BY DAVID OYER.
P Dll ri].
For the inquirer
OUR COUNTRY.
Oh Columbia ! Colombia the land of my birth,
The pride and the gbry of nations on earth ;
Next to God shall thy name be most dear to my
heart,
And from thee I never, so NEVER shall part,
Thy name and thy fame while living shall be
Protected and guarded and cherished by vie,
And never til) death shall my pilgrimage close, -
Will thv name be abandoned to peril or foes.
Tby "Star Spangled Banner in triumph shall
wave,
O'er the land ot tbe free and tbe home of tbe
brave."
Its colors all glorious from heaven came down,
And left there the impress of liberty's crown,
May tbe civil dissensions wbicb close round thee
now,
Be permitted no more to clond thy fair brow,
May the North and the South to the union prove
true,
And honor the banner of RED WHITE and Btre
God grant that OUR. COCNTRT may flourish and
grow,
As long as tho waves of the ocean shall flow,
And when the dread angel with uplifted hand
With one foot on sea aDd the other on Itnd,
Shall swear tbat by Him who forever doth live,
No mix more to mortals on earth he will give;
Then grant that as time with its pleasures shall
fade
The universe too that wisdom hath made,
That bright as the planet of Venus at even,
Ota SATION shal! shine in the kingdom of
Heaven.
J. MILTON AKERS
- Run, June 18, 1861.
GAY ISD'HIPPT
REVISED EDITION BY PR. VEIL. D. POSTER.
J'tn the one thu"- gsy ni h -rpy,
Whereso'er ! els, io he.
And I'll d ) tt.. < tL i pie?ee you,
If you will bu: list ID me.
•CHORUS:—So let the *ide world wag as it will,
I'll be gay end happy still.
Gay aDd bappy, gay and bappy.,
I'll be gay and bappy still.
I'm for tbe Union, I'ua for the Union,
I am for the Union still,
For tbe Union, for tbe Union,
I am for tbe Union still.
2 envy neither great or wealthy,
Poverty I ne'er dispise.
Let me be contented, healthy,
And the boon I'll dearly prize.
CHORCS. —HO let the wide world wig. <fc-.
The rich bare cares we li'tle know of,
All tbat glitters i* not gold.
Merit's seldom made a shiw of,
And frti worth }• rarely told.
CHUB CP. —S> let the wile w> r; i w*g,
If the President should sit beside me,
I'd sing toy soog with usual glee,
Fools may laugh, and knaves deride me,
Still I'll gay and bappy be.
CHORCS.— So let the wide world wag, &o.
1 eare for all, yet care for no one,
Those that do well need not fear,
I like mankind and the world to dwell on,
What else makes this life so dear.
CHORUS —So lot tbe wide world wag, &c.
The Sew Goremnient ef Virginia.
Governor Plerpont's Message In
Full.
To the Senate and House of Delegates of the
Commonwealth of Virginia:
GENTLEMEN —You have been convened in
extraordinary session in midsummer, when un
der otber circumstances, you should be at
home attending to pursuits incident to this
season of tbe year. The exigencies with
which we fiod ourselves surrounded demand
your counsels.
I regret tbat I cannot congratulate yon on
the peace and prosperity of the country, in
the manner which has been customary with
.the Executives, both State and Federal. For
ihe present, those bappy days which, as a na
tion, we have so long enjoyed, and that pros
perity which baa smiled upon us, as upon no
.other nation, are departed.
It La my paioful duty to anDonnce tbat the
late Executive of tbe State, with a large part
of tbe State officers, civil and military, under
him, are at war with tbe loyal people of Vir
ginia. and,the Constitutional Government of
the United States. They have leagued them
selves witb persons from otber States, to tear
flown the benign Governments, State and Fed
eral, erected by the wisdom aDd patriotism of
nor fathers, and under wbicb our liberties have
•o long been protected and our prosperity se
cured. They have instituted civil war iu our
oudst, and created a system of error around
to intimidate our people.
