PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADFI PHIA [No. 25, of Vol. in.] FROM THE (BOSTON j COLUMBIAN CEN'TINEL. Mr. RUSSELL, MR. PAIINJE affirms that the French nation have a Constitution, and that the Englifli have none. I have already offered a few ooler •vations upon the latter part of this allertion, but as a prelimanary to some remarks, which 1 pro pose to make upon his comparison, 1 mult pre mise that directly the reve*fe ot his opinion up on this fubjedt is the truth, and that in reali.y the Englifli nation have a Constitution, and th French as yet have none. The National A lie in bly have indeed been constantly fitting these two years, to form a Constitution, and at the teie niony of the Federation about eleven mouths since, they swore theinfelves and their King to the observance of a Constitution, to be made. But as they are still pollefl'ed of the whole pow er of the nation, they may repeal any article upon which they have hitherto agreed, by virtue of the fame authority, which enabled them to pass the decree, and therefore according to Mr. Paint'% own ideas, the French' cannot be said to have a Conrfltuiion, until the National Aflem bly Ihall please to diflolve themselves and to put their whole fyltem into operation. 1 have endeavoured to (how that it is not ab folutcly efl'ential to the exigence of a Constitu tion, that it flioold be producible " in a visible form." The period of time when the founda tions of the present Englilh government were laid by the alfociation of the people, in " their original character" cannot indeed be ascertained. Many of the laws which are in use to this day in Great-Britain, and from thence have been adopted by the American Republics may be tra ced back to theremotelk period of antiquity, and the origin even of thp inltitmion of Juries, an institution so congenial to the genuine spirit of freedom, is loft in the obicurity of the fabulous ages. Many of the fundamental principles of the Englifli Constitution, are known to have had existence long before the invention of printing, and even before the inhabitants of Britain were acquainted with the ofe of letters, and it would therefore be an absurdity to vequi re that the ori ginal articles ftiould be produced, " in a visible form." But "ex nihilo, nihil fit," the very ex istence of these principles proves the formation of a social compact previous to that exiltence, and the spirit of liberty which is their diltin guifhing characfteqiftick. affords internal evi dence, that they did not originate in the merci less despotism of a conqueror, but in the free and unreltrained consent of a manly and gene rous people. It will not be said that an original compacfl was never formed because it is not re corded in the page of liiftory ; as well might it be pretended that the pyramids of Egypt arose felf-created from the earth, because the time of their erection, and the names of their builders, have been consigned to that oblivion, in wnich all human labours aredeftincdto be overwhelm ed. William of Normandy, to whom Mr. Pains al ways refers the origin oftheEnglilh government, was the conqueror only of Harold. He obtained the crown of England by popular election, upoa the express condition that he would govern the na tion according to her ancient laws and cuttoms ; lie took the fame oath at his coronation which had been taken by his predeceflors ; and by his last will, after bequeathing the province of Nor mandy to his eldest fbn Robert, he expressly ac knowledged that he did not poflefs the kingdom of England as an inheritance, and only recom mended his son William as hisfucceflor. It would be altogether unnecefl'ary at this time to discuss the question whether the crown of England was originally hereditary or elective, but the faifts which I have here stated, and which are war ranted by all the moll ancient and moll authen tic English historians, fully demonstrate that the Englilh government did not originate in the Nor man conquest. "If the fucceliion runs in the line of the conquest, the nation runs in the line of being conquered, and it ought to rescue icfelf from this reproach," fays Mr. Paine. "The •vitflory obtained at Halting? not being a victory over the nation colleCirjely, but only over the per son of Harold, the only right that the conque ror could pretend to acquire thereby, was the right to poflefs the crown of England, not to al ter the nature of the government," fays Judge Blackltone, (i Com. 199) Upon a question of Saturday, July 16, 1791. fadt relative to the English constitution, Black .tone is, 1 believe, as good -in authority as Mr. Paine, but 1 wilh not to reft the question upon iny authority whatever ; I venture to affirm that my man who will coolly and impartially exa nine the fubjecft, and appeal to the original sources of information, will acknowledge, that rhofe who derive the origin of the English go vernment from William th.: conqueror, can do it upon 110 other principle t in that of support - ing a system. It is not however neceflaiy on the present oc casion to revive a question, .vhich has been dif ciiffcd among the Engltjh with all the acrimony of faction. Mr. Paine has chosen the ground, which was not found tenable by the flavifli f'up porte; s of passive obedience, and the divine right of Kings. They took it originally because it was neceflary to them for the support of their system, and they wete driven from it by the friends and fupporrers of equal liberty. Mr. Paine found ii necessary 10 support a doc'trine of a very diffvrei.t nature ; and adopting the max im that it is lawful to learn, even from our ene mies, he has freely borrowed from them the practice of accommodaiing the farts of history to his political purposes. Be i hat however as ir may, the Parliament of Great Britain from time to time have enacted certain laws which from tiieir fnperior import ance have been deiiotnina'ed constitutional ; the acquiescence of the people, to whom molt of those laws have been extremely fatisfacftory, gives them at least as (*ood a faniftion as the constitution of Krance has obtained. The Na tional Ailembly were nor oigmally chosen to form a constitution ; they were called together as States-General, under the authority of ano ther constitution, such as it was. They aihimed the power to dilfolve the old constitution and to form another, and the acqniefcence of the peo ple has confirmed that aflinnption. At all events therefore