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A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS V\ JOHN FEN NO, No. 34, IS»Tg FJ FT H.STREET, PHii.ADl.l VI! I -
[No. 100 of Vol. IV.j
UNION.
S E CON i>
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
A'T THI SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia,
. in the State 6f Pennfylvaiv.a, on Monday
, ;vtbe;fifth.»f N»yeir»ber, one tlwmCln'sl
. feffifi-twiidfed. »nd ninety-two.
AN ACT for repealing the fsveral
Import Laws of the United States,
so far as they may be deemed to
impose -< Huty on ufeful Bealts
imported for Breed.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States ot
Imerica iji Congress aiTembled, That tlie le
'eral laws of the United States, inipofing dti
ies on goods, wares and merchandize iin
torted into the United States, so tar as t! ey
nay be deemed to impose a duty on
attle, flieep, swine oi" other ufeful beasts, "un
dated into the United States, for bleed, ihall
ie repealed.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker
of the House of ReprffintaiiveS'
•JOHN ADA Vis, Vice- Prtjicitiit u{ the
United States, and 1 > ejidcht of the Senate.
APPRO VtD FEBRUARY 27, 1 793.
CEO. WASHINGTON,
I'njidcut aj the United St itu.
AN ACT making proviliori for the
per foils therein mentioned.
WHEREAS Colonel Harding, ami
Txuc'ftiar., while
employed in carrying nielfagSs ot' peace to
tlic hostile Indians, were kil'ed ly the said
Indians :
iiE it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United Spates of Ame
rica in assembled, That four hun
dred and fifty dollars per annum for ieven
years, he allowed to- the widow and orphan
children of the said Colonel John Harding, and
the sum of three hundred dollars per annum,
for the fame term of seven years, to the or
phan children Vf the said Major Alexander
True man, to commence on the firft day of
July, one thou fan d Jeven hundred and ninety
and to be paid half yearly, at the Trea
sury, to the said widow, and to the guardians
of the fa orphan-chiidren, or to their legal
attornies.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker
of the House of Reprejertativeu
JOHN ADAMS, Vice-irejidint oj the
Untied States, and Prejident oj the Senate.
APPRO VED FEBRUARY 27, 1793-
GEO. WASHINGTON,
Prcfident of the United btates.
AN ACT making an appropriation
to defray ihe expense of a treaty
with the Indians north welt ot
the Ohio.
BE it eita&ed by the Senate and Hou r e of
fteprefentatives of the United States ot
America in Congress affcmbled, That a sum
not exceeding one hnnil ed thousand dollars,
arising from the "urplus of former appropria
tions unexpended, shall be and the fame is
hereby a)oropiiated to defraying the expense
of negor.-lilting and treating with the holtile
Indian tribes north we ft of the river Ohio.
And be it further enacted, Thateach of the
commi'lfioners,' who may be appointed for
managing such negociations and treaties,
fnal! be entitled to an allowance, eXclulive ot
his neceffarv expenies, of eight dollars per
day, during his actual service, to be paid out
the monies so appropriated.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker
** * of the Houje oj liepr'cfintattves.
JOHN LANGDON, Prrfdtit pro
tempore of the Senate.
APHOV'II) MAR c H 2, 1 793"
GEO. WASHINGTON,
Prejtde ft of the United States.
AN ACT providing for the pnynicnt
of the First Instalment <tue on a
Loan made of the Bank of the
United States.
BE it enacted by the Senate ant Honft of
Repreferttativcs of the United States of
America, in Congiefs ailcmbled, Thai the
President of the United States be, and he
hereby is authorized and eiWpowered to ap
ply two iiumlied thoiil'and dollar?, of the mo
iz r<- bt.i pa'fc
fuance of the fourth fettion of" flic a/V, ii/ti
tuled u An ast making provision for the re
daction of the public debt," in payment of the
firft instalment, due to the bank of the Uni
ted State:;, upon a loan made of the laid bank,
in pursuance of the eleventh feftion of the
for incorporating the fubfci ibci s to the iaid
bank.
APPROVED, MARCH 2, 1793.