Bur while we are passing through this period
of gloom and darkness in our country's histo
ry, we must Dot despair, or fold our hands
-until tbe chains of despotism shall be fastened
upon os, by those coospiriug against our libers
". As freemen, who know tbeir rights, and
dare defend tbein, our spirits must rise above
'he intimidation and violence employed against
a ; and we mast meet and conquer every ob
stacle these men are attempting to 'interpose
between us and our liberties. Il we" manful
ly axert ourselves, we shall succeed. There
a just Ged who "rides upon tbe whirlwind
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts. Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
and directs the storm." Let us look to him
with abiding confidence.
The fact is no longer disguised tbat there
bse been in the Sonth, for roaDy years, a secret
organization, laboring with steady persever
ance to overturn the Federal Government and
destroy constitutional liberty in this conntry.
The various conventions held in that portion
of the country, for some years past, ostensi
bly for other oLjects, have only been the
means of feeding the public pulse to ascer
tain if there was sufficient disease in the holy
politic for dissolution. The cry of dinger to
tbe institution of slavery has been a mere
pretest to rouse ?nd excit" the people. In aban*
doning the Constitution of the Union, the lea
ders of the movement must have known that
they were greatly weakening tho safeguards
and protection which were to the ex
istenoe of that institution.
It has beeo urged that Secession was neces*
sary to protect the slave interest of the South.
As a usual thing, those who are interested in
a species of property, are tbe best informed in
regard to their ovJb rights, and the most te
nacious in maintaining them. Secession bus
not originated among the large slaveholders
of the South, uor has it found among this
class its busiest and most ardent advocates.
The sections of the country in whin the largest
slave interests have existed in this Slate have
heretofore been the most decided in support
of tbe Union Tbe votes gtvtu t tbe last
November and February elections in Eastern
and Western Virginia, will show tbat the
slaveholders themselves considered the safety
of tbeir property as depcodent upon the tmiu
tenauce of tbe Union. Another pertineot
fact may be mentioned in this connection.—
It is, that in sections where slaves are numer
ous, it is always much easier to introduce a
system of mob law and intimidation to con
trol the votes of tbe, people The constant
apprehension of servile insurrection makes tbe
master an easy sobjact of control in a crisis
like the present. Eastern and Western Vir
ginia are illustrations of tbe truib of this
statement.
What aflil-i firm* thu great conspiracy has
h-i iu tf <- .\orihero St.tc, remain yet nn
ko"wu. The -port which ha been roused
turoughout tbe Notth Ins cirrjed ail opposi
tion before it. But the event of the treason
able plot has not been fiiiv >if-vtlotwL He
fore the designs of the Conspirators were made
manifest, thousand* of good <u n s.yupa'hiz-d
with the effort, as they retried it, of tbe
♦iouth to maintain tbeir t-uiKiituticoal rights;
but those have all abandoned t's-m when tbe
true purpose was ascertain •>!. If there are
any in the North, or in >h- Horder States,
who still adhere to the oi-M-ptraey, tbej will
attempt to sid its object bt indirect means;
by opposiog and cavilling it the efforts to which
the Government, in a struggle for existence
may use in its own defence, >n J by attempting
to rt'se a popular outcry coercion. and
sdv.Kjuting a peaceable •eperetioo. A bold
stand for Secession would scarcely be attempt
ed; but who ayiapvbj wtb tbe leaders
of rebellion will sect* by cover* aud indirect
means to aid tbe object of the conspirators.
Tnere is ..nly one now for eaeh
American citizen to .i'-ci 2 ir, this controversy: •
Do you dvstre tusUud oy aud livo uoder the
Constitution which has contributed so long
nd so greatly to the happiness and prosperity
of tbe Y> eO F^ e * an d t0 transmit its blessings to
our prosperity ? Or, do you desire tbe Union
broken np, and at) oligarchy or military des
potism established in its stead? The leaders
of the South are striving for tbe latter. Tbe
Government of tbe United States is exerting
its whole force to maintain 'he integrity of
the former? There can be no neutral groond.
The Secession leaders have declared that
they desire no co:npro*ui*o, except the uncon.
ditiooai surrender to tbem of the objects they
have been aiming to aoomplisb, and the con
sent of the Government to its own destruc
tion. Tbe very proposition of compromise
places a false issue before the eouutry. It
implies tbat the Federal Government has com
mitted some great wrong which ought to be
remedied, before peace can be restored ; when
in fact the leaders in tbe Sooth have controll
ed tbe legislation of tho country for year*,
and tbe laws now in existence were made, or
suggested, by tbemselves when in power.
