BY DAVID OYER. P Dll ri]. For the inquirer OUR COUNTRY. Oh Columbia ! Colombia the land of my birth, The pride and the gbry of nations on earth ; Next to God shall thy name be most dear to my heart, And from thee I never, so NEVER shall part, Thy name and thy fame while living shall be Protected and guarded and cherished by vie, And never til) death shall my pilgrimage close, - Will thv name be abandoned to peril or foes. Tby "Star Spangled Banner in triumph shall wave, O'er the land ot tbe free and tbe home of tbe brave." Its colors all glorious from heaven came down, And left there the impress of liberty's crown, May tbe civil dissensions wbicb close round thee now, Be permitted no more to clond thy fair brow, May the North and the South to the union prove true, And honor the banner of RED WHITE and Btre God grant that OUR. COCNTRT may flourish and grow, As long as tho waves of the ocean shall flow, And when the dread angel with uplifted hand With one foot on sea aDd the other on Itnd, Shall swear tbat by Him who forever doth live, No mix more to mortals on earth he will give; Then grant that as time with its pleasures shall fade The universe too that wisdom hath made, That bright as the planet of Venus at even, Ota SATION shal! shine in the kingdom of Heaven. J. MILTON AKERS - Run, June 18, 1861. GAY ISD'HIPPT REVISED EDITION BY PR. VEIL. D. POSTER. J'tn the one thu"- gsy ni h -rpy, Whereso'er ! els, io he. And I'll d ) tt.. < tL i pie?ee you, If you will bu: list ID me. •CHORUS:—So let the *ide world wag as it will, I'll be gay end happy still. Gay aDd bappy, gay and bappy., I'll be gay and bappy still. I'm for tbe Union, I'ua for the Union, I am for the Union still, For tbe Union, for tbe Union, I am for tbe Union still. 2 envy neither great or wealthy, Poverty I ne'er dispise. Let me be contented, healthy, And the boon I'll dearly prize. CHORCS. —HO let the wide world wig. <fc-. The rich bare cares we li'tle know of, All tbat glitters i* not gold. Merit's seldom made a shiw of, And frti worth }• rarely told. CHUB CP. —S> let the wile w> r; i w*g, If the President should sit beside me, I'd sing toy soog with usual glee, Fools may laugh, and knaves deride me, Still I'll gay and bappy be. CHORCS.— So let the wide world wag, &o. 1 eare for all, yet care for no one, Those that do well need not fear, I like mankind and the world to dwell on, What else makes this life so dear. CHORUS —So lot tbe wide world wag, &c. The Sew Goremnient ef Virginia. Governor Plerpont's Message In Full. To the Senate and House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia: GENTLEMEN —You have been convened in extraordinary session in midsummer, when un der otber circumstances, you should be at home attending to pursuits incident to this season of tbe year. The exigencies with which we fiod ourselves surrounded demand your counsels. I regret tbat I cannot congratulate yon on the peace and prosperity of the country, in the manner which has been customary with .the Executives, both State and Federal. For ihe present, those bappy days which, as a na tion, we have so long enjoyed, and that pros perity which baa smiled upon us, as upon no .other nation, are departed. It La my paioful duty to anDonnce tbat the late Executive of tbe State, with a large part of tbe State officers, civil and military, under him, are at war with tbe loyal people of Vir ginia. and,the Constitutional Government of the United States. They have leagued them selves witb persons from otber States, to tear flown the benign Governments, State and Fed eral, erected by the wisdom aDd patriotism of nor fathers, and under wbicb our liberties have •o long been protected and our prosperity se cured. They have instituted civil war iu our oudst, and created a system of error around to intimidate our people. Bur while we are passing through this period of gloom and darkness in our country's histo ry, we must Dot despair, or fold our hands -until tbe chains of despotism shall be fastened upon os, by those coospiriug against our libers ". As freemen, who know tbeir rights, and dare defend tbein, our spirits must rise above 'he intimidation and violence employed against a ; and we mast meet and conquer every ob stacle these men are attempting to 'interpose between us and our liberties. Il we" manful ly axert ourselves, we shall succeed. There a just Ged who "rides upon tbe whirlwind A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts. Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance. and directs the storm." Let us look to him with abiding confidence. The fact is no longer disguised tbat there bse been in the Sonth, for roaDy years, a secret organization, laboring with steady persever ance to overturn the Federal Government and destroy constitutional liberty in this conntry. The various conventions held in that portion of the country, for some years past, ostensi bly for other oLjects, have only been the means of feeding the public pulse to ascer tain if there was sufficient disease in the holy politic for dissolution. The cry of dinger to tbe institution of slavery has been a mere pretest to rouse ?nd excit" the people. In aban* doning the Constitution of the Union, the lea ders of the movement must have known that they were greatly weakening tho safeguards and protection which were to the ex istenoe of that institution. It has beeo urged that Secession was neces* sary to protect the slave interest of the South. As a usual thing, those who are interested in a species of property, are tbe best informed in regard to their ovJb rights, and the most te nacious in maintaining them. Secession bus not originated among the large slaveholders of the South, uor has it found among this class its busiest and most ardent advocates. The sections of the country in whin the largest slave interests have existed in this Slate have heretofore been the most decided in support of tbe Union Tbe votes gtvtu t tbe last November and February elections in Eastern and Western Virginia, will show tbat the slaveholders themselves considered the safety of tbeir property as depcodent upon the tmiu tenauce of tbe Union. Another pertineot fact may be mentioned in this connection.— It is, that in sections where slaves are numer ous, it is always much easier to introduce a system of mob law and intimidation to con trol the votes of tbe, people The constant apprehension of servile insurrection makes tbe master an easy sobjact of control in a crisis like the present. Eastern and Western Vir ginia are illustrations of tbe truib of this statement. What aflil-i firm* thu great conspiracy has h-i iu tf <- .\orihero St.tc, remain yet nn ko"wu. The -port which ha been roused turoughout tbe Notth Ins cirrjed ail opposi tion before it. But the event of the treason able plot has not been fiiiv >if-vtlotwL He fore the designs of the Conspirators were made manifest, thousand* of good <u n s.yupa'hiz-d with the effort, as they retried it, of tbe ♦iouth to maintain tbeir t-uiKiituticoal rights; but those have all abandoned t's-m when tbe true purpose was ascertain •>!. If there are any in the North, or in >h- Horder States, who still adhere to the oi-M-ptraey, tbej will attempt to sid its object bt indirect means; by opposiog and cavilling it the efforts to which the Government, in a struggle for existence may use in its own defence, >n J by attempting to rt'se a popular outcry coercion. and sdv.Kjuting a peaceable •eperetioo. A bold stand for Secession would scarcely be attempt ed; but who ayiapvbj wtb tbe leaders of rebellion will sect* by cover* aud indirect means to aid tbe object of the conspirators. Tnere is ..nly one now for eaeh American citizen to .i'-ci 2 ir, this controversy: • Do you dvstre tusUud oy aud livo uoder the Constitution which has contributed so long nd so greatly to the happiness and prosperity of tbe Y> eO F^ e * an d t0 transmit its blessings to our prosperity ? Or, do you desire tbe Union broken np, and at) oligarchy or military des potism established in its stead? The leaders of the South are striving for tbe latter. Tbe Government of tbe United States is exerting its whole force to maintain 'he integrity of the former? There can be no neutral groond. The Secession leaders have declared that they desire no co:npro*ui*o, except the uncon. ditiooai surrender to tbem of the objects they have been aiming to aoomplisb, and the con sent of the Government to its own destruc tion. Tbe very proposition of compromise places a false issue before the eouutry. It implies tbat the Federal Government has com mitted some great wrong which ought to be remedied, before peace can be restored ; when in fact the leaders in tbe Sooth have controll ed tbe legislation of tho country for year*, and tbe laws now in existence were made, or suggested, by tbemselves when in power. Jhe position of this State is a peealiar one at this moment. Last November, at tbe Presidential election, it gave upwards of six teen thousand majority for Bell and Douglas, both Union candidates for tbe Presidency.