GEO. WASHINGTON,
Prejidcfit oj the United.States.
AN ACT for the relief of Elijah
Bultwick.
BE it enacted by the Senate and Iloule of*
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress ailembled, That as an
indemnification, and to reijuburfe.Elijah Boft
wick, for certain costs and expenditures, he
v/as put to, iii defending a pruiecution agair.R
him, on contradts which he made, at an agent
fcf the deputy commiflary general of pur cha
fes in tii£ noithern department, in the pur
chase of catrle for the ufe'of tiie conti' ental
army, at a time, during the late war, when
they were in great u aiit of provifion r , there
be granted to him one hundred and forty five
dollars and forty two cent , payable out of
any unappropriated money in tiie treafurv of
the United States.
llt is from the judicious observations and:
perfpicuoui arguments of writers like Mar
cellus, ai a riot from the vajiid rhapfodiet of
--Iv*j Stat* that
CANS are to form just concept-ions of the
meaUirc-, necoffary to be purfu'ed, at the
prelim eventful pefiod, to secure their
JrfQKOUR,F2.LIC1 I'Y aiy) NATIONAL
PROSPERITY.] Edit. Cent-
A . ;•*'
« NO N ROSTRUM, T ANT AS COUPON [.RE
L/ras.f
HAVING attempted, in a late paper, to
flie\v that a rigid adherence to the sys
tem of Neutrality between the European na
tions now at war, is equally the dictate of
juflice and of policy, to the individual citizens
of the United States, while the nation remains
neutral, the question recurs, what is the line
of conduct prescribed to the nation itfelf, at
this delicate jun&ure, by those, immutable
laws ofjuftice and equity, which are equally
obligatory to sovereigns and to fubjefts, to
republics and to kings. I fliall not make any
consideration of general policy a leparate fub
jeft of enquiry, because I hold it to be one of
the moll undeniable principles of government,
that ihe truest policy of a nation consists in
the performance of its duties. The rights of
nations are nothing mote than an extension
of the rights of individuals to the great socie
ties, into which the different portions of man
kind have been comb ned ; and they afe all
mediately or immediately derived from the
fundamental pofltion which the author of
chriftianitv has taught us as an article of reli
gion, and which the reviled declaration of
rights of the National Convention in France
have to contain the elleiice of liber
tv. " Liberty," fays the new Declaration of
Rights, " consists in the power of doing what- |
ever is not contrary to the rights of others."
" Whatsoever," fays the Saviour of mankind,
" von would that men fhoulddo to you, do ye
even so to them." Let us therefore be can- !
tious to do nothing contrary to the rights of
others, and we (hall continue to enjoy and to
deserve the blessings of freedom. Let us do
as we (hould chufe others might do to us, and
we <hall deserve the favors of Heaven.
Wednesday, May i 5, 1795 V
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker
oj the Hoiijevj Reprejcnlalives.
JOHN LANGDON, Prefix »t pro
tempore vt the 6cttcite,
JONATHAN TRUMBULL, Speaker
oj the House of Reprejentatives.
JOHN LANGDON, Pufient pro
tempo*? oj lilt Senate.
APPOVSD MAkCH 2, 1793-
GEO. WASHINGTON,
Prepdtrloj the United States
FROM /HE iOLUMHUN CINTJNEL.
MR . RUSSE I. L ,
If these are the principles upon which our
national condut-t is to be grounded, it wilj
foLlow, that an impartial and unequivocal
neutrality between the contending parties is
prescribed to us*'as a dutj;, unless we are bound
by some exilting contract or stipulation, to
make a common cauie with one of them.