Jhe position of this State is a peealiar one
at this moment. Last November, at tbe
Presidential election, it gave upwards of six
teen thousand majority for Bell and Douglas,
both Union candidates for tbe Presidency.—
Their principal competitor was loudly proclaim
ed as also true to the Union ; sod throughout
tbe canvass, any imputation of favoring disu
nion was indignantly denied by the advocates
of all the candidates. At the election for
members of the Convention in February last
there was a majority of over sixty thousand
votes given to the Union candidates; and tbe
people by an equal majority determined that
no aet of lhat Convention shonld change the
relations of tbe State to the Federal Govern
ment nnleas satisfied by tbe popular vote. Yet
tbe delegates to that Convention passed the
Ordinance of Secession, and attached tbe
State to tbe Southern league, called the Con
federate States; and to render the step irre
trievable and defeat the whole object of re
quiring a ratification of the people to render
such acts valid, ih-y pat them into effect im
mediately; and before tbe vote could be taken
on tbe question of ratification, transferred tbe
whole military force of our State to tbe Presi
dent of the Confederacy, aDd surrendered to
bim military possession of our territory.
When the chains bad been thus fastened
upon u, we were oalled to vote upon tbe or
dinance of Secession. The same reign of
terror which compelled Union men to vote as
they did in tbe convention, was brought to
bear on the people t betas*lves. Vast naai
BEDFORD. PA.. FRIDAY, JULY 19. 1861.
hers were obliged by intimidation and fear of
threatened violence, to vote for Secession.
Many did not vote at all. Many, no doabt,
were influenced by the consideration that the
measures already adopted had placed the Com
monwealth helplessly within the grap of the
President of tbe Southern Confederacy, and
tbat she could not escape from his power by
the rejection of the ordinance.-
ft is claimed that the ordinance of Seces
sion has been ratified by a majority of ninty
foor thousand votes' Had the people of Vir
ginia thee so greatly changed? The best evi
dence that they had not is found in the fact
tbat, wherever the vote WJS really free, there
was a much larger majority agains* Secession
than wso given at the t-leciiou in February to the
Union candidate for the Convention The
means of intimidation and violence, which
were resoii.-d to over a large pottina of tbe
S'aie, to compel an appearance of unanimity
in favor of .Secession, show tbat tbe leadets
of this movement felt tbat the hearts of the
people were not with theiu.
The j.roc'<MD*tijn of ttje President calling
for seventy ive thousand volunteer troops is
commonly relied upon to justify the ordinance
of Secession. Teat proclamation was issued
OD the 15th of April 1861. It oittt not,
however, be overlooked that on the 6th of
March, 1861, the pretended Congress at Mont
gomery, provided by law for calling into the
held a force of one hundred thousand volun
teers; and .that on the 12'b of April ibe Sec
retary of V\ ar of the Coiifedeta'e States pub
licly announced that war was commenced, and
that the capital at Washington would be cap
tured before the first of My. The intention
to capture the capita! of the Union wis te
pealcdiy proclaimed in influential papers at
Richmond and other Southern cities before tb
15 hof April. It wis in faet long a cherish
ci object of tte leaders in this great conspira
cy! Did ibey expect toe President of the
uatiou to yield the capita], and retire in dis
grace, without adopting any measures of de
teDse? )("et Virginia, we are told, seceded,
because the President, under such circumstan
ces, called voiuuteers to the defense of the
eonniry.
I need not remark to jon, Gentleman, tow
fatal the attempted disseverance of the Union
must prove to ail our miterui interests. Se
cession, and annexation to the South, would
cut off every outlet for our productions. We
cannot get tbeai to the Confederate S,Lates
across the Alleghauies The Ohio river and
the country .beyond it would be closed to onr
trade. With Maryland in the Uuioo,our out
let to the East would be interrupted; while we
could not ostry our product across the Penn
sylvania line, by the Monongahefa or other
routr. In time of war, we would encounter a
hostile fotce, and iu time of peace, a custom
house, at every turn.
