanded them.
The generusityof the people of Penn
sylvania to the Union soldiers has been
imitated, but not equalled, by other
States. There is something peculiar
in the loyalty of Pennsylvania. She
seemed to feel, from the first, as if up
on her devolved the setting of a supe
rior example. The fact that she car
ried upon her standard the brightest
jewel of the Republic, that in her bu.
sem was conceived and from her com
mercial capital was issued the Declar
ation of Independence, gave to her
contributions, in men and money, and
hen unparalleled charitable organiza
tions, all the dignity and force of a mo•
dcl for others to copy. The rebel foe
seemed to feel that if he could strike a
fatal blow at Pennsylvania, he would
recover all his losses, and establish a
resistless prestige in the old world.—
But thanks to Divine Providence, and
to the enduring bravery of our citizen
soldiers, the invasion of our beloved
State sealed her more closely to the
cause of freedom.
The result of the battle of Gettys
burg broke the power of the rebellion,
and although the foal issue was de
layed, it was inevitable from the date
of that great event. That battle res
cued all the other free States; and
when the arch of victory was comple
ted by Sherman's successful advance
from the sea, so that the two conquer
ors could shako hands over the two
fields that closed the war, the soldiers
of Pennsylvania were equal sharers in
the glorious consummation.
No people in the world's history
have ever been saved from so incalcu
lable a calamity, and no people have
over had such cause for gratitude tow
ards their defenders.
And hero I cannot refrain from an
expression of regret that
,the General
Government has not taken any stops
to inflict the proper penalties of the
Constitution and laws upon the leaders
of those who rudely and ferociously in
vaded the ever sacred soil of. our State.
It is certainly a morbid clemency,
and a censurable forbearance, which
fail to punish the greatest crimes
"known to the laws of civilized na
tions;" and may not the hope be rea
sonably indulged, that the Federal au•
thorities will cease to extend unmerit
ed mercy to those who inaugurated the
rebellion and controlled the move
ments of its armies? If this be done
treason will be rendered "odious," and
it will be distinctly proclaimed, on the
pages of our future history, that no at
tempt can be made with impunity to
destroy our republican form of govern
ment.
Soldiers' Orphans
And while we would remember the
"soldier who has borne the battle," wo
must not forget "his widow and his
orphan children." Among our most
solemn obligations is the maintenance
of the indigent widows, and the sup
port and education of the orphan chil
dren, of those noble man who fell in
defence of the Union. To affirm that
we owe a debt of gratitude to those
who have been rendered homeless and
fatherless, by their parents' patriotic
devotion to the country, is a truth to
which all mankind will yield a ready
assent; and though wo cannot call the
dead to life, it is a privilege, as well as
duty, to take the orphan by the hand,
and be to him a protector and a father.
Legislative appropriations have hon
ored the living soldiers, and entombed
the dead. The people, at the ballot
box, have sought out the meritorious
veterans, and the noble spectacle is
now presented of the youthful V
ors of those who fell for their country,
cherished and educated at the public
expense. Even if I wore differently
constituted, my official duties would
constrain Inc vigilantly to guard this
sacred trust. But having served in
the same cause, and been honored by
the highest marks of public favor, I
pledge myself to bear in mind the in
junctions and wishes of the people, and
if possible to increase the efficiency
and multiply the benefits of the schools
and institutions, already so creditably
established, for the benefit of the or
phans of our martyred heroes.
Freedom and &angry.
The infatuation of treason ,the down
fall of slavery, the vindication of free
dom, and the complete triumph of the
government of the people, are all so
many proofs of the "Divinity that has
shaped our ends," and so many prom
ises of a future crowned with success
if we aro only true to our mission. Six
years ago the spectacle of four millions
of slaves, increasing steadily both their
own numbers and the pride and the
material and political power of their
masters, presented a problem so appal
ling, the statesman contemplated it
with undisguised alarm, and the mora
list with shame. To-day those lour
millions, no longer slaves, but freemen,
having intermediately proved their
humanity towards their oppressors,
their fidelity to society, and their loy
alty to the government, are peacefully
incorporated into the body politic, and
are rapidly preparing to assume their
rights as citizens of the United Slates.
