PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY 70HV trrvvn ,■ ' ~ ' ' , No. 15, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA. [No. 53, of Vol. lII.] ANSWER of M. SYEYES, To Mr. Paine's Letter, and to several other fublt- cations of a similar nature. MR. THOMAS PAINE is one of those men who have con tributed the mod to cllablilh the liberty of America. Hr ardent love of humanity, and his hatred of every fort of tyranny, have indnced him to take tip in England [he defence of (he French revolution, againll the amphigorical declamation of Mr. Burke. His work has been trariflated into our language, under the title of " Des Droits di l'Homme," and is univcrlally known. What French Patriot is there, who has not already, from the bottom of his heart, thanked this foreigner for having ftrength enrd our cause byall the powers of his reason and reputation ? It jt with pleasure that" I obfet ve an opportunity of offering him the tribute of my gratitude and niy cfteem for the truly philosophical application of talents so diflinguilhed as his own. Mr. Paine supposes that I have given him a challenge, and he accepts it. I have not given any challenge; but I (ball be very glad to afford to so able an author an opportunity of giving the world some further truths. Mr. Paine declares himfelf to be the open enemy of monarchi cal government. I merely fay, that-a republican.iorm of govern* mcnt appears to me to be inefficient for liberty. After an avow- also positive on both fides, nothing seems to remain for us but to 7>roduee our proofs, the public being entirely ready to decide be tween us. But unfortunately abftra£l quefhons, those especially that relate to a science, the very language of which is scarcely yet fixed, require to be prepared for investigation by a fort of preli minary convention. Before we begin a contest, to be carried on at lead under the standard of philosophy, it is absolutely ncceflary that we fbould be underOood. Mr. Paine is so conscious of this that he begins by giving definitions. "J do not undcr ftanrl," favs he, " by republicanism, that which beais the name in Holland, and in some Hates of Italy." When he wrote thus, the author was, no doubt, aware, that I, on my part, do not undertake to defend either the Ottoman, or the monarchy. In order to be reasonable in this dif cuflion, and certainly we both desire to be so, we ought to begin by reje&ing all examples. In point of social order, Mr. Paine cannot be less pleased than I am with the models which history offers us. The question between us then depends upon fnnple theory. Mr. Paine defends his republic, such as he underllands it; I defend monarchy, as I have conceived it " In short," fays Mr. Paine. " it is against the whole Hell oF monarchy, that I have declared war." I intreat him to be lieve, that in this undertaking, I would be bis second, and not his adversary. Ido not adopt the iniereft of the whole Hell of re publics. The one is as real a? the other, and avails jutl as much. If is impossible thzrt either Mr. Paine or myfelf should ever take* the part of any fort of Hell. " Bv republicanism," fays Mr. Paine, <c I undcrftand merely a government by representation." I have had some difficulty in conceiving, why it (hould be endeavoured to confound two no tions so diftinft as those of a representative system and republi canism ; and I hope for some attention to my answer. It is only since the event of the id of June last, that this repub lican party has been perceived. What is their object ? Can they be ignorant, that the plan of representation which the National AJTembfy has piefented to France, though imperfect in some of its parts, is, norwithftanding, the purest and the best which has ap peared in the world ? What then is the object of those who defiie a republic, when they define it to be (imply a government by re presentation ? What ! does this party, so lately formed, already endeavour to array itfelf with the honor of demanding, rcprefent ativc administration against the National Assembly itfelf ? Will thev feriouflv undertake to persuade men, that in all this there are but two opinions—that of the republicans, who wi(h a represent ation, and that of the National Assembly, who do not ? It is im poflihle to imoute to M. M. the new republicans, such a chimera ; or, that they should hope for such a blind docility on the part of the public and poftetity. When I speak of political representation, I go further than Mr. Patne. I maintain that every social constitution of which repre sentation is not the essence, is a falfe constitution. Whether a monarchy or not, every alfociation, the members of which do not all at once vacate their com mon administration, has but to chufe between representatives and masters, between despotism and legi timate government. There may be varieties in the manner of clafling the representatives, and their internal regulations; and lone of the different forms may be able to attribute to itfelf ex elufively the true, essential, and diftin£tive chara&er of all good government. We are not to imitate those who fav—Obfcrvc, I understand by a republic, a good government ; and by monarchy, a bad one : take that ground, and defend yourfclf. It