their conftitnt 'i ilartd* upon no bet ter ground than the aCU ot the tfritifti Parlia ment. If . hen the Parliament of Great Britain have a right to declare what lhall be the supreme law of the land, they will be able to produce a sys tem of constitutional law, even according to Mr. Paine's wifli "in a visible form." This sys tem is contained in a number of statutes, enadted not at one time, or by one body of men, but at divers times, according to the occasional conve nience of the people, and by a competent autho rity. These statutes contain the principles up on which the Englilh government is founded, and are therefore proper objects of coinparifon with the constitution which is to be the supreme law of the land in France. The comparisons which Mr. Paine has drawn are not partially fa vourable to his native country. We lhall en quire whether they are perfectly confident with truth. PUBLICOLA. The above is No. 6—No. 7, appealed in om lafl. FROM THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE. The ECONOMIST. Make not more hafle than good speed, IS advice worth observing. Halle often makes wufte. Some lose more by their precipitancy than they gain by their indnftry. They are in so great a hurry about one thing, that they for get other things and accoinplifh nothing. They have a dozen ilefigns in their heads at once, de manding attention, and like » numerous litter of pigs, pufliing away one another. They are busy in collecting ; and what they gather with their hands, they kick away with their feet.— Fsrvidus is one of this fort of men. No man is more busy, or does left to the pnrpufe. A piece of ground rauft be ploughed to-day. To-mor row something else malt be done. He hires a plough-boy, tackles his team, drives them on the full run into the field, has forgothis plough, whips the boy because he did not think of it, hastens back after it, the boy runs home ; it is noon before he can bring his matters together, and he does but half a day's work. In the course of a summer he overturns several loads of hay: There is the appearance of a Ihower, lie goads 011 his cattle ; and inltead of looking at his cart, looks at the cloud ; his load is over set, and out in the rain. He rises in a winter morning, with a determination to (led home three loads of wood. He must firft get his boots 89 fill tso [Whole No. 251.] mended. He runs to the barn—throw: some hay to his cattle in the (tables—forgets thofc in he yard—never shuts the door, haitens to the ! hoeinaker, but has left his boors at home—runs back after them—finds his cattle in the barn and his oxen at the corn-crib—drives them out with a vengeance—goes into the house in a foam—ftrikes the firlt he meets for leaving the barn door open—concludes his oxen will die— cooks a mess to prevent the fatal effecfts of the corn they have eaten —in his hurry kicks it o ver—and then prepares another. He gets no wood to-day, keeps himfelf in a fret and his fa mily in a tumult. He gives his people no order how to employ themselves—they lose their time, and at night he is in a rage, because not a foul has done any work. Fervidus fully believes the doctrine of witchcraft. .And his family are so berly of the opinion, that there is an evil spirit. Ltntulus is a different character. He is indul rrious, but moderate. You never fee him idle, nor in a great hurry. He plans his business well ; lays out no more than can be executed in season ; takes things in their proper order, without confufion or interference. He finiflies what lie undertakes, proceeds with little noise, and never destroys what he has done, by an ea- Sjernefs to do more than can be done. He rises early, attends the dated duties of the family de liberately, idues the orders of the day calmly, and finds them at night executed faithfully.— When one thing is done, all know what 10 do next; there is no confufion ; and what cannot bt accompli/hed in one day, he is content to leave for another. If, when he has hay abroad he fees a shower ariflng, he will secure it if he can. But he never breaks his rakes by his hur ry to anticipate the fliower ; nor breaks his reft if the Ihower anticipates him. When the day is closed, his cares are dismissed. He spends the evening in nfeful conversation with his family or a neighbour. Whatever happens, you will fee him serene and temperate. He is thankful for fuccef3—never dircompufeil by cross acci dents—He never blames others for his mistakes, nor chides them with paftionate severity for their own. You never fee him out of humour for what could not be prevented, or anxious for what is not in human power. He spends the day cheerfully, closes it devontly, and pas ses the night quietly. He is fuccefsful in his business ; his donielticks love his service ; the blessings of the poor come upon him, and the smiles of heaven attend him. Lentulus is never molested by witchcraft. FROM THE NEWPORT HERALD. Bishop Newton's Prophesies. Mr. Printer, IN reading the late Bishop of Bristol's difierta tions on the prophesies, wrote in the year 1754, I met with two paflages bearing some reference ta what now pafles in Europe : ift. " There is a current tradition among the common people in Turkey, that their Empire shall one time or other be destroyed by the Ruf fians." This doubtless makes them fear the Ruffians, and probably occasions their not making that head against them, that they would againit another enemy. The other paflage needs 110 comment: "Rome therefore will finally be destroyed by some of the Princes, who are reformed, or (hall be re formed, from Popery;—and as the Kingx of France havs contributed greatly to her advance ment, it is not impoflible, or improbable, that some time or other they may also be the princi pal authors of her deftruclion. France hath al ready fliown some tendency towards a reforma. tion, and therefore may appear more likely to accomplish it," Ed. 8. V. I. p. 407: V. 11. p. 336. FRENCH CONSTITUTION. The following Jketch of the French Conflitutitrt, as given by the late celebrated Mirabeau, is •wetliuorth the attention of our readers. THAT general system of admiration is now full and complete, which throughout the whole furface of the empire, gives interpreters to the petitions of the people, organs to the laws, fanc ionatiesto the executive power, mandatories to each department, and to each city intennedia tory officers to the collctftion of citizens.
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