Notwithstanding this unparalleled
change was only effected alter an aw
ful expenditure of blood and treasure,
its consummation may well be cited as
the sublimest proof of the fitness of the
American people to administer the
HUNTINGDON, PA„ WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 21, 1867,
government according to the pledges
of the Declaration of Independence.
We have but to estimate where hu
man slavery would have carried our
country, in the course of another gen
eration, to realize the force of this com
manding truth. And as we dwell up
on the dangers we have escaped, we
may the better understand what Jef
ferson meant when, in the comparative
infancy of human slavery, he exclaim•
ed, "I tremble for my country when I
reflect that God is just I"
A simple glance at what must have
been our fate had slavery been permit
ted to increase will be sufficient. In
1860 the slave population amounted,
in exact numbers, to three millions
nine hundred and fifty-three thousand
seven hundred and sixty. Taking the
increase, 23.39 per cont., from 1850 to
1360. as the basis of calculation for ev
ery ten years, in 1900, they would
have numbered at least upwards of
nine millions. What Christian .states
man' as be thanks God for the triumph
of the Union arms, does not shudder
at the terrible prospect presented by
these startling figures.
But while there is cause for constant
solicitude in the natural irritations
produced by such a conflict, he is but
a gloomy prophet who does not anti
cipate that the agencies which accom
plished these tremendous results, will
successfully cope with and put down
all who attempt to govern the nation
in the interests of defeated ambition
and vanquished treason.
The people of the conquering North
and West have comparatively little to
do but to complete the good work.
They command the position. The, cour
age of the soldier and the sagacity of
the statesman, working harmoniously,
have now sealed and confirmed the
victory, and nothing more is required
but a faithful adherence to the doe,
trines which have achieved such mar
velous results.
Education of the People
The overthrow of the rebellion has
changed the whole system of Southern
society, and proportionately affected.
other interests and sections. Demand.
ing the enlightenment of millions. long
benighted, it forces upon the North
and West the consideration of a more
perfect and pervading educational
policy.
Much as we have boasted, and have
reason to boast, of our common schools,
wo cannot deny, when we compare
them with those of - NOW Enziand. and_
contrast them with the preparations
for the education of the Southern peo
ple of all classes, that we have much
to overcome, if we would equal the
one, or stimulate the other. The
Cent convention of County School Su
perintendents of Pennsylvania exhibits
some startling facts, which deserve the
attention of the people and their rep
resentatives. Yet it is not by legisla
tion alone that any people can he
brought to understand their relations
to each other its citizens. Their best
instructors are themselves. However
liberal appropriations may be, it these
are not seconded by that commendable
spirit which impels the parent to im
press upon the child the necessity of a 1 ,
sound moral and intellectual training,
your representatives are generous, in
vain. Everything depends upon the
people; hence the great complaint,
preferred by the conventions of teach
ers, of shortness of terms in seine dis
tricts, of the small attendance of on•
rolled scholars, of the employment of
unqualified instructors, and of the
want of proper school houses, results
unquestionably not so much from the
indifference of the State, as from the
negligence of those who aro invited to
share and enjoy the blessings of a cheap
and admirable system of popular edu
cation. limy fulloW citizens will only
recollect the difference between the op
portunities of the present generation
and those of their lathers, and how
much is to be gained by a cultivation
of modern facilities, they will require
exhortation to the discharge of duties
which relate almost exclusively to
themselves and to those nearest and
dearest to them.
The importance of common schools,
in a republican government, can never
be Tully estimated. To educate the
people is the highest public duty. To
purinit them to remain in ignorance is
inexcusable. Everything, therefore,
should be encouraged that tends to
build up, strengthen and elevate our
State on the sure foundation of the ed
ucation of the people. Every interest
and industrial pursuit will be aided
and promoted by itsoperations ; every
man who is educated is improved in
usefulness, in proportion as be is skill
ed in labor, or intelligent in the pro
fessions, and is in every respect more
valuable to society. Education seems
to be essential to loyalty, for no State
in the full enjoyment of free schools,
ever rebelled against the government.