— Their principal competitor was loudly proclaim ed as also true to the Union ; sod throughout tbe canvass, any imputation of favoring disu nion was indignantly denied by the advocates of all the candidates. At the election for members of the Convention in February last there was a majority of over sixty thousand votes given to the Union candidates; and tbe people by an equal majority determined that no aet of lhat Convention shonld change the relations of tbe State to the Federal Govern ment nnleas satisfied by tbe popular vote. Yet tbe delegates to that Convention passed the Ordinance of Secession, and attached tbe State to tbe Southern league, called the Con federate States; and to render the step irre trievable and defeat the whole object of re quiring a ratification of the people to render such acts valid, ih-y pat them into effect im mediately; and before tbe vote could be taken on tbe question of ratification, transferred tbe whole military force of our State to tbe Presi dent of the Confederacy, aDd surrendered to bim military possession of our territory. When the chains bad been thus fastened upon u, we were oalled to vote upon tbe or dinance of Secession. The same reign of terror which compelled Union men to vote as they did in tbe convention, was brought to bear on the people t betas*lves. Vast naai BEDFORD. PA.. FRIDAY, JULY 19. 1861. hers were obliged by intimidation and fear of threatened violence, to vote for Secession. Many did not vote at all. Many, no doabt, were influenced by the consideration that the measures already adopted had placed the Com monwealth helplessly within the grap of the President of tbe Southern Confederacy, and tbat she could not escape from his power by the rejection of the ordinance.- ft is claimed that the ordinance of Seces sion has been ratified by a majority of ninty foor thousand votes' Had the people of Vir ginia thee so greatly changed? The best evi dence that they had not is found in the fact tbat, wherever the vote WJS really free, there was a much larger majority agains* Secession than wso given at the t-leciiou in February to the Union candidate for the Convention The means of intimidation and violence, which were resoii.-d to over a large pottina of tbe S'aie, to compel an appearance of unanimity in favor of .Secession, show tbat tbe leadets of this movement felt tbat the hearts of the people were not with theiu. The j.roc'<MD*tijn of ttje President calling for seventy ive thousand volunteer troops is commonly relied upon to justify the ordinance of Secession. Teat proclamation was issued OD the 15th of April 1861. It oittt not, however, be overlooked that on the 6th of March, 1861, the pretended Congress at Mont gomery, provided by law for calling into the held a force of one hundred thousand volun teers; and .that on the 12'b of April ibe Sec retary of V\ ar of the Coiifedeta'e States pub licly announced that war was commenced, and that the capital at Washington would be cap tured before the first of My. The intention to capture the capita! of the Union wis te pealcdiy proclaimed in influential papers at Richmond and other Southern cities before tb 15 hof April. It wis in faet long a cherish ci object of tte leaders in this great conspira cy! Did ibey expect toe President of the uatiou to yield the capita], and retire in dis grace, without adopting any measures of de teDse? )("et Virginia, we are told, seceded, because the President, under such circumstan ces, called voiuuteers to the defense of the eonniry. I need not remark to jon, Gentleman, tow fatal the attempted disseverance of the Union must prove to ail our miterui interests. Se cession, and annexation to the South, would cut off every outlet for our productions. We cannot get tbeai to the Confederate S,Lates across the Alleghauies The Ohio river and the country .beyond it would be closed to onr trade. With Maryland in the Uuioo,our out let to the East would be interrupted; while we could not ostry our product across the Penn sylvania line, by the Monongahefa or other routr. In time of war, we would encounter a hostile fotce, and iu time of peace, a custom house, at every turn. The interests of the people of Virginia were entrusted to the Richmond Convention How have they fulfilled that trust ? Why, if war was to come, was our land made the bat l fi Id! Why wa this Commonwealth inter posed a* a bartier to protect the States c.f the Bou'h, who undertook to overthrow the Union iu utter disregard of our remonstrances? In rbe position in which