CONGRESS. PHILADELPHIA HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, February 20. In committee oj the whole, on the t ijhery Hill. [continued.J MR. WILLIAMSON.—It has been urged with _ great propriety, in favor of the bill now fobmitted to our confidei ation, that the opera tion of our laws should in all cases tend to encou rage ofeful industry ; that while we are giving back the duties on all other foreign goods which are exported, it would be unjufl: and cruel to re fufe a full drawback of the duties 011 fait which may be exported, especially when the cfrcuin fiances of its exportation, are attended with an mcreafe of riches and strength to the nation. Imprefled as I am with the force of these argu ments, and desirous as I ani to protect and en courage the native seamen of America by all pru dent, practicable, and constitutional means, I lhall-neverihelefs find it 3iy duty to vote for link ing out the firft fe<!tion of the bill, because it pro poles to give a bounty for the encouragement of the veliels employed in the filheries. We have been told that the name is improper ; that it is simply a drawback oftheduty upon fait, and gentlemen have produced a very ingenious calculation, bv which they attempt to prove,that in some years it may happen,that the whole duty onthe fait will not be repaid; but they admit that in some years the drawback or bounty will ex ceed the doty. It is certainly their opinion, and in this we are perfectly agreed, that the money to be paid will be more than that received, elf'e there had been no use for so large an appropri ation. We fhali not trouble th:(i committee with calculations on this fubjeifK It is conceded that the encouragement to be given probably; will exceed the full drawback .of the duty on fait. In other words a douceur or a proper bounty is to be given—.let ijs call it one thousand dollars per annum. Is it within the powers of this Con gress to grant bounties ? 1 think not, and on 1 his Angle position, 1 wquld reft the argument. In the conftitntion of this government there are two or three remarkable provisions which seem to be in point. " It is provided that di redt taxes shall be apportioned among, the seve ral states according to their refpeclivenumbers." It is alfoprovided that "all duties, impolls, and cxcifcs shall be u*nifoxm thioughou-t the United • States : and it is provided that no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one {late over ihofe ofano ther. The clear and.obvioos intention of the articles mentioned was, that Congress might itwr have the power of imposing unequal burdens, that it might not be in their powei to gratify one part of the Union by oppi effing another. It ap peared possible and not very improbable, that the time might come, when by greater cohelion, by more unanimity, by more address, the repre sentatives of one part of the union might attempt to iinpofe unequal taxes or to relieve their con flituents at the expense of other people. To pre vent the possibility of such a combination, the articles that I have mentioned were inserted in the constitution. Suppose a poll tax ihould be attempted, suppose it should be enacted that eve ry poll in the eartern Urates, shall pay a tax of half a dollar, and every poll in the southern frares should pay a tax of one dollar. Do you think we should pay the tax .' No, certainly We should plead the constitution, and tell you that the law was impotent and voi.d. But we have been cold tint Congrefsmay give bounties for ufeful purposes that is to lay they may give bounties for all imaginable pur poses, because the fame majority that votes the bounty win not fail to call' the purpose a good «ne. Establish the doiTtriue of bounties and let us fee what may follow. Uniform .axes are laid to raile money—and that money is diftribtitecf— not uniformly ; the whole of it may be given to the people in one end of the Union. Could we fav in fuel, a cafe that the fax had been uniform— I think not -There is certainly a majority i n this w 10 think that the nation would belftronger and more independent, if all our labor was per formed by free men. This object might be pro moted by a bounty. Let a poll tax be laid ac cording to the constitution ofone dollar per poll • in this cafe sixty cents must be paid for each Save' and the number of slaves beinp- Mo , hei ; tax would amount to r dollars. To en courage ,he labor of citizens, let Congress then give an annual bounty of one dollar to eve-y f, C r man who ,s a mechanic, who labors i„ the field. We might be told that the bo-.ty was fniall, and the objerfl was good, but the measure would be molt oppressive, for it woold he a clear tax of rather more than three hundred thousand dollars on the southern Hates. - Perhaps the cafe I have pur istooftrong. Con gress can never do a thiiig that is so palpably nn jnlt, but this -fir, is the very mark at which the theory ef bounties seems to point. The certain operation of that areata re is theoppreflion of the southern Itaies, by foperior numbers in the nor thern ioterell. This was to be feared at the for mation of this government, and you find many articles in the conftiturioni, besides those I have quoted, which were certainly intended to guard us agninll the dangerous bias of ituerfcft and the power of numbers.—Wherefore was it provided that no duty lhould be laid on exports ? Was pt not to defend the great staples of the foutheryi Hates, tobacco, rice, and indigo from the opera tion' of unequal regulations of commerce or un equal indirect faxes : as another article had de fended us from unequal direct taxes. I do not hazard much in faying that the pre sent conllitution had never been adopted with out those preliminary guardsin it. Eftablifhthe general doctrine of bounties, and »I 1 the provisi ons I have mentioned become useless. They va nish into air, and like the baseless fabric of a vi sion, leave not a trace behind. The common de fence and general welfare, in the hands of agood ■politiciap, may supersede every part of our con ltitution, and leave us in the hands of time and chance. Manufactures in general, are ufeful to the nation, they promote the public good and general welfare ; how many of them arefpring ing up in the-northern ttates ? Let them be pro perly supported by bounties, and you will find no occasion for unequal taxes. The tax may he equal in the beginning, it will befufficiently un equal in the end. We are told that a nuiTery of Teamen may be of great use to the nation, and the bounty pro. posed is a very finall one These fir, are the reasons why 1 have marked this as a dangerous bill : the molt dangerons innovations are made under these circumstances. To begin with a great bounty would be imprudent, and to give a fmati bounty for a doubtful purpose, might de serve a worse epithet. HaJf a million of dollars per annum, would have been too much for a be ginning, and perhaps a bounty on the use of lleighs, though they are convenient for travel ling in winter ; or a bounty on (tone fences, though they are durable, would not at this time be prudent. The objetft of the bounty, and the amount of it, are equally to be disregarded in the present cafe : we are simply to consider whe ther bounties may fafely be given under the pre sent constitution ; for myfelf I would rather be gin with a bounty of one million per aim. than oneth'oufand : I wiflj that my conftitnenrs may know, whether they are to put any confidence in that paper, called the conßitution. You will fuffer me to fav, that the southern States have much to fear from the progress of this government, nnlefs your strength is govern ed by prudence ; the operation of the funding system, has translated at least two millions of dol lars, from the southern States, that is to fay from Georgia, th* Carolinas, and Virginia, to the Northern Stares. The interest of that sum when it shall be fix per cent, will be 120,000 dol lars ; but the quota of those States, is at lead one third of the whole ; whence it follows that they mult pay forty thousand dellars every year t . he . form of interest to the northern 'States! 1 hu, it seems, is not fufficienr, and other mea sures are to be adopted for draining the south ern States. Bounties to promote the general welfare, are already brought forward ; we shall not hear of a bounty for raising rice, or prepar ing naval stores. If that was the question, the general welfare would not have fucli prominent features. Unless the southern Stares are protect ed by the constitution, their valuable staples and their y.fionary wealth, must oc-rafion their de ftrudtion. Three fliort years has this govern ment existed ; it is not three years, bur we have already given fenons alarms to manv of our fel low-citizens ; eltablifh the doctrine of bounties • set aside that part of the constitution, which re quires equal taxes, and demand similar diftribu nons ; destroy this barrier, and it is not a few fifhertnen that will enter, claiming ten or twelve thouland dollars, but all manner of persons— peop e of every trade and occupation may enter t the breach until they have eaten up the bread of our children. 1 Perhaps 1 have viewed this project in too fe nous a l.ght, but if I am p , rri culirly solicitous on the fubjecft of finance, rhat we do not even feein to depart from ,he spirit of the constitu tion, it is because I wish that the union may be perpetual. Th, several States are now Pretty well relieved from their debts, and our fellow cuizens in the southern States have very ttTe ile wtV" T iional fu " ds : P reft a lit wi • "'"T ll '' c^ xes > and the remedy is plain \ ule w o i*Jd shim bounties, as leading to cl«ngero t „ measures, Fam not inattentive toU* • 'gument that has been advanced by the ho 350 norable member who firft rose !n defence of bill. That gentleman tells us rhar u bu(hel of fait is used in coring a quintal of If thi. be eftaWifoed, a« Luti be amended by giving a greater drawback. He fays, the drawback as it is now paid to the mer chant, does not operate so 3 s to encourage the seamen who have n.oft Bee d of such affile r ' ' S , V r y J P r -° - ab ' C '' " n ' d the Pities may be relieved by dividing the drawback in the verv manner that is proposed by the bill. If* it true that the proposed bounties, .will .not exceed the average of the drawback that should be paid 0.. fair, why do they contend about names,an. lels they are fohcitous about the precedent. If our obje(ft is to encourage indultry, and to m create our commerce, by fending fifh to a fareiw market,we must adhere to the drawback ; fori? cording to the terms of the bill, th* bounty be paid, thpngh every fifh that is caught, ihontl be confnmerf in the country ; in which cafe we fliould be paying a vifionat y drawback, when no thing was exported ; according to the terms rff the bill, there is no proportion between the fai. bour and the reward, so far as the bank sister* is concerned ; the bounty in all cases beino d,* fame. " 6 having exercised your patience in objeftjiw to tins new system of bounties, and having hiijt ed on some objections to the genera! operatioi of the bill, so far as industry and enterprise I may be desired ; I stall in a few words, fubnuV the out line of a plan that feei.is to comprehend all the ufeful parts of the bill, without any culation upon bounties. If the drawback on dried fifh exported, is not' • equal to the duty on the fait used in curing'foch fifh, let rhe drawback be increased to eleven . cents or twelve cents as rhe cafe may be. Let us suppose that rhe drawback for the next year will be equal to the drawback en the last year; and let that sum of money, being the expected, drawback, be divided between the f'eamen and owners according to the terms of rhe bill ; the accounts mult be made up annually. If the drawback exceeds the allowance that bad been made, the difference will be conlidered as advanc ed to the fifhery, and the allowance for the next year, mod be fomewhar reduced, according to ' the actual amount ®f the drawback, if the filh ermen are more fortunate or ninre active* and the exports are increased, the allowance for rhe next year must be railed. The rule being fixed by law, all that remains being pure calculation, may be done from year to year by the executive. Every important objedt of this bill that lias been presented to our view, may be obtained bv fafe and constitutional steps. Why should a man rake a dangerous and a doubtful path, when a fafe one presents itfelf ? If nothing more is de sired than to regulate and protect the fi/hery, th»j>ill may be altered ajld accommodated to, that purpose, if the theory of bounties is to be established, by which the southern States mnlt fuffer while others gain ; the bill informs us what we are to expert. (TO EE CONTINUED.) THURSDAY, February 21 Mr. Macon's motion, as amended, reads thus J " Resolved,, That the Secretary of' the Treafiiry cauj~n to be laid before the House a statement of the balances, if any, remaining unpaid, which 'nay have been due by individuals to the United States, previous to the 4th day of March, 1789; and whether any and what Iteps have been taken to recover the fame ; and also a ftatenient of the sundry funis of public monies, which may have been entrusted to individuals, pievious to the said 4th of March, and have not been accounted for." The yeas and nays having been called on the motion for committing the fame, were as follow : AYES. MelTrs. Aines, Baldwin, Barnwell, Benfon, Boudinot, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Dayton, Findley, Huger, Jacobs, Kitrera, Leai*aed, Li vennore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Sedgwick, W. Smith, Sterrett, Fitzlimons, Goodhue, Gregg, Hartley, Heifler, Hillhoul'e, Stnrges, Sylvester, Wadfworth, Wayne, Wvllis— 31. MefTrs. Afire, Brown, Gerry, Gilman, Grove, Key, Kirchell, Lee, Macon, Madison, Moore, Niles, Page, Parker, Schoonntaker, Seney, ]■ Snrith, !. Smith, Steele, Sumpter, Thatcher, T read well, Tucker, V r enable, Vining, White, Williamfon — 27. AgainlV the resolution as originally propose! by Mr. Macon, it was objeified, that it was infoi nial—that the law instituting the treasury cir parttnent had made every comperent pro v ifi° ll in the cafe—rhat the duty of the Comptroller was particulaily designated'—and that ;f he lias been deficient, the proper mode would he ro rail him to an account, and if found remiss, liefhonM be impeached. The resolution contained an im putation on that officer, and vet no gentleman had come forward with atry dii etflchargesagaiint him. It was fnrt her fnid that information .had been received from the Comptroller on this fuJ NAYS,
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