I have already said it : The natural state
of all nations, with respect tu one another, is
a state of peace—" damns pchmufqut viciffin,
It is what we have a right to expert from
them, and for the lame reafou it is our duty
to observe it tuutouis them. In addition Co
this natural obligation, we are bound by ex
press treaties with F>* ce, England, Holland
and Pruflia, to oblrrve the laws of peace with
the subjects of their different governments,
and we have no right to interfere in their
contentions. Whatever raay be the current
of our fetuiuients, or of our opinio:!-.—whit-
397
V. : 'Miy-hr t''? lavjrt? ■vy trpr
pafiiotis, of the unfiles i'nfpiieti by our a'f.'c
tion*, we are not coniHtuted judges of riie
refb'ip&ive merits of their cau.e. From a
feeling of gratitude towards a nation which
aftiftecT us in the days of our own calamity, we
inav be d'rfpofed to throw a veil'over their :
own errors and crimes, and wilh them that
success which their frantic enihufiafm lias
rendered so improbable. As the descendants
of Englillimen, we may be willing to lose the
y of all the miseries theyinfli&ed upon
us in our just struggle again ft: them, and even
the relics of their resentment, which iti 11 re
fufe the complete fulfilment of the treaty of
peace, and we may wifli them still to retain
their reputation for fuccefsful courage and
conduct in war—as men, we mult undoubt
edly lament the effufion of human Mood, and
the mass of misery and distress which is pi e
paring fort he great part of the civilized world;
but as the citizens of a nation at a vail dis
tance from the continent of Europe—of a
nation whose happiness confiits in a real in
dependence, di Icon netted from all European,
iuterefts and European politics, it is our duty
rrmain, the peaceable and fiieut, though
forrowful fpeeVators of the sanguinary fcenc.
With the reasons for neutrality lY.g<refted by
these considerations of natural dnty and of
positive ft ; pulation, a forcible argument con
curs, derived from out in t ere ft. In the ge
neral confli'ft of all the commercial European
Nations, the advantages which will be
thrown into our hands, and the a&ivitv and
vigour which will be given to every branch of
our commerce, are too obvious to need any
difcufllon. As the natural consequence of
War, the neceliities of ast the belligerent
powers' must increale "in proportion as their
mearts offupply will divninifli, and the profits,
which m\ift infallibly flow to us from their
wants, can have no other limitation than the
extent of our-capfacity to provide for them.
With ail these inducements to a decided
neutrality, let us look at the other fide of the
medaL ;md fee what would be the con ft que nee
of our making ourselves partizans in thfc con
test.-—First, we fnouJd be engaged in a Ojuar
rel, with the laws of nations against us. It
.sttoftldbe a violation of oar politics? duties;
n departure from the principle'; of national
justice, and an express breach of the positive
llipulations of peace and fnei dlhip with the
several belligefent powers, contained in the
treaties which I have already'mentioned. An
a<ft of partiality in favor of either party would
be an a«sfc of perfidy to the other.
I have so full a confidence in the equity and
virtue of my countrymen, that I ihotald reil
the argument on this point alone, if 1 had not
perceived that a contrary system of policy, is
avowed by men of some influence among nr.,
and openly recommended in some of the pub
lic prints of the day. A system, which prf
feffing to arise from an extraordinary at
tachment to the cause of Liberty and Equa
lity, may in reality be traced to the common
(purees of private and private am
bition, perhaps at once the cause and efteft
of an implicit devotion to Frame, and an
antipathy to England, exceeding the limits
of a national resentment.
To men of this description, arguments de
rived from the 'obligations of natural jufiice,
or of written contractwill be perfectly nuga
tory. " Tfy? Rights of Man," will b? tl.eir
answer to tlie one, and 44 Liberty and Equa
lity," to the other. I apply therefore to a
principle of more efficacious operation in
their minds, if their own iniereft is in any
degree connected with that of their country,
and ask them what would be the inevitable
consequence of a war, with all Europe, ex
cepting only the present prevailing power iir
France ? The experience of the late war,
would perhaps, discourage an attempt on the
part of Great-Britain to conquer this conti
nent, but we have a (ea-coait of twelve hun
dred miles every where open to invafion —
and where is the power to protect it ? We
have a flourishing commerce, expanding to
every part of the Gfol>e, and where will it
turn when excluded from every market of
the Earth ? We depend upon the returns of
that commerce for in any necefTaries of life,
and when thOse returns (hall be cut off, where
ftiall we look for the supply ? Wc are in a.