the Richmond Convention has placed us, our homes are exposed to ail the horrors of civil war, while the President of the Montgomery Congress can announce to the people of the Outf States that ■"they uced now have no apprehension; they might go on with their plant ng and.business as usual; the war would not coine to their scct.oo; its tbe* tre would be along the borders of the Ohio river and in Virginia." Have we done wrong in rejectiug toe au-~ thority of the men who have thus betrayed the interest confided to their charge? "Under these .circumstances the people of the State who desired to preserve Virginia in the Union, by their delegates appointed at primary meetings, assembled at Wheeling on the 13th of May last, to consider tbe measures necessary to protect their constitutional rights and liberties, their lives aod tbeir property. Before a frank comparison of views could be bad, differeno s of opioion were to be expected, and such differences accordingly then existed. That Convention, however, after three days mature consideration, determined to call upon the loyal peopie of the State, after tbe vote was taken oo tbe Secession Ordinance, to elect delegates do a Convention to be Leld oo tbe 11th day of June, 1861. All who witnessed the assembling of the last Convention will hear witoess to tbe solemnity of the occasioa. Its action was attended with singular unaoimt* ty; aod has resulted in tbe re-organisation of the Sute Government, as a member of the Union. Their journal and ordinances will be submits tei to you. Plain principles vindicate their acts. The Const itution of the United States was adopted by the f>eoplo of tbe United Svates; and the powers thus derived could bo resumed only by the consent of the people who confer red them. That Constitution is the supreme law of the laud. The Constitution of the (state recognises it as such, and all the laws of the State virtually recoguixe the same pricoi* pie. The Governor, the Legislature, and all State officers, civil and military, when they entered upon the discharge of their duties, took an oath to support the Constitutiou of the United Slates. When the Convention as sembled at Wheeling ou the X 1 >h of June tbey found the late Governor and many of the otaer officers of tbo Slate engaged in an ate tempt to overthrow the Constitution tbey bad sworn to support. Whatever tbey might ac tually effect, with tbe aid of their confederates, by unlawful intimidation and violence, tbey could not lawfully deprive tbo good people of this Commonwealth of the protection afforded by tbe Constitution and laws of the Union, and of Ibe rights to wbieb tbey are entitled under the same. The Convention attempted no change of jhe fundamental La of the State for light und transient causes. The altera tions adopted were such onlv as were impera tively required by the necessity of the ease; to give vitality and force to the Oocstitu'inn of the Stale, and to enable it to operate tn the circumstances under which we are placed. They attempted no revolution. Whatever others may have done, we remain as we were, citizens of Virginia, citizens of the United States, recognizing and ooeying the Constitu tion and Kws of both. 1 trust, gentleman, you will excuse me for dwelling so long upon th,-se important topics. Immediately on entering upon the duties of n>y tffijf, I addressed au uffi.-ial cotnmnoiea ion to the President of the United States, staling brirfly the circumstances in which we were pLoed, and demanding pioteotion against iuvasioo and domestic violence to whieb our people were subjected; and I am happy to inform you that the Presi Isot, through tbe Secretary of War, promptly gave me very satisfactory assurances that the guarantee em-' bodied in Ac Gonstitnnoo of the United States would be efficiently complied with, by afford ing <e our people A full protection. I trans mit herewith copies of these commaaicaiioas. 