Pennsylvania should bo the van
guard of education. She should re
member that as she has been the moth
er of States, she should also bo the
teacher of States. "The groa t problem
of civilization is how to bring the lOgh
or intelligence of the community, and
its better moral feelings, to bear upon
the masses of the people, so that the
lowest grades of intelligence and mor,
als shall always be approaching the
higher and the higher still rising. A
church purified of superstition solves
part of this problem, and a good school
system does the rest,"
The State Military.
Nothing, after the education of the
people, contributes more to the securi
ty of a State than a thorough military
system. The fathers of the Republic,
acting upon the instinct of preparing
for war in time of peace, embodied
this knowledge among the primary
obligations of the citizen. Yet the re
bellion bound us almost wholly unpre
pared. Our confidence in our institu-
Et=
.
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tions was so firm that the idea of an
attack upon them from any quarter,
much less from those who had been
the "spoiled children" of the govern
ment, was never believed possible,
however threatened. The first clash
of arms found us equally undeceived
and unorganized, and we very soon
experienced that the contrivers of the
great slave conspiracy had not only
strengthened themselvesby the stolen
ships, arms and fortifications of the
government, but had been for years
designedly instructing their youth in
the science of arms; and when the
bloody tempest opened upon us they
were ready to spring at the heart of
the Republic, while the citizens, in
whose hands the government was left,
were compelled to protect themselves
and their country as best they could.
When we reflect upon the terrible
sacrifices we endure to maintain our
liberties, and anticipate that glorious
period of our country when the whole
continent will be dedicated to human
freedom, and when the despotisms of
the earth will construe our example
into a standing threat against their
tyranny, we cannot disregard the con
sideration of this important subject.
As before remarked, `Pennsylvania
contributed over three hundred thou•
sand troops to the national cause.
Deducting the loss of nearly thirty
thousand by wounds and disease in
curred in the field, what an immense
army has been left to circulate among
and to educate the mass of our popu
lation I Properly comprehending this
thought, we have at once the secret of
our past success, our present safety
and our future power. It would be
easy to create an emulation in the
science of arms among the youth of
the by proper organization, and
to disseminate, in all our schools, that
loyalty to the whole country, without
which there can be no permanent
safety for oar liberty.
In their late report, the visitors to
West Point Military Academy laid a
significant stress upon the necessity of
such preceptors, in the future, as would
teach the students of that institution
their first and asavoidable obligation
to the principles upon which the gov
ernment itself reposes. The neglect of
tide kind of instruction was felt in al
most every movement during the re
cent conflict; and it is not going too
fitr to say that many who disregarded
their oaths,and who drew their swords
against the government that had edu
-caLett-antt-nourisned .them;--rouna
meretricious consolation in the fact
that they were permitted to cherish an
allegiance to the State in which they
were born, which conflicted with and
destroyed that love of country which
should be made supremo and above all
other ; olitical obligations.
If, in our past and recent experience,
there has been exhibited the valuable
and splendid achievement of our vol
unteers in the national defense, there
has also been shown the necessity for
military skill, and that knowledge of,
and familiarity with, the rules of disci
pline so essentially necessary in their
prompt and effectual employment. In
order, therefore, to make our military
system effective, we should have par
ticular regard for the lesson, that to
prevent or repel danger our State
should always .have a well disciplined
force, prepared to act with promptness
and vigor on any emergency; nor
should we forget that it is impossible
to tell how soon our warlike energies
may again be required in the field.