great measure destitute of the defenOvc ap
paratus df War, and who will provide us
with the arms and ammunition that will be
indispensable ? We feel severely at this mo
ment, the burden of our public debt, and
where are the funds to support us in the
dreadful extremity to which our own niad
nefs and iniquity would reduce us '-—Not to
mention the infallible deft*uftion of our Fi
nances, and the national bankruptcy, which
the friends of tie fytfetn I am combating,
would perhaps* welcome a* a blelTing.—Aie
Sir, imaginary appreheVlions, or are
thev oojefts of trivial moniej e* ? Our nation
al exiitence may deper J upon the event of
our' Councils in the p.efcjpr tiifis, and 10 ad
vise u* to engage voluntarily in the War, is
to s'V.i a flajSNr at tlic of the country.
[Whole No. 422.]
?. ' ,'X i .
77fJ•?:/'fcg. ii tic fit fl ~Sp9c-iif ever
made by I,oiils XVI.
EATkIJ oil tlie Throne to which
it has picafed God to raise us,
v. e hope his bounty v»i)J lupport
our youth, and guide us in the
means to make our people happy —
this is our fii it delire. We know
this felicity principally depends on
a wife adminiltration of our finan
ces, for it is that which has a chief
relation between a sovereign and
his fubjetfts ; and it is towards this
point that our firrt care and solici
tude shall be directed.—We have
had rendered us an account of our
receipts and expences, and have
seen with pleasure there were fuf
ficient funds for the exadf payment:
of all arrears and interests, as well
as of a reimbui (ement of all charg
es,as we consider these eng.ageir.ems
as debts c»f the slate, and as a pi o
perty in common with all other we
aie bound to protetft, therefore en
titled to our fit ft care After hav
ing thus provided fur the public
creditor, and allured these piinoi
ples ofjuftice which shall form the
balisofotir reign, we (hall occupy
ourselves with relieving our people
from the weight of their preftut
burthens. We cannot arrive at this
cleArable end but by order and eco
nomy. The fruits which shall re
sult from them are not the w<,rk ot
a moment ; and me prefer enjoying
this ease of our subjects a little latet,
than to dazzle them by a relief the
(lability of which is not yet allured.
There are expenles indilpenfably
neceflary with ihe fafety ot our
rfaJm. There are oiheis, which,
depending on our liberaliiy, may
be fucceptible.of (oine moderation,
but which, having acquired certain
rights by loivg poliethon, can be
oiconouiifed but gradually. There
are, finally, expenfts which hold
with our persons, and with the
splendor of oui' court ; on these we
can follow our inclinations mere
promptly ; and we have already
taken steps to i educe them to cer
tain bounds : — i:uchfacrifsces as these
huill cufl us nothing,, whilst they can re
lievs our people ; their happtiuf Jhall
be our gltry ; and the good we can do
thtm will be the fwtetejl renmptuce of
our labors.
FRANC E.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Address oj tki National Conization
te the Dutch.
"VTOUK Republic, Batavians, hav-
JL frig lb It' her titles, the French
found the nil at Breda, and are ntyr
proceeding to reftoi e them to you.
France when en/laved, fuffcted you
to be opprelled by the uliians, who
always thirlt after biood aiid iol.a--
France e)nancipat:il, comes to dfeliyer
you tiom those opprefi'ors by her
armies that pant for liberty and glo
ry. It is for Republics to efface the
arms of Defpotifin. Hiilory bears
witntfs to the unceasing efforts
which you once made to obtain your
freedom ; bur flie records also your
imprudence, founded, perhaps, on
gratitude, by which your fetters
have been rivetted. It is not enough
that you have wrested from the ra
vages of the lea, iminenfc advantag
es that have been devoured by En
gliih ambition—you muit also rid
yourl'elves of domestic tyrannies.
Your ancestors fti uggled for eighty
years againll the united forces qf
fupeiftiiion and defpotifui. Liberty
requires of you only a single day to
ettablilh completely your liberty
and independence.—Governed for
ages by foreign powers, you ought
to be weary of being transmitted,
like live stock, in foccelHon, from
the Iloufe of Huiuauitto that of Ba
varia , and tram thence to the house