is not to a man of abilities, like Mr. Paine, that it is necessary to give a cunt ion against such language. Whatever dispute may arise upon the different forts of repre sentations ; however it may be enquired, for instance, whether it is wife to employ exactly the fame method in the executive and the lcgiflative order; or whatever other questions of this fort may be produced, it does not at all follow, that upon these gradations and (hades, depend the difference between republicans and mo larcbicans. All these debates are, or will be, common to partisans of both •yftcms, and they will be equally so in either hypothesis of a good ° r a tad representation. In fa&, whether our established proxies (hall be well or ill chosen, or we!! or ill established, it will remain to be known what shall be their correlation, and how you will "'fpofe them amonft themselves, (or thebeft distribution and great facility of public operation. In one word, it will still remain to be known, whether you will kave a republic or a monarchy ; becaule, of themselves, the repub 'can and monarchic forms will apply either to a good or bad con 't'tution, to a good or bad government. It is not, therefore, the c ara&t r of a true representation, that it mud bear the diftinguifh attributes which maik republicans. Here, in my opinion, are the two principal points, by which the differrnce of the f wo fvftems are to be recognized. Make all political a&ion, that which you please to call the exe cutive power, center in a council of execution appointed by the **oplc, or by the National Aflfrfpbly, and vow have tormed a tc public, " • • ' ri »ce, on the contrary, at the head of the departments which 0u rail miniHcrial, and which ought to be better divided, re pon lhlc chiefs, independent one of another, but depend ing, as to " Clr ni *fliAcrul ejfi|lence, upon an individual of fupci'.or jank } in ~ ~SA;rU.Rb er 29, 179 1. whom is represented the ft able unity of government, or, what is t!ie fame, 0} national monarchy; this individual be authorised to chute and d lmils, in the name of the people, these firft execu tive chiefs, and to exercise foine other fuiftions (tillable to the public intt ieft, but his irresponsibility foe which cannot be dan gerous, and you have farmed a monarchy. FROM THE COLUMBIAN CLNTINEL. MR. BURKE, Has been charged with entertaining defpc.tic principles. The charge is not however, well founded ; as can be demotidrated by the fal lowing extract from a pamphlet lately published by him, intitled, " All Appeal from the new to the old WHIGS," which the Editor received in the last vellel From Europe. The indignation which has marked his public writings and speak ing,_ it seems, was whollj excited bj the levelling, spirit of the F'ench Democrats ; farfpeaking of another revolution, which has lately pafled be fore the world—and condemning the silence in which it has been pafled over in England, he fays :— " THE STATE OF POLAND Was undoubtedly filch, that there could scarcely exist two opinions, but that a reformation of its coniti tut ion, even at fohie expence of blood, might be seen without mncli disapprobation. No confufion could be (eared in such an enter prize ; because the eftablifhinent to be reformed was it lei f a Hate of confufion. A King without authority ; Nobles without union or subordina tion ; a People without arts, industry, commerce, or liberty ; no order within ; no defence with out ; no effective public force, but a foreign force, which entered a naked country at will, I and disposed of every thing at pleasure. Here was a (fate of things which seemed to invite and might perhaps jufiify bold enterprize and despe rate experiment" But in what manner was this chaos brought into order ? The means were as (hiking to the imagination, as fatisfactory to the reason, and soothing to the moral fentinient. In contemplating that change, humanity has eve ry thing to rejoice and to glory in ; nothing to be ashamed of, nothing to fuffer. So far as it has gone, it probably is the moil pure and de fecated public good which ever has been confer red on mankind. We have seen anarchy and servitude at one removed ; a throne strengthen ed for the protection of the people, without trenching on their liberties ; all foreign cabal banilhed, by changing the crown from eleiftive to hereditary ; and what was a matter of pleas ing wonder, we have seen a reigning King, from an heroick love to his country, exerting himfelf with all the toil, the dexterity, the management, and intrigue, in favor of a family of strangers, with which ambitious nien labour for the aggran disement of their own, Ten millions of men in a way of being freed gradually, and therefore fafely to theinielves and the (late, not from civil or political chains, which, bad as they are, only fetter the mind, but from , substantial personal bondage. Inhabitants of cities, before withjut privileges, placed in the consideration which be longs to that improved and connedted lunation of facial life. One of the moll proud, numerous, and fierce bodies of nobility and gentry ever known in the world, arranged only in the fare iiioft rank of free and generous citizens. Not one mar. incurred loss, or fuffered