Home Resources and Rome Labor
In nothing have our trials during
the war, and the resulting triumphs
to our arms, been so full of componsa
Con as in the establishment of the
proud fact that wo aro not only able
to defend ourselves against assault,
but what is equally important, to de
pend upon and live upon our own resour
ces: At the Limo the rebellion was
precipitated upon us, the whole busi
ness and trade of the nation was par
alyzed. Corn in the West was used
fbr fuel, and the produce• was com
pelled to lose not only the interest upon
his capital, but the very capital he had
invested. Labor was in excess, and
men were everywhere searching for
employment. Mills and furnaces were
abandoned. Domestic intercourse was
so trifling that the stocks of a number
of the most important railroads in the
con a try fell to, and long remained at,
au average price of less than fifty per
cent. But the moment danger to the
Union became imminent, and the no
ccssity of self reliance was plainly pre
sented as the only means of securing
protection, and the gradual dispersion
of our mercantile marine by the ap
prehension of the armed vessels of the
rebels, the American people began to
practice upon the maxims of self-de
tense and self-dependence. .From
having been, if not absolutely impov
erished and almost without remunera
tive enterprise, depressed by unem
ployed labor and idle capital, all their
great material agencies were brought
into motion with a promptitude, and
kept in operation with a rapidity and
regularity, which relieved them from
want, their country from danger, and
excited the amazement of civilized na
tions,
Protection to the manufactures of
the country, when rightly viewed, is
merely the defense of labor against
competition from abroad. The wages
of labor in the United States is higher
than those in any other country, con
sequently our laborers aro the more
elevated. Labor is the founda
tion of both individual and national
wealth; and those nations that have
best protected it from foreign Compe
tition, have been the most prosperous.
It is clearly, therefore, the interest of
the nation to foster and protect domes
tic industry, by relieving from inter
nal taxation every sort of labor, and
imposing such heavy duties upon all
•
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importations of foreign manufactured
articles, as to prevent the possibility
of competition from abroad. Not only
should individual enterprise and indus
try be thus encouraged, but all public
works, a liberal and properly restrict
ed general railroad system, and inter
nal improvement of everyZkind, re
ceive the fostering care and' most lib
eral aid of the government. We are
rich in everything necessary to meet
our wants, and render us independent
of every other country, and we have
only to avail ourselves of our own re
settees and capabilities, t rogress
continually onward to at'
fl'Foree of
greatness never yet attained by any
nation. Our agricultural, mineral and
manufacturing resources are unequall
ed, and it should be our constant study
to devise and prosecute means tending
to their highest development.
• Why, then, should not the wisdom
of government make available the
teachings of experience, and at once
legislate for the manifest good of the
people ? Why permit our manufac
tures to beg that they may live?
Tho Government of Great Britain
has ; by her protective system, "piled
duty upon duty." for more than one
hundred and fifty years, and hence
upon protection is founded her manu
facturing supremacy. Yet her ernis,
series come to this country, and for
sinister purposes, extol "free trade,"
speaek scoffingly of "protection," and
endeavor to persuade our people to be
lieve and adopt the absurd theory, that
"tariffs hinder the development of in
dustry and the growth of wealth."
The great Republican party, in the
Convention which nominated Abraham
Lincoln, in Chicago, in 1860, as if pre
paring for the very war which most
of our statesmen were at that period
anxious to postpone, adopted a resolu
tion, "which," to use the language of
an eminent Pennsylvanian, "declared
that the produce of the farm should
no longer be compelled to remain inert
and losing interest while' waiting de
mand in distant markets ; that the
capital which daily took the form of
labor power should nolonger be alow
ed to go to waste; that the fuel which
underlies our soil should no lohger there
remain to. be a mere support for for
eign rails; that the power which lay
then petrified in Uniform of coal should
everywhere be brought to nid the hu
man arm; that our vast deposits of
iron ore should be made to take form
of engines and other machinery. to he
uscd'as substitutesfor mere muscular
force; and that all our wonderful re
sources, material and moral, must and
should bo at once developed. Such
was the intent and meaning of the
brief resolution then and there adopt•
ed, to be at the earliest practicable
moment ratified by Congress, as pro-_
ved to` be the case when the Xtorrell
tariff, on the memorable 2d of March,
1861, was made the law of the land.
To that law, aided as it washy the ad
mirable action of the Treasury in sup
plying machinery of circulation, we
stand now indebted for the fact that
we "'live, in the short space of five
years, produced more food, built more
houses and mills. opened more mines,
constructed more roads than ever be
fore, and so greatly added to the
wealth of the country, that the prop
erty of the loyal States would this day
exchange for twice the quantity of
gold than could five years since have
been obtained for all the real and per
sonal property, southern chattels ex
cepted, of the whole of the States and
and territories of which the Union
btands composed."
