1 | jj** *jf" SK *' -—* 'JL V-»I * A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS V\ JOHN FEN NO, No. 34, IS»Tg FJ FT H.STREET, PHii.ADl.l VI! I - [No. 100 of Vol. IV.j UNION. S E CON i> CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, A'T THI SECOND SESSION. Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, . in the State 6f Pennfylvaiv.a, on Monday , ;vtbe;fifth.»f N»yeir»ber, one tlwmCln'sl . feffifi-twiidfed. »nd ninety-two. AN ACT for repealing the fsveral Import Laws of the United States, so far as they may be deemed to impose -< Huty on ufeful Bealts imported for Breed. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States ot Imerica iji Congress aiTembled, That tlie le 'eral laws of the United States, inipofing dti ies on goods, wares and merchandize iin torted into the United States, so tar as t! ey nay be deemed to impose a duty on attle, flieep, swine oi" other ufeful beasts, "un dated into the United States, for bleed, ihall ie repealed. JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of ReprffintaiiveS' •JOHN ADA Vis, Vice- Prtjicitiit u{ the United States, and 1 > ejidcht of the Senate. APPRO VtD FEBRUARY 27, 1 793. CEO. WASHINGTON, I'njidcut aj the United St itu. AN ACT making proviliori for the per foils therein mentioned. WHEREAS Colonel Harding, ami Txuc'ftiar., while employed in carrying nielfagSs ot' peace to tlic hostile Indians, were kil'ed ly the said Indians : iiE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Spates of Ame rica in assembled, That four hun dred and fifty dollars per annum for ieven years, he allowed to- the widow and orphan children of the said Colonel John Harding, and the sum of three hundred dollars per annum, for the fame term of seven years, to the or phan children Vf the said Major Alexander True man, to commence on the firft day of July, one thou fan d Jeven hundred and ninety and to be paid half yearly, at the Trea sury, to the said widow, and to the guardians of the fa orphan-chiidren, or to their legal attornies. JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker of the House of Reprejertativeu JOHN ADAMS, Vice-irejidint oj the Untied States, and Prejident oj the Senate. APPRO VED FEBRUARY 27, 1793- GEO. WASHINGTON, Prcfident of the United btates. AN ACT making an appropriation to defray ihe expense of a treaty with the Indians north welt ot the Ohio. BE it eita&ed by the Senate and Hou r e of fteprefentatives of the United States ot America in Congress affcmbled, That a sum not exceeding one hnnil ed thousand dollars, arising from the "urplus of former appropria tions unexpended, shall be and the fame is hereby a)oropiiated to defraying the expense of negor.-lilting and treating with the holtile Indian tribes north we ft of the river Ohio. And be it further enacted, Thateach of the commi'lfioners,' who may be appointed for managing such negociations and treaties, fnal! be entitled to an allowance, eXclulive ot his neceffarv expenies, of eight dollars per day, during his actual service, to be paid out the monies so appropriated. JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker ** * of the Houje oj liepr'cfintattves. JOHN LANGDON, Prrfdtit pro tempore of the Senate. APHOV'II) MAR c H 2, 1 793" GEO. WASHINGTON, Prejtde ft of the United States. AN ACT providing for the pnynicnt of the First Instalment <tue on a Loan made of the Bank of the United States. BE it enacted by the Senate ant Honft of Repreferttativcs of the United States of America, in Congiefs ailcmbled, Thai the President of the United States be, and he hereby is authorized and eiWpowered to ap ply two iiumlied thoiil'and dollar?, of the mo iz r<- bt.i pa'fc fuance of the fourth fettion of" flic a/V, ii/ti tuled u An ast making provision for the re daction of the public debt," in payment of the firft instalment, due to the bank of the Uni ted State:;, upon a loan made of the laid bank, in pursuance of the eleventh feftion of the for incorporating the fubfci ibci s to the iaid bank. APPROVED, MARCH 2, 1793. GEO. WASHINGTON, Prejidcfit oj the United.States. AN ACT for the relief of Elijah Bultwick. BE it enacted by the Senate and Iloule of* Representatives of the United States of America in Congress ailembled, That as an indemnification, and to reijuburfe.Elijah Boft wick, for certain costs and expenditures, he v/as put to, iii defending a pruiecution agair.R him, on contradts which he made, at an agent fcf the deputy commiflary general of pur cha fes in tii£ noithern department, in the pur chase of catrle for the ufe'of tiie conti' ental army, at a time, during the late war, when they were in great u aiit of provifion r , there be granted to him one hundred and forty five dollars and forty two cent , payable out of any unappropriated money in tiie treafurv of the United States. llt is from the judicious observations and: perfpicuoui arguments of writers like Mar cellus, ai a riot from the vajiid rhapfodiet of --Iv*j Stat* that CANS are to form just concept-ions of the meaUirc-, necoffary to be purfu'ed, at the prelim eventful pefiod, to secure their JrfQKOUR,F2.LIC1 I'Y aiy) NATIONAL PROSPERITY.] Edit. Cent- A . ;•*' « NO N ROSTRUM, T ANT AS COUPON [.RE L/ras.f HAVING attempted, in a late paper, to flie\v that a rigid adherence to the sys tem of Neutrality between the European na tions now at war, is equally the dictate of juflice and of policy, to the individual citizens of the United States, while the nation remains neutral, the question recurs, what is the line of conduct prescribed to the nation itfelf, at this delicate jun&ure, by