1 also send you herewith a copy of a coni municatioQ received froui tbe Secretary of tbe luferior at Washington, certifying officially the apportionment of representatives in the 38th Congress, under tha census of 1860. Yirgiuia has 13 representative* iu tbe present Congress. Uuder the new apportionments she will have eleven only. Before the terra of the 38th Congress commences, it w:ll be necessary, there fore, to redistriet the State in conformity with the principles established in the 13th an 514 th Sections of the 4-ii Article of the Constitu tion of the State. The President of tha Uaited States has is sued his proclamation convening an extra ses sion of Congress, to inoet at the National Capital on the fourth of this mooth. Tbe two Senators from this State have vacated tbeir offices. It i? known to me that -they are en gaged tn the conspiracy to overturn tbe Gov ernment of the United States, and in rebellion to iis lawful authority. They bive renounced the title of citizens of the United States, claiming to be citizens of a foreigo and hostile State. Tbey have abandoned the posts as signed to rivem by tbe State of Virginia in the Seruta of the United Sutes, to take office under rbe rebdiious government of tbe Confederate States.reeowmend therefore, toe election of Senator* to fill the vacancies which have thus occurred. 1 beg leave to oall your attention to tbe sub ject ot tbe Circuit Court. Those circuits, as now prescribed by law, are too large t) enable the Judges to tffijiently perform the duties in? eumbeot on tbem. In investigating this sub j 'Ct, you may fiud U nut only necessary to reduce the size of tbe circuits, but to iuerease the number of the ,regular terms or tuabe it the duty of tbe Judjje* to hold special extra terms, at which the business before them can be disposed of. I would recommend, however tbat any alterations you make for ;he present, should be confined to,that part of .the State iu which the authority of this Government is recognized. I would also request your attention to the ordinanco of the Convention to authorize the apprehenson of suspicious persons in time of war, aod to the provisions of the Code oo kindred snhjects. When a civil war is raging in tbe midst of us, an efficient system to pro tect the loyal people of the Common wealth against the tutrigues, conspiracies and hostile acts of 'liose who adhere to our enemies, m necessary for tbe safety and good order of the community. Nor wi'l the efficiency of the system be diminished, if ii be conceived in a judicious spirit of rooderaliob. I reccommend the matter to yonr attention, trusting tbat any amendments wbicb may be found necessary to protect tbe community, will be unhesitatingly adopted, but, at the same time, that all proper precautions will be taken to avoid any meas of unreasonable harshness. The subject of tbe revenue will demand your attention. A recklessness bas character ized the legislature of the Sfate for the last tea years that has involved us in a most on erous debt. For many years past the Wes tern part of the State has been contributing :in an nneqnal and unjust proportion to the revenue, whiob has been largely expended on internal improvements for the benefit of our Eastern brethren, from which the West bas received no advantage in any form. Tbe pro seeds of the heavy debt contracted ou State account have also been applied to Eastern railroads and improvements, from which tbe West derives no benefit. Tbe leaders of Se cession in tbe Gulf States have adroitly invol ved Virginia in an immense expenditure in support of their treasonable schemes, and, to save tbeir own people aod property, have managtd to transfer tbe theatre of war to our territory. Before they arc driven out, the whole of the material interests of tbe State east of the Blue Ridge will probably be des troyed, including tbe internal improvements, upon which such lavish expenditures have been made. I can only recommend to yoa * vigilant at tention to render effective the collection of the taxes already imposed, and tbe utmost economy aud prudenoe to their expenditure. Uad.r tbe circumstances of our people, no increase of taxation shonld, I think, be attempted. The suspension of specie payments by tbe bank* of the State has been already legalized iby tbe Legislature. Under present exigen cies, the measure was, 1 think, unexceptiona ble. If qpecie payments were continued among us, during tbe existence of civil war ;n | our midst, toe coiu would soon find its way I into tbe hands of thoee who would board it up. I The banks would be deterred from nsing tbeir own notes by constant demands upon them for coin while the coin, would be concealed and ( laid away, thus ceasing to answer the purpose of circulation. The Bunks too wooid have to press col lection from their debtors, without discounting any; and the result would there fire be a general oppression of the debtor class of the community and a scarcity of currency J of any kind. I would recommend you to authorize the hanks to issue notes of a less denomination than five dollars hut Dot less than one dollar. ; There must be some medium of