In the principle of protection proved
to be such a talisman in the time of
war, shall wo reject kin time of peace ?
If an answer were needed to this ques.
tion, reference could be had to the re
peated concessions to this principle by
the recent free-traders of the South.
Scarcely one of the ambitious men who
led their unfortunate people into rebel.
lion, but now freely admits that if the
South had manufactured their own fa
brics, on their own plantations, and
cultivated skilled labor in their great
cities, they would have been able to
prolong their conflict with the govern
ment; and now to enjoy substantial,
instead of artificlid prosperity, they
must invoke tho very agencies thoy
had so lon , r ' and so fatally disregarded.
Words need not be multiplied upon
this important theme, either to make
my own position stronger, or to im
press upon the people the value of ad
hering to a system which has proved
itsellworthy of our continued support,
and of the imitation of its former
opponents.
iiitanccs
The exhibit el the finances of the
Common weath, as presented in the
late annual message of my predecessor,
and the report of the State Treasurer,
is certainly very gratifying; and the
flattering prospect of the speedy ex
tinguishment of the debt which has
been hanging for so many years, like
a dark cloud over the prospects of our
Slate, combined with the hope that a
reasonable reduction will be made in
our habitual annual expenditures, will
cheer the people onward in the path
way of duty.
Among the most delicate and im
portant obligations required of those
in official positions is a strict and faith
ful management of the public revenues
and expenditures of the Common
wealth. Taxation should be applied
where its burdens may be least felt,
and where it is most just that it should
be borne. Every resource should be
carefully husbanded, and the strictest
economy practiced, so that the credit
of the State shall be maintained on a
firm and enduring basis, and tho dobt
surely and steadily diminished, until
its final extinguishment. Unnecessary
delay in this, would, in my opinion, be
incompatible with our true interests.
That those expectations aro capable
TERM, $2,00 a year in advance
of speedy and certain consummation,
has already been demonstrated. The
public improvements, the cause of our
heavy debt, which seemed to be an in
cubus upon the prosperity of the
State, so long as they were managed
by her agents, have been sold ; the tax
on real estate has been abolished, and
considerable reductions have already
been mado on the State debt.
This important branch of the admin
istration shall receive, my constant and
zealous attention.
. The general and essential principles
of law and liberty, declared in the
Constitution of Pennsylvania, shall be
watchfully guarded. It will be my
highest ambition to administer the
government in the true spirit of that
instrument. Care shall be taken "that
the laws be faithfully executed," and
the decisions of the courts respected
and enforced, if within their authoriz
ed jurisdiction. Influenced only by
considerations for the public welfare,
it is my imperative duty to see that
justice be impartially administered.
That merciful provision, the pardoning
power,
conferred upon the Executive
doubtlessly for correcting only the er
rors of criminal jurisprudence, and se
curing justice, shall not be perverted
to the indiscriminate protection of
those who may be justly sentenced to
bear penalties for infractions of the
laws made for the security and pro
tection of society. Those "cruelly" or
"excessively" punished, or erroneous
ly convicted, are alone entitled to ite
beneflcient protection, and only such
should expect its exercise in their be
half.
Whenever the people deem it expe
dient or necessary, from actual expe
rience, to alter the laws, or to amend
the Constitution, it is their undoubted
right to do so, according to the mode
prescribed within itself: I hero re
peat, what I have said elsewhere, that
"so long as the people feel that the
power to alter or change the character
of the government abides in them, so
long will they be impressed with a
sense eff security and of dignity which
must ever spring from the conscious
ness that they hold within their own
hands a remedy for eVcry political evil,
a corrective for every governmental
abuse and usurpation."
The National Situation
We are confessedly in a transition
state. It is marvelous how prejudice
has perished in the furnace of war,
0.41-kO,- 4 -from-tne - very :isms or oX
hatreds and old parties, the truth rises
purified and triumphant. The contest
between the Executive and a Con
gress twice elected by substantially
the same suffrages, a contest so ano
malous in our experience as not to
have been anticipated by the framers
of the National Constitution, has - on.
ly served to develop the remarkable
energies of our people, and tostrength
en them for future conflicts. That
contest is virtually decided.
The victorious 'forces, physical and
moral, of the patriotic millions, are
simply pausing before they perfect the
work of reconstruction. Twenty-six
States have not only been saved from
the conflagration of war,but have been
crystalized in the saving. The unre
stored ten, still disaffected and still
defiant, seem to be Providentially do.
laying their return to the Union, so
that when they ro enter upon its ob
ligations and its blessings they will be
the better able to fulfil the one and
enjoy the other. Their condition is a
fearful warning to men and nations,
and especially to ourselves.
Until slavery fell we did not fully
understand the value of Republican
institutions. Accustomed to tolerate,
and in many cases to defend slavery,
we did not feel that its close proximity,
so far from assisting, was gradually
destroying our liberties ; and it was
only when rebellion tore away the
mask, that wo saw the hideous fea
tures of the monster that was eating
out the vitals of the Republic.
If we are now astonished and shock
ed at the exhibition of cruelty apd in
gratitude among those who, having in
augurated and prosecuted a causeless
war against a generous • goVernment,
and having been permitted to escape
the punishment they deserve, and
once more arrogantly clamoring to as
sume control of the destinies of this
great nation, how much greater cause
we have for surprise had slavery been
permitted to increase and multiply ?
Boast as we may of our material and
our naval victories, yet is it not true
that there is no such thing as a Be•
publican government in the ten
States that began and carried on the
war ? There is not, to-day, i despotio
State in Europe where the rights of
the individual man are so defiantly
trampled under toot, as in the sections
Which were supposed to have been
brought into full submission to the
Government of' the United States.
But the disease has suggested its Prov
idential cure
The abhorrent doctrine, that do
feated treason shall not only be limo.-
nanimously pardoned, but introduced
to yet stronger privileges, beoause of
its guilty failure, seems to have been
insisted upon, as if to strengthen the
better and the contrasting doctrine,
that a nation, having conquered its
freedom, is its best guardian, and that
those Wilo were defeated in honorable
battle should be constrained to submit
to all the terms of the conqueror.
The violators of the most solemn ob
ligations, the perpetrators of the most
atrocious crimes in the annals of time,
the murderers of our heroic soldiers on
fields of battle, and in loathsome dun
goons and barbarous prisons, they
must not, shall not re-appear in the
council chambers of the nation, to aid
in its legislation, or control its destin
ies, unless it shall be On oonditions
which will preserve our institutions
from their baleful purposes and Mau
once, and secure Republican forms of
THE G-I_lol3
JOB PRINTING OFFICE.
THE "GLOBE JOB OFFICE" is
the most complete of any in the country . , and pop
senses the meet ample facilities for promptly ettecuth2g la
the but style, every variety of Job Pttating, such
HAND BILLS,
• _
CIRCULARS,
BILL READS,
•
CARDS,
PROGRAMMES;
BLANKS,
LABELS, &C.; &C., &U
CALL AND RIAMINE sPECUMENN OP wo4ti,
UMW BOON, STATIONFIRY & Imam STORd
NO, 29,
government, in their purity and vigor;
in every section of the country.
That they are indisposed to accepf
such conditions, is manifest from their:
recent and oven arrogant rejection of
the proposed amendments of the Na
tional Constitution, amendments which
are believed, by many true and patri- .
otic citizens and statesmen, to be too
mild and generous.
.They have, however, been fully con
' sidered by the people during the late'
elections, and approved by majorities
so large as to give' them a sanction
which it would be improper to either
overlook or disregard. And certainly
in view of this fact, none of the late!
rebel States should be admitted to'
their former "practical relations" to'
the General Government, while they
continue to orpose these amendments:.
To the Congress of the United States'
the heartfelt • sympathies and over- .
whelming suffrages of the people have
been generously ' given. They have
fearlessly proclaimed their unequivo
cal verdict—" Well done good and faith
ful servants." Upon the deliberations'
and actions of Congress' our presentin- .
terests and future welfare' all depend,
In its firmness and courage the whbfe'
experiment of genuine Republicanism'
is indissolubly involved. That this
firmness and courage will be fully ex
hibited by its controlling majorities,
in the origination and adoption of
measures of wisdom and discretion,•
even moro radical and decisive,. if
necessary, than those of the past;
entertain no doubt. Such measures
will meet with my cordial approval.
And I may well add, that while Penn-:
sylvania will confide in a loyal Con
gross, she will not hesitate to sustain
it with her entire influence and pow
er.
That in the administration of the.
government I may err, is only whae ,
should be expected from the infirmities .
of the human mind ; but as I enter
upon the discharge of responsible-duties
with a firm resolution to act with hott
est), and impartiality, 1 trent my er
rors will be regarded with charity and
treated with the gentleness of maguani- ,
mous forgiveness. •
And. I earnestly hope that my inter..
course with my fellow-citizens of the.
Senate and House of Representatives
will be so frank and cordial that our'
duties to a common constituency will
be pleasantly and faithfully discharg
ed. Different branches of the Govern
mont as we are, with distinctive duties,„
we are nevertheless parts of ono or
ganized and well regulated systern,aud
as we co-operate or disagree, the
tenets of the State will probably be'
promoted or retarded. Elected by
the people, desirous to promote the•
welfare of every citizen, mere party
differences should not be allowed to , '
interfere with the maintenance of at
generous, a true and comprehensive'
public policy.
It was the illustrious Washington,
equally distinguished as a warrior and
a statesman, who gave utterance to;
the declaration, "that the 'propitious,
smiles of Heaven cannot be expected=
on a nation that disregards the eter..-
nal rules of order and right ; and Jef
ferson who asserted that "whatever is
morally wrong cannot be politically
right." These utterances express my
deepest convictions of the rules and
principles which should permeate alati
control all governments. Lot us, fel
low-citizens, adbere to them, be goi
erned by them, and our efforts will be
happily united in surrounding the in
stitutions of our State, as well as those
of our nation, with a rampart of truth
that will repel the madness of ambi
tion, the schemes of usurps.tion, - and
successfully resist the changes and
agitations of all coming time.
I HAAS IVIY ORDERS NOT TO Go,—"l
have orders, positive orders, not to go
there; order that I dare not disobey,"
said a youth who was being tempted,
to a smoking and gambling saloon.
"Come, don't be so womanish, ! came
along like a man," shouted the youths.
"No, I can't break orders," said John.
"What special orders have you got ?
Come, show them to us, if you can.
Show us your orders."
John took a neat little book from his,
pocket, and read aloud .1
"Enter not into the paths of the
wicked; and go not in the way of evil
men. Avoid it ! pass not near ! turn
from it ! and pass away V'
"Now," said John, "you, see my or—
ders forbid my going with you. 'They•
aro God's orders, and by his help
mean to keep them."
Difx.We have chanced upon the fol,
lowing lines significantly beaded "B
-ow
to choose a Wife." The author does
not inform us if it was the criterions
that guided him in his choirs
"Aa much beauty an preserves affection,
As much sprightliness as shuns dejection,
or modest diffidence an claims protection,
A mind subservient and conscious of attention,
Tel stored with sense, reason and reilection,
And every passion bold in due aubjeetien,
Tat faults enough to keep her (Mtn perfection;
First find all this, and then make your selection.
When her you find, no longer tarry,
But take her by the hand and marry."
Always providing, as Wilkie's Micaw
her would say, that the lady is willing,
' For after all your wooing, the answer might be 21. M.
LIED - " Were you , guarded in your con
duct while ih New York 7" asked a fa
ther of his son, who had just returned
to his country home from a visit to the
city. "Yes, sir, part of the time by
two policemen.',
A negro woman in. Richmond, after
dancing at a ball all night, found her
child halt eaten by rats in the morn
ing—its face, hands, and ears gnawet%
a way.
M...A young lady down East facer-,
tisos for a young man that "embraced
up opportunity," and sap, "If he will
come over to our town be can do better.
Gen Tom Thumb and family aro tu
142nel:tester, England,.
POSTERS,
BALL TICKETS;