those, immutable laws ofjuftice and equity, which are equally obligatory to sovereigns and to fubjefts, to republics and to kings. I fliall not make any consideration of general policy a leparate fub jeft of enquiry, because I hold it to be one of the moll undeniable principles of government, that ihe truest policy of a nation consists in the performance of its duties. The rights of nations are nothing mote than an extension of the rights of individuals to the great socie ties, into which the different portions of man kind have been comb ned ; and they afe all mediately or immediately derived from the fundamental pofltion which the author of chriftianitv has taught us as an article of reli gion, and which the reviled declaration of rights of the National Convention in France have to contain the elleiice of liber tv. " Liberty," fays the new Declaration of Rights, " consists in the power of doing what- | ever is not contrary to the rights of others." " Whatsoever," fays the Saviour of mankind, " von would that men fhoulddo to you, do ye even so to them." Let us therefore be can- ! tious to do nothing contrary to the rights of others, and we (hall continue to enjoy and to deserve the blessings of freedom. Let us do as we (hould chufe others might do to us, and we <hall deserve the favors of Heaven. Wednesday, May i 5, 1795 V JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker oj the Hoiijevj Reprejcnlalives. JOHN LANGDON, Prefix »t pro tempore vt the 6cttcite, JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker oj the House of Reprejentatives. JOHN LANGDON, Pufient pro tempo*? oj lilt Senate. APPOVSD MAkCH 2, 1793- GEO. WASHINGTON, Prepdtrloj the United States FROM /HE iOLUMHUN CINTJNEL. MR . RUSSE I. L , If these are the principles upon which our national condut-t is to be grounded, it wilj foLlow, that an impartial and unequivocal neutrality between the contending parties is prescribed to us*'as a dutj;, unless we are bound by some exilting contract or stipulation, to make a common cauie with one of them. I have already said it : The natural state of all nations, with respect tu one another, is a state of peace—" damns pchmufqut viciffin, It is what we have a right to expert from them, and for the lame reafou it is our duty to observe it tuutouis them. In addition Co this natural obligation, we are bound by ex press treaties with F>* ce, England, Holland and Pruflia, to oblrrve the laws of peace with the subjects of their different governments, and we have no right to interfere in their contentions. Whatever raay be the current of our fetuiuients, or of our opinio:!-.—whit- 397 V. : 'Miy-hr t''? lavjrt? ■vy trpr pafiiotis, of the unfiles i'nfpiieti by our a'f.'c tion*, we are not coniHtuted judges of riie refb'ip&ive merits of their cau.e. From a feeling of gratitude towards a nation which aftiftecT us in the days of our own calamity, we inav be d'rfpofed to throw a veil'over their : own errors and crimes, and wilh them that success which their frantic enihufiafm lias rendered so improbable. As the descendants of Englillimen, we may be willing to lose the y of all the miseries theyinfli&ed upon us in our just struggle again ft: them, and even the relics of their resentment, which iti 11 re fufe the complete fulfilment of the treaty of peace, and we may wifli them still to retain their reputation for fuccefsful courage and conduct in war—as men, we mult undoubt edly lament the effufion of human Mood, and the mass of misery and distress which is pi e paring fort he great part of the civilized world; but as the citizens of a nation at a vail dis tance from the continent of Europe—of a nation whose happiness confiits in a real in dependence, di Icon netted from all European, iuterefts and European politics, it is our duty rrmain, the peaceable and fiieut, though forrowful fpeeVators of the sanguinary fcenc. With the reasons for neutrality lY.g<refted by these considerations of natural dnty and of positive ft ; pulation, a forcible argument con curs, derived from out in t ere ft. In the ge neral confli'ft of all the commercial European Nations, the advantages which will be thrown into our hands, and the a&ivitv and vigour which will be given to every branch of our commerce, are too obvious to need any difcufllon. As the natural consequence of War, the neceliities of ast the belligerent powers' must increale "in proportion as their mearts offupply will divninifli, and the profits, which m\ift infallibly flow to us from their wants, can have no other limitation than the extent of our-capfacity to provide for them. With ail these inducements to a decided neutrality, let us look at the other fide of the medaL ;md fee what would be the con ft que nee of our making ourselves partizans in thfc con test.-—First, we fnouJd be engaged in a Ojuar rel, with the laws of nations against us. It .sttoftldbe a violation of oar politics? duties; n departure from the principle'; of national justice, and an express breach of the positive llipulations of peace and fnei dlhip with the several belligefent powers, contained in the treaties which I have already'mentioned. An a<ft of partiality in favor of either party would be an a«sfc of perfidy to the other. I have so full a confidence in the equity and virtue of my countrymen, that I ihotald reil the argument on this point alone, if 1 had not perceived that a contrary system of policy, is avowed by men of some influence among nr., and openly recommended in some of the pub lic prints of the day. A system, which prf feffing to arise from an extraordinary at tachment to the cause of Liberty and Equa lity, may in reality be traced to the common (purees of private and private am bition, perhaps at once the cause and efteft of an implicit devotion to Frame, and an antipathy to England, exceeding the limits of a national resentment. To men of this description, arguments de rived from the 'obligations of natural jufiice, or of written contractwill be perfectly nuga tory. " Tfy? Rights of Man," will b? tl.eir answer to tlie one, and 44 Liberty and Equa lity," to the other. I apply therefore to a principle of more efficacious operation in their minds, if their own iniereft is in any degree connected with that of their country, and ask them what would be the inevitable consequence of a war, with all Europe, ex cepting only the present prevailing power iir France ? The experience of the late war, would perhaps, discourage an attempt on the part of Great-Britain to conquer this conti nent, but we have a (ea-coait of twelve hun dred miles every where open to invafion — and where is the power to protect it ? We have a flourishing commerce, expanding to every part of the Gfol>e, and where will it turn when excluded from every market of the Earth ? We depend upon the returns of that commerce for in any necefTaries of life, and when thOse returns (hall be cut off, where ftiall we look for the supply ? Wc are in a. great measure destitute of the defenOvc ap paratus df War, and who will provide us with the arms and ammunition that will be indispensable ? We feel severely at this mo ment, the burden of our public debt, and where are the funds to support us in the dreadful extremity to which our own niad nefs and iniquity would reduce us '-—Not to mention the infallible deft*uftion of our Fi nances, and the national bankruptcy, which the friends of tie fytfetn I am combating, would perhaps* welcome a* a blelTing.—Aie Sir, imaginary appreheVlions, or are thev oojefts of trivial moniej e* ? Our nation al exiitence may deper J upon the event of our' Councils in the p.efcjpr tiifis, and 10 ad vise u* to engage voluntarily in the War, is to s'V.i a flajSNr at tlic of the country. [Whole No. 422.] ?. ' ,'X i . 77fJ•?:/'fcg. ii tic fit fl ~Sp9c-iif ever made by I,oiils XVI. EATkIJ oil tlie Throne to which it has picafed God to raise us, v. e hope his bounty v»i)J lupport our youth, and guide us in the means to make our people happy — this is our fii it delire. We know this felicity principally depends on a wife adminiltration of our finan ces, for it is that which has a chief relation between a sovereign and his fubjetfts ; and it is towards this point that our firrt care and solici tude shall be directed.—We have had rendered us an account of our receipts and expences, and have seen with pleasure there were fuf ficient funds for the exadf payment: of all arrears and interests, as well as of a reimbui (ement of all charg es,as we consider these eng.ageir.ems as debts c»f the slate, and as a pi o perty in common with all other we aie bound to protetft, therefore en titled to our fit ft care After hav ing thus provided fur the public creditor, and allured these piinoi ples ofjuftice which shall form the balisofotir reign, we (hall occupy ourselves with relieving our people from the weight of their preftut burthens. We cannot arrive at this cleArable end but by order and eco nomy. The fruits which shall re sult from them are not the w<,rk ot a moment ; and me prefer enjoying this ease of our subjects a little latet, than to dazzle them by a relief the (lability of which is not yet allured. There are expenles indilpenfably neceflary with ihe fafety ot our rfaJm. There are oiheis, which, depending on our liberaliiy, may be fucceptible.of (oine moderation, but which, having acquired certain rights by loivg poliethon, can be oiconouiifed but gradually. There are, finally, expenfts which hold with our persons, and with the splendor of oui' court ; on these we can follow our inclinations mere promptly ; and we have already taken steps to i educe them to cer tain bounds : — i:uchfacrifsces as these huill cufl us nothing,, whilst they can re lievs our people ; their happtiuf Jhall be our gltry ; and the good we can do thtm will be the fwtetejl renmptuce of our labors. FRANC E. NATIONAL CONVENTION. Address oj tki National Conization te the Dutch. "VTOUK Republic, Batavians, hav- JL frig lb It' her titles, the French found the nil at Breda, and are ntyr proceeding to reftoi e them to you. France when en/laved, fuffcted you to be opprelled by the uliians, who always thirlt after biood aiid iol.a-- France e)nancipat:il, comes to dfeliyer you tiom those opprefi'ors by her armies that pant for liberty and glo ry. It is for Republics to efface the arms of Defpotifin. Hiilory bears witntfs to the unceasing efforts which you once made to obtain your freedom ; bur flie records also your imprudence, founded, perhaps, on gratitude, by which your fetters have been rivetted. It is not enough that you have wrested from the ra vages of the lea, iminenfc advantag es that have been devoured by En gliih ambition—you muit also rid yourl'elves of domestic tyrannies. Your ancestors fti uggled for eighty years againll the united forces qf fupeiftiiion and defpotifui. Liberty requires of you only a single day to ettablilh completely your liberty and independence.—Governed for ages by foreign powers, you ought to be weary of being transmitted, like live stock, in foccelHon, from the Iloufe of Huiuauitto that of Ba varia , and tram thence to the house
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