chaoge. I would not limit tbem, however, for tbe present, j in the amoant of small cotes, further than tbe limitations already imposed bv law upon their total circulation. Tbe denominations of the | notes to be issued, not less than one dollar, Imay be pioperly left to their discretion. Tbe demands of business will regnlate the matter; and if it be found they are abasing tbe priv ilege proper regulations can readily be adopted to oorrect such abuse. There is great aversion among business men jto stay laws. It may be admitted that under 1 ordinary circumstances, they are uDwise. Bat at this period, the mass of debtors in tbis State are, from necessity, otherwise engaged than ! in making money to pay their debts, and none of tbe debts now contracted were made wrh a knowledge of tbe present state of affairs. Rigidly to coforee the collection of tbem ! would ruin thousands of worthy men. Hut i recommend especial caution in reference to any law you may adopt ou this subject. It often happens tbat such laws are so framed as to prosecute suits, and costs are accucuuia* ted, so that both creditor and debtor are the losers, ana nobody benefitted but tho officers of the law. The Hoard of Public Works should, 1 think, at onoe be abolished, and its powers conferred on tbe Executive. Our pecuuiary difficulties commenced with its organization. I wish they would end with its abolition. Tiere is nothing in the Constitution to prevent the abolition of tbe Beard. You have iuef, gentlemen, in tbe midst of civil war, but, I trust yon may jet be assem bled under happier aa-p.c a when 'be strife sba 1 be over, *Dd peace and prosperity be restored to this once bappy country. All which is respectfully submitted. F. P. PEIRPOIST. j SIR. EVER Em ORATION. THE ISSUE OF THE DAY. The New York Academy of M usic was filled to overflowing on the 4th, on tbe occasion o) Hon. Edward Everett's oration on "The Issues of tbe Day." Tbe orator was escorted to the building by the Veterans of 1812, and received with most up rorious demonstrations ot welcome. Judge Sios son presided, and the opening prajer was uttered by the venerable Dr. Spring. The stage was quit; fi led with distinguished guests, tlie Veterans and ; the pupil? (Rom the Institution of the Blind Mr. Everett commenced as follows : When the Congress of the United States, on the 4th ot July. 1776. issmd the eTer-memorable Dec laration, they deemed that a decent respect tor the opinions ot mankind required a lorma) statement of the causes which impelled them to tbe all iui fiortant meaaote. The eighty-fifth anniversary ol the Declaration finds the loyal people of the Duion engaged in a tremendous conflict to msiutaiu and deieod the grand nationality, which was asserted by our fathers, and to prevent their fair creation from crumbling into dishonorable chaos. A great people, gallantly struggling to keep a noble frame work of government from falling into wretched fragments, needs no justification at the tribunal ol the public opinion of mankind. But while our patriotic fellow-cittaeas, who have rallied to the deK-nce of the Union, marshalled by the ablest of ; living chieftains, are risking their lives in the field ; while the precious blood of your youthful heroes and ours is poured out together in defence of this ' precious legacy of Constitutional lreedom,you will 1 not think it a misappropriation of the hour if 1 em- j ploy it in showing the justice of the cause in which I we are engaged, and the fallacy ol the arguments ' ; employed by the South in vindication of tbe war, ' alike murderous an<l suicidal, which she is waging : against tbe Constitution and tbe Union. After depicting the prospeions state of tbe coun ! try up to the period of tbe Presidential election,aud showing that tbe secession of South Carolina was an impossibility in law, he continued : SECESSION IB REVOLUTION. Whether the present unnatural civil war is waged ■■ j by tbe South, in virtue of a supposed Constitu tional right to leave tbe Union at pleasure ; or whether it is an exercise of tbe great and ultimate right of Revolution, the existence of whioh no one | denies, seems to be left in uncertainty by the | leaders of the movement. Mr. Jefferson Davis, the President of the new Confederacy, in bis in. j augural speech delivered on the 18lh of February, I declares that it is 'an abuse ot language' to call it a "revolution." M.r. Vice President Stephens, on the 21st of March, pronounces it "one of the greatest revolutions in the auuals of the woild." This assumed