The interests of the people of Virginia
were entrusted to the Richmond Convention
How have they fulfilled that trust ? Why, if
war was to come, was our land made the bat
l fi Id! Why wa this Commonwealth inter
posed a* a bartier to protect the States c.f the
Bou'h, who undertook to overthrow the Union
iu utter disregard of our remonstrances? In
rbe position in which the Richmond Convention
has placed us, our homes are exposed to ail
the horrors of civil war, while the President
of the Montgomery Congress can announce to
the people of the Outf States that ■"they uced
now have no apprehension; they might go on
with their plant ng and.business as usual; the
war would not coine to their scct.oo; its tbe*
tre would be along the borders of the Ohio
river and in Virginia."
Have we done wrong in rejectiug toe au-~
thority of the men who have thus betrayed the
interest confided to their charge?
"Under these .circumstances the people of
the State who desired to preserve Virginia in
the Union, by their delegates appointed at
primary meetings, assembled at Wheeling on
the 13th of May last, to consider tbe measures
necessary to protect their constitutional rights
and liberties, their lives aod tbeir property.
Before a frank comparison of views could be
bad, differeno s of opioion were to be expected,
and such differences accordingly then existed.
That Convention, however, after three days
mature consideration, determined to call upon
the loyal peopie of the State, after tbe vote
was taken oo tbe Secession Ordinance, to elect
delegates do a Convention to be Leld oo tbe
11th day of June, 1861. All who witnessed
the assembling of the last Convention will
hear witoess to tbe solemnity of the occasioa.
Its action was attended with singular unaoimt*
ty; aod has resulted in tbe re-organisation of
the Sute Government, as a member of the
Union.
Their journal and ordinances will be submits
tei to you. Plain principles vindicate their
acts. The Const itution of the United States
was adopted by the f>eoplo of tbe United Svates;
and the powers thus derived could bo resumed
only by the consent of the people who confer
red them. That Constitution is the supreme
law of the laud. The Constitution of the
(state recognises it as such, and all the laws of
the State virtually recoguixe the same pricoi*
pie. The Governor, the Legislature, and all
State officers, civil and military, when they
entered upon the discharge of their duties,
took an oath to support the Constitutiou of
the United Slates. When the Convention as
sembled at Wheeling ou the X 1 >h of June tbey
found the late Governor and many of the
otaer officers of tbo Slate engaged in an ate
tempt to overthrow the Constitution tbey bad
sworn to support. Whatever tbey might ac
tually effect, with tbe aid of their confederates,
by unlawful intimidation and violence, tbey
could not lawfully deprive tbo good people of
this Commonwealth of the protection afforded
by tbe Constitution and laws of the Union,
and of Ibe rights to wbieb tbey are entitled
under the same. The Convention attempted
no change of jhe fundamental La of the State
for light und transient causes. The altera
tions adopted were such onlv as were impera
tively required by the necessity of the ease;
to give vitality and force to the Oocstitu'inn
of the Stale, and to enable it to operate tn the
circumstances under which we are placed.
They attempted no revolution. Whatever
others may have done, we remain as we were,
citizens of Virginia, citizens of the United
States, recognizing and ooeying the Constitu
tion and Kws of both.
1 trust, gentleman, you will excuse me for
dwelling so long upon th,-se important topics.
Immediately on entering upon the duties of
n>y tffijf, I addressed au uffi.-ial cotnmnoiea
ion to the President of the United States,
staling brirfly the circumstances in which we
were pLoed, and demanding pioteotion against
iuvasioo and domestic violence to whieb our
people were subjected; and I am happy to
inform you that the Presi Isot, through tbe
Secretary of War, promptly gave me very
satisfactory assurances that the guarantee em-'
bodied in Ac Gonstitnnoo of the United States
would be efficiently complied with, by afford
ing <e our people A full protection. I trans
mit herewith copies of these commaaicaiioas.
1 also send you herewith a copy of a coni
municatioQ received froui tbe Secretary of tbe
luferior at Washington, certifying officially
the apportionment of representatives in the 38th
Congress, under tha census of 1860. Yirgiuia
has 13 representative* iu tbe present Congress.
Uuder the new apportionments she will have
eleven only. Before the terra of the 38th
Congress commences, it w:ll be necessary, there
fore, to redistriet the State in conformity with
the principles established in the 13th an 514 th
Sections of the 4-ii Article of the Constitu
tion of the State.
