Gazette of the United-States., September 19, 1792, Page 125, Image 1

A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHhD WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAY*: fOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA
[No. 32, of Vol. IV.] Wednesday, September 19. 1792.
FROM THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE,
No. ir.
Observations en the I.eilcrrtf " A F* it
Addrejfed to the YeomwryaJ. the United
AN idea has been circulated, that Congrcjs
have granted exemptions, privileges and
bounties to the New-Jersey Shitty for promoting
t'feful manujadures, and parts of the letters of
" The Farmer" tend Co confirm that mistake.
The freemen of the United States will find, how
ever, on the ftrifteft examination, that no vote,
refolutiou or act, of the federal legi.lature, has
been parted concerning that company, and of
course that no bounty, privilege, exemption or
other advantage has been given by Congress to
them, their workmen or their property, of any
fort or kind. They are indifputab'y liable to
the impolt, tonnage, duty on distilled spirits,
and every other revenue of the United States,
present or future, in like manner and in equal
proportion with any other citizen or owner of
property. They have no direst or indirect ad
vantage under the acts of Congress, but what
every citizen has, who inclines to pursue the
branches they may carry on. It is therefore
tin high duty to the people to undeceive them in a
matter, which might give them discontentment
with a government, under which they are tail
ing a degree of prosperity never before enjoyed
by them, or any other nation.
The whole of the advantages enjoyed by the
New-Jersey manufacturing company are under
a law of that State. This art has exempted
their workmen from military duty, except in
cases of invasion or imminent danger ; but this
will not avail them in the fmallejl degree, because
it exempts only from calls under the laws of
the State, which are now annulled by the mili
tia art of Congress. From militia duty they
are not nor can they be exempted by the legisla
ture of New-Jersey ; and the law of the United
States requires the fame militia services, du
ties, fines, &rc. from each of the New-Jersey
Society and its workmen, as from any other ci
tizen or manufartnrer.
The company have powers relative to canals
and inland navigation, similar to those of the
Sufquehannah and Schuylkill canal companies,
in Pennsylvania, and the Hudson and Mohawk
river companies, in New-York. Corporations
for inland navigation exist also in New-England,
Maryland, Virginia, North and South-Carolina,
though it should seem that " The Farmer's"
objections to this kind of alTbciation is such,
that it is doubtful whether he would confeut to
€ corporation for making a turnpike road, or an
inland navigation, or a religious society or a
public school. The yeomanry of the United
States, however, it is presumed have no such
fanciful objections to these common and neces
sary means of obtaining such desirable and ufe
ful objerts. We have city, town, and borough
corporations in Pennsylvania, and in all the
States, with civil powers to preserve the peace
and order of the focietv, and the health of the
people, and to facilitate the settlement of ac- ]
counts and debts in places where there is ufual-1
ly some dealing and trade. Burlington, Amboy,
Elizabeth-town and Brunfwick, in New- Jersey,
being so incorporated, the legislature of that
State appear to have thought it no great favor
to provide for the eftablifhme/it of the diftrirt
which (hould become the principal feat of the
pianufartory in the fame manner, but probably
deemed it, as it really appears, highly expedient.
It seems to be very wife to have a well regu
lated police in a place where there will be ma
sy ft rangers. The aflembly of New-Jersey
have exhibited a cautious delicacy, worthy of
the legislators of a free and intelligent people,
in exprefly providing, that the place or diftrirt
lha!l not become incorporated, if a majority of
the taxable inhabitants thereof (hall fignify to
the Governor their disTent from, or disapproba
tion of the incorporation—So that if, on ma
ture deliberation, rhcy do not like the powers
of the incorporation, or if they are, on general
principles, again ft any fort of incorporation,
they have ample power to prevent it. Thi c ,
fellow citizens, is the law which 4< The Far
mer" tells you u grants to a few wealthy men
the exclufivt jurifdirtion of fix miles square, and
a variety of unconstitutional privileges." It ic
not a few wealthy men, but all the taxable inhab
itants, who are to be incorporated, and nearly
all of the principal owners of the stock of the
company artually re fide in other town (hips,
counties and States, and a few in foreign coun
tries ; and not being 44 inhabitants" cannot be
members of the territorial corporation, which
is to pofTefs the civil powers. Besides it reallv
is not true, that they a*ie to have 44 cxduf.vt"
jurifdirtion, for they are as much under the
controul of the legislature, the Governor, and
the judiciary of tiie State and of the government
as the United States, as any otSier city or cor
porate town, or any county or .village in New-
Jersey. It is not neceifary to comment upon
the indecorum and abuse for art, design, crimi
nal itvf folly, and breach of duty, which 44 The
Farmer 1 ' bestows upon the government of
N-w- jersey, the Secretary of the Treasury,
and the company, in the very page wherein he
thus amply miflakes and misrepresents their
proceedings. Ke fpeaksof danger from a capi
tal stock of £. 140,000 sterling in the hands of a
great number of persons, when there are and
have been these thirty years several individuals
in the United States, who are each worth as
great a sum. This stock is owned by manufac
turers from abroad, who are employed by the
company, by farmers, merchants, lawyers,
physicians, women, minors, landed men, and
monied men, members of the general govern
ment, officers of the State of New-Jerfev, ci
tizens of various States, and foreigners relident
here and in other countries. Can it be expect
ed, that combinations and devices dangerous to
liberty or honest induitry can take place in so
mixed a society or can it be fuppoled, that such
perversions of the countenance of a State will
be permitted to exist a single month.
The legislature of New-Jersey have exempt
ed the workmen from their State poll-taxes,
upon their persons and occupations ; but it
is not likely that such exemption will be of
any value, because poll taxes are so generally
diiapproved that they are always made very
light in this country, and are seldom or never
imposed on any but single men, and taxes on
occupations are a very trivial part of the re
sources of any State, and the exemption will be
of little avail, because Congress will lay the
principal taxes and they have not given any ex
emption. The great taxes of all known coun
tries are consumption duties, custom-house du
ties and the land tax. All these the workmen
will have to pay, whether laid by the State or
by the United States. But as the finances of
New-Jersey are in a very good situation and dai
ly improving, and it is a State of great ceconomy
in its public expences, its legislature will have
very little occasion to collert money from the
people. The federal customs, duties and taxes
are thole which the citizens of New-Jersey will
principally have to pay, and the workmen, raw
materials, manufartures, lands and tenements
of the workmen and of the company will be as
liable to those customs, duties and taxes as if
the exemption had not been made by the State.
For it is plain that a State art cannot exempt
from taxes of any kind due to the general go-
vernment.
[To be concluded in our next.]
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES,
Mr. Fenno,
IT is true that men have degenerated from what
the ancients were. But one is led to believe,
from the resemblance of temper and condurt dis
covered among certain writers agarnft our govern
ment, that the Athenian blood is not yet all run
out.
The best republics of ancient times were ruined
hy the ambition of men who ftudicd the moll re
fined arts, and pra&ifed the vilest means to krep
the multitude restless and inflamed. Men poflcfT
ing the powers of oratory to govern the aflemblies
of i he people, were jealous of their own authority.
They haled those whom genius made their com
petitors, and merit and virtue their superiors.—
Impatient for honors and employments, of which j
they were unwoithy, they aflumed the office of i
censors on those who poflefled them. Not having
nor being entitled to gain the public confidence,:
they made it their inceflant care to deflroy it j
where it was placed. By arts, alwavs odious,
but always formidable, they inflamed intestine dif
fentions; they diflemmated suspicious and fright
ful tales through ihe state. They had againfl
them, indeed, the severity of the laws, and the
contempt of all good men : but in their favor they
had the pretext of public good, so often made
an instrument >n the hands of ambition and party
enmity; and they had also, what was of ft ill more
avail to obtain their ends, their effrontery and
their insolence. No city had more glory than
Athens—no citizens enjoyed less tranquillity—
none had wiser laws or less regarded them—none
produced more great men or better citizens : yet
none murdered more reputations, or spilt more of
the blood of heroes than Athens. O city ! not
less renowned for tumult than for genius, while we
weep and wonder over thy ruins, may we learn
this inftruftion, th?r even wile and equal laws, un
less flrirtly and ftradily enforced, incite faftiom
to a fiercer aniinofny, and arm them with more
deadly weapons. B.
Foreign Affairs.
TREVES, July ij
Hostilities will not take place
till after the publication of the
manifeflo of the confederated pow
ers. These are the principal articles
of ;hat important at!t—il>. The How
ets declare thai tliey do notdefign to
make war againlt the King nor the
French people, flill less ro ditftate
laws to them ; and that they are on
ly armed against those who, after hav
ing overthrown the empire, threaten
the general fafery of all Europe to
gether.— 2flly. That they enter into
France only to facilitate to the King
the free exercise of his lawful autho
rity, and the means of concerting with
the French pation themeafures which
circumstances, and the return of tran
125
quiliry make necefl'ary.—3d!y. They
render the bodies in authority respon
sible for all attempts which might be
committed in the 1 pirit of fanaiicifm
or otherwise against the Royal Fami
ly, or the persons prescribed by the
seditious.
PARIS, July 16
On the Federation day a circuni
ftance took place while the King was
at the Military School,which is known ,
to very few bat those present. About
1200 national grenadiers, who formed
the escort of the royal family to and
from the Thuilleries, being aflembled
in the court of the military school,
oneof them addrelling his brother sol
diers, told them there was a probabi
lity that some evil ininded pcrfons
might make an attempt upon the
King, he invited them all to swear
mutually to defend their King till
the lafl moment ; the suggestion ope
rated like the ele<ftric spark, they all
to s man knelt down, and with their
, hands uplifted, called to heaven to
witness their oath ; to which they
evei added, that in cafe of any fu
ture danger, they fhouldall repair to
the palace as the common rendezvous,
and make a rampart of their bodies
before their sovereign.—The officer
of the guard informed the King of
this tranfa&ion ; his majesty descend
ed from the falloon to the court yard ;
the tears flood in his eyes ; he could
fay no more than, "My children !
My brave comrades !" He palled a
long the ranks shaking hands with
the foremoft men. An exprtiffive si
lence terminated this affeiXing scene!
The grenadiers kept their word :
when the King joined the National
Aflembly, to ascend the altar, they
formed a line three deep on each fide,
and, contrary to order, even ascended
the altar with the King ; in vain the
federifts and pikemen •itteniptedi to
enter their ranks, claiming equally
the fame honor of approaching their
hereditary representative ; their only
answer was, " the King is confined
to our care ; you cannot pass ;—a se
cond, but ineffectual, attempt was
made to fore etheguard, and toafcend
the altar ; they continued firm, and
never quitted the King until they had
left him fafe in the Thuilleries.
I must mention to you another fact ;
during the reading the oath, the King
kept his usual tone of voice, but when
he came towards the end, he fixed his
eyes on M. Petion, and raising his
voice, spoke these words, so as to be
heard at an immense distance, " Je
Jure de faire refpeifier la Loi*." The
cries of Vive la Nation—Vive le Roi,
were on the instant, and indiscrimi
nately, utrered by every fpedtatur.
* I swear to make the law refpe&ed.
O S T E N D, August 3
Manifesto, fnblijhsd at Brajjeli the
28tb July, 1792, given by the Duke
of Brunswick, Commander in Chief
oj the Austrian and Vruffian Armies.
THEIR Majesties the Emperor and
King of Pruflia, having confided to
me the command of the combined ar
mies which they have caused to be
assembled on the frontiers ofFrance ;
I have refolvrd to announce to the
inhabitants of that kingdom, the mo
tives that have induced these two so
vereigns to this Hep, and the princi
ples by which they are governed there
in.
After having arbitrarily ftipprefl'ed
the rights and prerenfions of che Ger
man Princes in Alsace and Lorraine,
and overset a!l inierior order and
good government ; exercised against
the sacred person of the King and his
augult family, innumerable injuries
and violences, continued from day to
day, and constantly renewed. Those
who have usurped the reins ofgovern
ment have, at length, filled up the!
their iniquities in causing
[Whole No. 554.]
an unjust war to be declared against
his imperial Majelly, and in attack
ing his provinces, fituatedin the Low
Countries. Some of the polil-fiions of
the Germanic empire have been in
volved in this invasion, and others
have elcaped, only by fubniitring to
the imperious menaces of the predo
minating fadtioi!, and of its einiiia-
ries
His Majesty the King of Prufiia, u
niting with his Imperial Majelty, by
the ties of a ftritft and defenlive alli
ance, as well as in his quality of pre
ponderating member of the Gerina
nick body, has not been able to re
fufe marching to the succour of hi*
ally, and co-estates ; and it is in both
these qualities, that he takes upon
hiinfelf the defencc of that monarch
and of Germany.
To these two interests is unired a
nother equally important anil which
the two lovercigiis have much at heart
• —thac of causing the anarchy existing
in the interior of France to cease, to
itay the allaults made upon tlie throne
and the altar ; to ie-eltabli<b the le
gal authority ; to restore to the king
the liberty and fafety of which he
has been deprived, and to place him
in a Htuation to exercise the legiti
mate authority that of right belongs
to him.
Convinced that the found part of
the nation abhors the excefles of a
faction that subdues it, and that the
greater number of the inhabitants
wait with impatience the moment of
auxiliary aid openly to.declare theni
felves against their odious oppreflors,
his inajetly the einperor, and his roa
jelty the king of Prussia, call upon
and invite them to return without de
lay to the paths of reason, of justice,
of order, and of peace these
views the undersigned general and
commander in chief of the two armies
declares as follows.
ift. i hat, led into tills war by ir
refiltable motives, the two courts pro
pole to thenifelves no other objects
than the good of France, without in
tending to enrich thenifelves by means
of their conquelts.
2d. That they do not intend to in
termeddle in the interior affairs of
France, but mean only to deliver the
king, the queen, and the royal fami
ly troin their captivity, and to pro
cure to his mod chriltian majelly the
neceflary security that the king may
be enabled without danger or obsta
cle to call together such convocation
or aflembly as he may think proper,
to alfift in preserving that happiness
to his subjects, which he has promised
them, and to which he will contribute
all that may depend upon him.
3d. The combined armies will pro
tect all cities, burghs, villages, per
sons, and pofleffions, that shall submit
to the king, and they will instantane
ously contribute to the lettering of
order, and a good police throughout
all France.
4th. The National Guard are call
ed upon proviftonally, to watch over
the tranquility of the country, to the
fafety of the persons and effetfis of all
French citizens, until the arrival of
the troops of their imperial and roy
al majesties, or until it (ball be other
ways ordered under pain of being
held personally rel'ponfible—On the
other hand, such of the national
guards as lhall have fought against
(lie troops of the allied courts, and
(hall be taken arms in hand, shall be
treated as enemies, and puni/hed as
rebels to their king and as disturbers
of the public peace.
sth. That the general offieers, su
balterns and soldiers of the troops of
the French line are equally called
upon to return to their ancient feal
ty, and inltantly to submit to the
king their lawful sovereign.
6th. That the members of the de
partments, the diftridt* and munici