right of secession rests upou tbe doctrine tbat (he Union is a compact t>etween In j dependent States trom which any one of tbeui . may withdraw at pleasure in virtue of its JOVC : reignty. This imaginary right has been the street ! of discussion for more than thirty years, having j been originally suggested, though not at first much dwelt upon, iu connexion with tbe kindred claim of a tight, on the part of an individual State, to j "nullify" an Act of Congress. It would, of course, be impossible, within tbe limits of the hour, to re ] view these elaborate discussions. I will only re. mark, on this occasion, tbat none of the premises from which this remarkable conclusion is drawn is recognized in tbe Constitution, and that thd right of accession, though called a "reserved" rntbi, is not txprettlyi reserved in it. That instrument does not purport to be a "compact," but a Constitution jof Government. It appears in its fir?' sentence not to have been entered into by the States, but to ; have been ordained and established by tun people ; of tbe United States, for "themsehej. and their i posterity." The' States are not named in it; near [ ly all the characteristic powers of sovereignty are expressly granted to tne General Government and 1 expressly prohibited to the States ; and so far from reserving a right oi secession to the letter, on any grennd or under any pretence, it ordains and es tablishes, in terms, the Constitution of the United S rates as the supreme law of the land, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to tbe con j irary notwithstanding. [Applause.} VOL. 34. NO. 29. Mr. Everett then at some length showed hew ridiculous were the claims to State sovereignty pat lorth by the Soatif and now that oven "coercion" would be perfectly legal to compel their submission to the General Government. On this point be said : eras COEBCIOH ts cojuTiTrmoxix. Did any one imagine in 1793, when Gen. Wash ington called out 15,000 men to suppress the in surrection in the western counties ol Pennsylvania that if the insurgents had happened to have the control of a majority of the Legislature, and thua clothed their rebellion with a preteuded lortu of law, that he would have been obliged to disband his troops, ami return himself, baffled and discom fitted, to Mouot Vernon f II John Browu's raid at Harper's Perry, instead of being the project of one misguided individual, and a dozen and a half deluded lollowers, had beeu the organised move ment of the States of Ohio and Pennsylvania, do the Seceders hold that the United States have had no right to protect Virginia, or punish the individuals concerned in her invasion I Do the Seceding States really mean, after all, to deny that if a State law is passed to prevent the ren dition of a fugitive slave, the General Government has no right to employ force to effect his surren der 1 But. as I have said, even the ej 1 Confederation with ail its weakness was held by the ablest coiem porary statesman, and that ."f the State riehts school, to possess the power of enforcing its re quisuions against a delinquent State. Mr. J ffer soii, in a letter to Mr. Adams, of the 11th of July, 1786, on the subject of providing a naval force of 150 guns to chastise the Badury Powem. u r ges as an additional reason for such a stop, that it would arm "the Federal head with the saiest o' all tin* instruments of coercion over its delinquent mem bars, and prevent it from using what would be !.*ss safe," viz: a land force. Writing on tin* Mtne subject to Mr. Monioe a month later (August 11, 17bti.) he answers the objection nt expense thus: '•lt wtil be said, -There is no m-ny in too Treasury.' There never will be money in the Tnsury til- the Conie ieracy shows its teeth. The St.i'ei mutt tie the rod, per ha ft is must befell by tome of than Every rational citizen mnst wish to seo an elf ctive in strument of coercion, and should "fear to see it on any other dement than the water. A naval force can Dover endanger our liberties not cc si n b'ood shed ; a land force would do both.'