The President of tha Uaited States has is
sued his proclamation convening an extra ses
sion of Congress, to inoet at the National
Capital on the fourth of this mooth. Tbe two
Senators from this State have vacated tbeir
offices. It i? known to me that -they are en
gaged tn the conspiracy to overturn tbe Gov
ernment of the United States, and in rebellion
to iis lawful authority. They bive renounced
the title of citizens of the United States,
claiming to be citizens of a foreigo and hostile
State. Tbey have abandoned the posts as
signed to rivem by tbe State of Virginia in the
Seruta of the United Sutes, to take office
under rbe rebdiious government of tbe
Confederate States.reeowmend therefore,
toe election of Senator* to fill the vacancies
which have thus occurred.
1 beg leave to oall your attention to tbe sub
ject ot tbe Circuit Court. Those circuits, as
now prescribed by law, are too large t) enable
the Judges to tffijiently perform the duties in?
eumbeot on tbem. In investigating this sub
j 'Ct, you may fiud U nut only necessary to
reduce the size of tbe circuits, but to iuerease
the number of the ,regular terms or tuabe it
the duty of tbe Judjje* to hold special extra
terms, at which the business before them can
be disposed of. I would recommend, however
tbat any alterations you make for ;he present,
should be confined to,that part of .the State iu
which the authority of this Government is
recognized.
I would also request your attention to the
ordinanco of the Convention to authorize the
apprehenson of suspicious persons in time of
war, aod to the provisions of the Code oo
kindred snhjects. When a civil war is raging
in tbe midst of us, an efficient system to pro
tect the loyal people of the Common wealth
against the tutrigues, conspiracies and hostile
acts of 'liose who adhere to our enemies, m
necessary for tbe safety and good order of
the community. Nor wi'l the efficiency of the
system be diminished, if ii be conceived in a
judicious spirit of rooderaliob. I reccommend
the matter to yonr attention, trusting tbat any
amendments wbicb may be found necessary to
protect tbe community, will be unhesitatingly
adopted, but, at the same time, that all proper
precautions will be taken to avoid any meas
of unreasonable harshness.
The subject of tbe revenue will demand
your attention. A recklessness bas character
ized the legislature of the Sfate for the last
tea years that has involved us in a most on
erous debt. For many years past the Wes
tern part of the State has been contributing
:in an nneqnal and unjust proportion to the
revenue, whiob has been largely expended on
internal improvements for the benefit of our
Eastern brethren, from which the West bas
received no advantage in any form. Tbe pro
seeds of the heavy debt contracted ou State
account have also been applied to Eastern
railroads and improvements, from which tbe
West derives no benefit. Tbe leaders of Se
cession in tbe Gulf States have adroitly invol
ved Virginia in an immense expenditure in
support of their treasonable schemes, and,
to save tbeir own people aod property, have
managtd to transfer tbe theatre of war to our
territory. Before they arc driven out, the
whole of the material interests of tbe State
east of the Blue Ridge will probably be des
troyed, including tbe internal improvements,
upon which such lavish expenditures have been
made.
I can only recommend to yoa * vigilant at
tention to render effective the collection of the
taxes already imposed, and tbe utmost economy
aud prudenoe to their expenditure. Uad.r
tbe circumstances of our people, no increase
of taxation shonld, I think, be attempted.
The suspension of specie payments by tbe
bank* of the State has been already legalized
iby tbe Legislature. Under present exigen
cies, the measure was, 1 think, unexceptiona
ble. If qpecie payments were continued
among us, during tbe existence of civil war ;n
| our midst, toe coiu would soon find its way
I into tbe hands of thoee who would board it up.
I The banks would be deterred from nsing tbeir
own notes by constant demands upon them for
coin while the coin, would be concealed and
( laid away, thus ceasing to answer the purpose
of circulation. The Bunks too wooid have to
press col lection from their debtors, without
discounting any; and the result would there
fire be a general oppression of the debtor class
of the community and a scarcity of currency
J of any kind.
I would recommend you to authorize the
hanks to issue notes of a less denomination
than five dollars hut Dot less than one dollar.
; There must be some medium of chaoge. I
would not limit tbem, however, for tbe present,
j in the amoant of small cotes, further than tbe
limitations already imposed bv law upon their
total circulation. Tbe denominations of the
| notes to be issued, not less than one dollar,
Imay be pioperly left to their discretion. Tbe
demands of business will regnlate the matter;
and if it be found they are abasing tbe priv
ilege proper regulations can readily be adopted
to oorrect such abuse.
There is great aversion among business men
jto stay laws. It may be admitted that under
1 ordinary circumstances, they are uDwise. Bat
at this period, the mass of debtors in tbis State
are, from necessity, otherwise engaged than
! in making money to pay their debts, and none
of tbe debts now contracted were made wrh a
knowledge of tbe present state of affairs.
Rigidly to coforee the collection of tbem
! would ruin thousands of worthy men. Hut i
recommend especial caution in reference to
any law you may adopt ou this subject.
It often happens tbat such laws are so framed
as to prosecute suits, and costs are accucuuia*
ted, so that both creditor and debtor are the
losers, ana nobody benefitted but tho officers
of the law.
The Hoard of Public Works should, 1
think, at onoe be abolished, and its powers
conferred on tbe Executive. Our pecuuiary
difficulties commenced with its organization.
I wish they would end with its abolition. Tiere
is nothing in the Constitution to prevent the
abolition of tbe Beard.
You have iuef, gentlemen, in tbe midst of
civil war, but, I trust yon may jet be assem
bled under happier aa-p.c a when 'be strife sba 1
be over, *Dd peace and prosperity be restored
to this once bappy country.
All which is respectfully submitted.
F. P. PEIRPOIST.
j SIR. EVER Em ORATION.
THE ISSUE OF THE DAY.
The New York Academy of M usic was filled to
overflowing on the 4th, on tbe occasion o) Hon.
Edward Everett's oration on "The Issues of tbe
Day." Tbe orator was escorted to the building by
the Veterans of 1812, and received with most up
rorious demonstrations ot welcome. Judge Sios
son presided, and the opening prajer was uttered
by the venerable Dr. Spring. The stage was quit;
fi led with distinguished guests, tlie Veterans and
; the pupil? (Rom the Institution of the Blind
Mr. Everett commenced as follows :
When the Congress of the United States, on the
4th ot July. 1776. issmd the eTer-memorable Dec
laration, they deemed that a decent respect tor the
opinions ot mankind required a lorma) statement
of the causes which impelled them to tbe all iui
fiortant meaaote. The eighty-fifth anniversary ol
the Declaration finds the loyal people of the Duion
engaged in a tremendous conflict to msiutaiu and
deieod the grand nationality, which was asserted
by our fathers, and to prevent their fair creation
from crumbling into dishonorable chaos. A great
people, gallantly struggling to keep a noble frame
work of government from falling into wretched
fragments, needs no justification at the tribunal
ol the public opinion of mankind. But while our
patriotic fellow-cittaeas, who have rallied to the
deK-nce of the Union, marshalled by the ablest of ;
living chieftains, are risking their lives in the field ;
while the precious blood of your youthful heroes
and ours is poured out together in defence of this '
precious legacy of Constitutional lreedom,you will 1
not think it a misappropriation of the hour if 1 em- j
ploy it in showing the justice of the cause in which I
we are engaged, and the fallacy ol the arguments '
; employed by the South in vindication of tbe war,
' alike murderous an<l suicidal, which she is waging
: against tbe Constitution and tbe Union.
After depicting the prospeions state of tbe coun
! try up to the period of tbe Presidential election,aud
showing that tbe secession of South Carolina was
an impossibility in law, he continued :
SECESSION IB REVOLUTION.
Whether the present unnatural civil war is waged ■■
j by tbe South, in virtue of a supposed Constitu
tional right to leave tbe Union at pleasure ; or
whether it is an exercise of tbe great and ultimate
right of Revolution, the existence of whioh no one
| denies, seems to be left in uncertainty by the
| leaders of the movement. Mr. Jefferson Davis,
the President of the new Confederacy, in bis in.
j augural speech delivered on the 18lh of February,
I declares that it is 'an abuse ot language' to call it a
"revolution." M.r. Vice President Stephens, on
the 21st of March, pronounces it "one of the
greatest revolutions in the auuals of the woild."
This assumed right of secession rests upou tbe
doctrine tbat (he Union is a compact t>etween In
j dependent States trom which any one of tbeui
. may withdraw at pleasure in virtue of its JOVC
: reignty. This imaginary right has been the street
! of discussion for more than thirty years, having
j been originally suggested, though not at first much
dwelt upon, iu connexion with tbe kindred claim
of a tight, on the part of an individual State, to
j "nullify" an Act of Congress. It would, of course,
be impossible, within tbe limits of the hour, to re
] view these elaborate discussions. I will only re.
mark, on this occasion, tbat none of the premises
from which this remarkable conclusion is drawn is
recognized in tbe Constitution, and that thd right
of accession, though called a "reserved" rntbi, is
not txprettlyi reserved in it. That instrument does
not purport to be a "compact," but a Constitution
jof Government. It appears in its fir?' sentence
not to have been entered into by the States, but to ;
have been ordained and established by tun people ;
of tbe United States, for "themsehej. and their i
posterity." The' States are not named in it; near
[ ly all the characteristic powers of sovereignty are
expressly granted to tne General Government and
1 expressly prohibited to the States ; and so far from
reserving a right oi secession to the letter, on any
grennd or under any pretence, it ordains and es
tablishes, in terms, the Constitution of the United
S rates as the supreme law of the land, anything in
the Constitution or laws of any State to tbe con
j irary notwithstanding. [Applause.}
VOL. 34. NO. 29.
Mr. Everett then at some length showed hew
ridiculous were the claims to State sovereignty pat
lorth by the Soatif and now that oven "coercion"
would be perfectly legal to compel their submission
to the General Government. On this point be
said :
eras COEBCIOH ts cojuTiTrmoxix.
Did any one imagine in 1793, when Gen. Wash
ington called out 15,000 men to suppress the in
surrection in the western counties ol Pennsylvania
that if the insurgents had happened to have the
control of a majority of the Legislature, and thua
clothed their rebellion with a preteuded lortu of
law, that he would have been obliged to disband
his troops, ami return himself, baffled and discom
fitted, to Mouot Vernon f II John Browu's raid
at Harper's Perry, instead of being the project of
one misguided individual, and a dozen and a half
deluded lollowers, had beeu the organised move
ment of the States of Ohio and Pennsylvania, do
the Seceders hold that the United States
have had no right to protect Virginia, or punish
the individuals concerned in her invasion I Do
the Seceding States really mean, after all, to deny
that if a State law is passed to prevent the ren
dition of a fugitive slave, the General Government
has no right to employ force to effect his surren
der 1
But. as I have said, even the ej 1 Confederation
with ail its weakness was held by the ablest coiem
porary statesman, and that ."f the State riehts
school, to possess the power of enforcing its re
quisuions against a delinquent State. Mr. J ffer
soii, in a letter to Mr. Adams, of the 11th of July,
1786, on the subject of providing a naval force of
150 guns to chastise the Badury Powem. u r ges as
an additional reason for such a stop, that it would
arm "the Federal head with the saiest o' all tin*
instruments of coercion over its delinquent mem
bars, and prevent it from using what would be !.*ss
safe," viz: a land force. Writing on tin* Mtne
subject to Mr. Monioe a month later (August 11,
17bti.) he answers the objection nt expense thus:
'•lt wtil be said, -There is no m-ny in too Treasury.'
There never will be money in the Tnsury til- the
Conie ieracy shows its teeth. The St.i'ei mutt tie
the rod, per ha ft is must befell by tome of than Every
rational citizen mnst wish to seo an elf ctive in
strument of coercion, and should "fear to see it on
any other dement than the water. A naval force
can Dover endanger our liberties not cc si n b'ood
shed ; a land force would do both.'* m the fol
lowing year, and when the confederation was st its
Ust gai-p. Mi. Jefferson was still of the opinion
that it possessed the power of coercing the "Slates,
and thai it was expedient to ex-rcise it. In a let
ter to Oolouei Csrriagtou, id' the 4'h of April,
lTtJi, he says : '-It b.is been hi uiU-u Mid as to t-e
geneluiiy oelleved, teat tjoligress It,IV ■ j,o power
by ti,e Confederation to enforce anything, for in
stance, contributions ol tuoticy. It w-s >.r>t neces
sary to give ttieru thst |iow-r expressly—they have
it by the law of nature, ■l ies luo purlieu make a
compact there TtsuJlt to each tin jtawer of compelling
the other toejecu.lt it: Com puis- .3 w„s n rso
easy as in our case, wtien a single Irigate would
soon levy on the commerce o: a single State toe
diHtieacj of it s contributions."
Suet was .Mr. Jefferson's Opinion of five powers
of Congress u.ider the 11 cot.lr.ci of aiii iuce."
Will any tea*ona lc man maintain that ntiier a
constitut on of gcver .tacci tWv is k> power to
enforce the laws I
SAVAL orraEisioss ASS mtxxttt.
Mr. Everett dwelt at great length upon *hc ab
surdity oi the allegation t!wt the Government has
oppressed Ihe South. On this point he sai l:
An oppressive and ti runtica Gove, .m-nt ! Let
us examine this pretence for a icw w>ui ntL first
ia the general aid then in -be deti i >1 its alleged
tyrannies and >i uses.
This oppressive and tyrannic tl,Qo- -font is the
success! ul soiiiliou of a problem wuicu uad tasked
the s.ig.a< ity 01 mauk.tn-1 from Die daw ■ .civilizi
tion, Viz : to find a form ot polity, by which in
stitutions purely popular could be citended over a
vasi empire, free aiiice from despotic Ooutt dizati in
and undue preponderance of thu to<\iJ pjyeis. It
was necessarily a complex s/etena ; a 1/niou at once
Federal and JiatioD.il. It leaves to 0,,. s,eper*te
States the control of all matters of purely fo.-al
administration, and confides to the Ctitral oower
the management of foreign aff.irs and 01 at! "other
concerns m wbicn the United faiui y base a mutt
intt rest,* Ad the organized and dC-le* it-.-q pow
ers depend directly or very nearly so on popular
choice. This Governmeut was;not imposed upon
the people by a foreign conqueror; it is not an ia
ner.tance descending fr ,ui oarlarous ag-s, laden
with traditionalj abuses, which creale a painful
ever recurring necessity of reiomt; it is not the
conceit of beat.- s enthusiasts in the spasms of a
revolution, it is the recent and voluntary frame,
work of an enlightened age, compacted bvwise and
good men with deliberation and care, working uton
the materials prepared by foug Colonial discipline
In framing it they sought to combine the merits
and to avoid the defects of former systems of gov
ernment The greatest possible liberty of the
citizen is the basis; just representation the ruling
principle, reconciling with rare ingenuity the fed
eral equality 01 the States, with the proportionate
influence of numbers. Its legislative and execu
tive magistrates aie freely chosen at short periods •
its judiciary alone holding office by a. more per
manent but still sufficiently responsible tenure.—
2(o money flows into or out of the Truasurv but
under the direct sanction of the representatives of
the people, on whom also a'l the greit functions of
government for peace and war, within the limits si
ready indicated, are devolved. [Applause.]
No hereditary titles or pnviligfg, no dis
tinction of ranks, no established church, DO
courts of high commission, are known to the
system; not a drop of blood has ever flowed
under its authority for a political offecoe; but
this tyracical and oppressive Government has
oertainly exhibited a more perfect development
of equal-repuidican principles ih-m has ever
before ex ited 00 any considerable scale.
Under its benign influence, the ecuutry,
every part of the country, has prospered be
yond ail former egaraple. lta population has
increased; its commerce, agriculture, and
manufactures have flourished, manners, arts,
education, letters, all that dignifies and enno
bles man, have in a shorter period attained a
higher point of cultivation than has ever be
fore been witnessed in a newly settled region.
The cousequence has been consideration and
influence abroad and marvellous well-being at
home. Tbe world has locked with admiration
upon tbe country's progress; we have ourselves
contemplated it perhaps with undue aelf
oomplacency. Armies without conscription;
navies without impressment, sod neither army
uor navy swelled to an oppressive site; an
overflowing treasury without direet taxation
or oppressive taxation of any kind; churohes
without number and with 00 denominational
preferences on tbe part of tbe State, schools
and colleges accessible to all the people; a
free and cheap press—ail the great institutions
of social life extending their benefits to tbe
mass of the couimuuity. Such, no one eau
deny, ia the general character of this appres