degradation. All, from the King to the day-labourer, were im proved in their condition. Every thing was kept in its place and order ; but in that place and or der every thing was bettered. To add to this happy wonder (this unlieard-of conjunction of wifdoin and fortune) not one drop of blood was spilled ; 110 treachery ; no outrage ; no system of (lander more cruel than the sword ; 110 ft udied insults on religion, morals, or manners ; no spoil ; no confiscation ; no citizen beggared ; none imprisoned ; none exiled : the whole was effected with a policy, a discretion, an unanimity and secrecy, such as have never been before known 011 any occasion ; but such wonderful conduct; was reserved far this glorious conspiracy in favour of the true and genuine rights and in terefi sos men. Happy people, if they know to proceed as they have begun ! Happy Prince, worthy to begin with splendor, or to close with "lory, a race of patriot Kings : and to leave, A name, which every wind to hcav'n would bear, Whirl) Jieo to tell, and Aojeli joy to hear. [7o be continued.] UUso [Whole No. 261.1 1 TERMS and CONDITIONS declared by the Pre sident of the United States, this feventeein day of Ottober, seventeen hundred and ninety-ont, for regulating the Materials and manner oj the Buildings and Improvements on the LOTS in the City of WASHINGTON. the outer and party-walls of all A houses within the said City shall be built of brick or stone. 2d. That all buildings on the streets shall be parallel thereto, and may be advanced to th ; line of the ftreec, or withdrawn therefrom, at the pleasure of rhe improver : But where an* fucli building is about to be erected, neither the foundation or party-wall /hall be begun, with out firft applying to the person or persons ap pointed by the Commiflioners to superintend the buildings within the city, who willfifceriraui lines of the walls to corhefyond with the'fe regu lations. 3d. The wall of no house to be higher than sorry feet to the roof, in any part of the city ; nor shall any be lower than thirty-five feet on any of the avenues. 4th. That the person or persons appointed by the Commiflioners to superintend the buildings, may enter on the land of any person, to set ouc the foundation and regulate the walls to be built between party and party, as to the breadth and thickness thereof: Which foundation shall be laid equally upon the lands of the persons be tween whom such party-walls are to be built, and shall be of the breadth and thickness determined by such person proper ; and rhe firft builder shall be reimbursed one moiety of the charge of such party-wall, or so much thereof as the next build er shall have occasion to make use of, before such next builder shall any ways use or break into the wall—The charge or value thereof to be set by the person or persons so appointed by the Com mrffiwners. — jth. As temporary conveniences will be pro per for lodging workmen and fee uring materials for building, it is to be underllood that such may be ereified with the approbation of the Commis sioners : But they may be removed or difcontin tied, by the special order of the Commiflioners. 6th. The way into the squares being designed in a special manner for the common use and con venience of the occupiers of the refpetti ve squares —the property in the fame is leferved to the public, so that there may be an immediate in terference on any abuse of the use thereof, by any individual, to the nuisance or obftru<3ion of pthers. The proprietors of the Lots adjoining the entrance into the squares, on arching over the entrance, and fixing gates in the manner the Commiflioners shall approve, shall be entitled to divide the space over the arching and build it up with the range of that line of the square. 7th. No vaults shall be permitted under the streets, nor any encroachments on the foot-way above, by steps, stoops, porches, cellar-doors, windows, ditches, or leaning walls ; nor shall there be any proje<ftion over the street, other than the eves of the houses, without the consent of the Commiflioners. Btli. These regulations are the terms and con ditions upon which conveyances are to be made according to the deeds in trust of the lands with in the city. GEORGE WASHINGTON. on. I 7; EXTRACTS. IF we drop a pebble, the fizeof a notmeg, up on the smooth furfaceof a river, we lhall observe the circular waves to be fniall, and iflbe only to a little distance from the centre. If" we drop ano ther the size of a cannon (hot, it operates with multiplied force, the surrounding waves swell to a superior size, and extend to a more distant space.—The mind, unimproved by letters or con vention, deals in trifles, is hemmed in by itfelf and extends not far from its own centre ; while he, who is enlightened by education, whose ideas are improved by ftndy, rises to a more elevated height, and takes in a more extensive compass. THE conversations of the lower class rife from themselves, and terminate where they rife. Their observations seldom extend to men or things • they deal in the little; keep near their own centre ; are heroes of their own story : and bla zon those actions, which never existed to blazon ihemfelves. \
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