* m the fol lowing year, and when the confederation was st its Ust gai-p. Mi. Jefferson was still of the opinion that it possessed the power of coercing the "Slates, and thai it was expedient to ex-rcise it. In a let ter to Oolouei Csrriagtou, id' the 4'h of April, lTtJi, he says : '-It b.is been hi uiU-u Mid as to t-e geneluiiy oelleved, teat tjoligress It,IV ■ j,o power by ti,e Confederation to enforce anything, for in stance, contributions ol tuoticy. It w-s >.r>t neces sary to give ttieru thst |iow-r expressly—they have it by the law of nature, ■l ies luo purlieu make a compact there TtsuJlt to each tin jtawer of compelling the other toejecu.lt it: Com puis- .3 w„s n rso easy as in our case, wtien a single Irigate would soon levy on the commerce o: a single State toe diHtieacj of it s contributions." Suet was .Mr. Jefferson's Opinion of five powers of Congress u.ider the 11 cot.lr.ci of aiii iuce." Will any tea*ona lc man maintain that ntiier a constitut on of gcver .tacci tWv is k> power to enforce the laws I SAVAL orraEisioss ASS mtxxttt. Mr. Everett dwelt at great length upon *hc ab surdity oi the allegation t!wt the Government has oppressed Ihe South. On this point he sai l: An oppressive and ti runtica Gove, .m-nt ! Let us examine this pretence for a icw w>ui ntL first ia the general aid then in -be deti i >1 its alleged tyrannies and >i uses. This oppressive and tyrannic tl,Qo- -font is the success! ul soiiiliou of a problem wuicu uad tasked the s.ig.a< ity 01 mauk.tn-1 from Die daw ■ .civilizi tion, Viz : to find a form ot polity, by which in stitutions purely popular could be citended over a vasi empire, free aiiice from despotic Ooutt dizati in and undue preponderance of thu to<\iJ pjyeis. It was necessarily a complex s/etena ; a 1/niou at once Federal and JiatioD.il. It leaves to 0,,. s,eper*te States the control of all matters of purely fo.-al administration, and confides to the Ctitral oower the management of foreign aff.irs and 01 at! "other concerns m wbicn the United faiui y base a mutt intt rest,* Ad the organized and dC-le* it-.-q pow ers depend directly or very nearly so on popular choice. This Governmeut was;not imposed upon the people by a foreign conqueror; it is not an ia ner.tance descending fr ,ui oarlarous ag-s, laden with traditionalj abuses, which creale a painful ever recurring necessity of reiomt; it is not the conceit of beat.- s enthusiasts in the spasms of a revolution, it is the recent and voluntary frame, work of an enlightened age, compacted bvwise and good men with deliberation and care, working uton the materials prepared by foug Colonial discipline In framing it they sought to combine the merits and to avoid the defects of former systems of gov ernment The greatest possible liberty of the citizen is the basis; just representation the ruling principle, reconciling with rare ingenuity the fed eral equality 01 the States, with the proportionate influence of numbers. Its legislative and execu tive magistrates aie freely chosen at short periods • its judiciary alone holding office by a. more per manent but still sufficiently responsible tenure.— 2(o money flows into or out of the Truasurv but under the direct sanction of the representatives of the people, on whom also a'l the greit functions of government for peace and war, within the limits si ready indicated, are devolved. [Applause.] No hereditary titles or pnviligfg, no dis tinction of ranks, no established church, DO courts of high commission, are known to the system; not a drop of blood has ever flowed under its authority for a political offecoe; but this tyracical and oppressive Government has oertainly exhibited a more perfect development of equal-repuidican principles ih-m has ever before ex ited 00 any considerable scale. Under its benign influence, the ecuutry, every part of the country, has prospered be yond ail former egaraple. lta population has increased; its commerce, agriculture, and manufactures have flourished, manners, arts, education, letters, all that dignifies and enno bles man, have in a shorter period attained a higher point of cultivation than has ever be fore been witnessed in a newly settled region. The cousequence has been consideration and influence abroad and marvellous well-being at home. Tbe world has locked with admiration upon tbe country's progress; we have ourselves contemplated it perhaps with undue aelf oomplacency. Armies without conscription; navies without impressment, sod neither army uor navy swelled to an oppressive site; an overflowing treasury without direet taxation or oppressive taxation of any kind; churohes without number and with 00 denominational preferences on tbe part of tbe State, schools and colleges accessible to all the people; a free and cheap press—ail the great institutions of social life extending their benefits to tbe mass of the couimuuity. Such, no one eau deny, ia the general character of this appres
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers