■ ANI) SATURDAYS BY JOHN FEN NO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN' SECOND AND THIRD ! [No. 20, of Vol. lII.] FROM THE (BOSTON) COLUMBIAN CEN'TINEL, Mr. RUSSELL, rt 'T" , HKRE are in all European countries," A favs Mr. Paine, a large class of people of that description, which in England are called the mr.j." It was by the people of this descrip tion that the Baftile in Paris was deltroyed. In London there is no Baltile to deuioliili ; but there is a government to overturn ; and there is akingand parliament who mull either be put to flight or compelled to call a convenciou for the purpose of forming a conllitution. " In the commencement of a revolution those men are rather the followers of the camp than of the// and tird of liberty, and have yet to be inftruc'ted how to reverence it." As these men were made instrumental to the accomplishment of the revo lution in France, Mr. Paine appears to intimate that they may be employed forafimilar purpose in England—! am as little disposed as Mr. Paine be, to reproach either the whole nation to which they belong, or that unhappy class of hu man beings themselves for the devaltation which they commit.'.They cannot be considered as free agents, and therefore are neither the fubjetfts of praise or blame; but the friend of humanity will be extremely cautious how he ventures to put in action a tremendous power, which is com petent only to the purposes of deftrutftion, and totally Incapable either to create or to preserve. This class of nien of whom it is the happinefsof Americans, scarcely to be able to form an idea, can be brought to adl in concert upon no other principles than those of a frantick enthufiafin and ungovernable fury ; their profound igno rance and deplorable credulity, make them pro per tools for any man who can inflame their paifions, or alarm their fupetftition ; and as they have nothing to lose by the total dissolution of civil society, their rage may be easily directed againlt any viiHirn which be pointed out to them. Thev are altogether incapable of form ing a rational judgment cither upon the princi ples or the motives of their own conduct ; and whether the objedt for which they are made to contend, be good or bad, the brutal arm of pow er is all the alhftance they can afford for its ac complishment. To set in motion this inert nials, the eccentrick vivacity of a madman, is infinite ly better calculated than the sober coolness of phlegmatic reason. They need only be provok ed and irritated, and they nevertan in anyothei manner be called into a*Sion. In the year i 7SO, they aflembled at London, to the number of 60,000, under the direction of Lord George Gor don, and carrying fire and flaughtcr before them, were upon the point of giving the whole city of London to one undistinguished devaftion and de ft ruction : And this, because the parliament had mitigated the fever ty of a languinary and tyran nical law of perfec utian, against the Roman Ca tholics. Shold these people be taught, that they have a right to do every thing, and that the ti tles of kings and nobles, and the wealth of bi fhopsare all usurpations and robberies cotnmited upon them, I believe it would not be difficult to route their paflions, and to prepare them for every work of ruin and deftrntftion. But, Sir, when they are once putin motion, they soon get beyond all reflraint and controul. The rights of man, to life, liberty and property, oppose but a feeble barrier to them ; thebeautious face of nature and the elegant refinements of art, the hoary head of wisdom, and the enchanting ("mile of beauty, are all equally liable to become obnoxious to them ; and as all their power con fills in defti union, whatever meets with their difplea'ure mil ft be devoted to ruin. Could any thing but an imperious, over-ruling necefiity juflify any man or body of men, forufing a wea pon like this to operate a revolution in govern , nrcnt ? Such indeed was the situation of the French national aflembly, when they directed the elertric fluid of this popular frenzy, against ihe ancient fabrick of their monarchy. They justly thought that 110 price could purchase too dearly the fall of arbitrary power in an individu al, but perhaps even they were not aware of all the confeqtiences which might follow from com mitting the existence of the kingdom, to the cultody of a lawless and desperate rabble. But do the people of England labour under ftich intolerable oppretfiou, as would authorise auy of their patriots to employ an arm like this for their relief,' Suppofc sixty thousand men Wednesday, Jul! 6, 1791- should afTemble round Wellminfter-hall, and with clubs and firebrands for their sole ar guments, should compel the parliament to call a convention to make a conflit ution, what would be the probable consequences ? Is it clear that I'o large a majority in the people of England, have lolt all their attachment to their conltitiuion, as to insure an acquiescence in the measure throughout the kingdom ? Is it certain that one quarter part of the people would obey an ac't extoi ted by such violence as that ? Would not ail the friends of the present government rally round the (landard of the conllitution, and would not their duty compel them to defend it with their lives and fortunes ? If it should soon appear that they were decidedly the ftrongelt party, would not the insurreCtion be extinguilhed in the blood of its leaders ? If the parties should prove to be nearly equal, would not the nation be involved in all the hoprors of a l° n g and bloody civil war ?—ln whatever point of view, the effects of this scheme are contemplated, they present nothing but profpe&s at which every friend of mankind mult fliudder, nor can I possi bly believe that Mr. Paine, who is certainly a benevolent man, would deliberately recommend this method, th nigh in his ardent zeal for the honor of the French nation, and the propagation oft heir doctrines, he has incautiously fuggelted it. But he recommends revolutions by accommo dation ; which applied to England, must mean that a convention be called by a free and delibe rate act of parliament, to alter the conllitution ; but this plan appears to be equally dangerous with the other, and more impracticable : while by a lingular fatality an acft of this kind would be the completed evidence of its own inutility, it would be equally dangerous, because by a for mal afl of competent authority it would expose the kingdom to all the evils of anarchy and of war, which in the other cafe would result from a popular convulsion. It would be less practica ble, because it is contrary to nature, that any body of men should venture to perform the moil tranfeendnnt acft of power of which human be ings are capable, for the lingle puipofe of divert ing themselves ofall power whatever. It would prove its own inutility, because no man will pre fnme that they ought to take such a measure, un less the wiihes of a clear and decided majority of the people are favorable to an alteration of the government. If they are disposed to act in conformity with the desires of the people, the very fame power which would authorise tbem to didolve the government, would likewise jullify them in making any alterations which (liould meet with the wilhes of the nation, and would render a recurrence to them " in their original charadler" perfectly unneceflary. Whatever Mr. Pa in e's opinion may be with refpecft to the existence of an Englifb constituti on, it is certain that every member of the British parliament, who gives his vote in the making of a new law, or the alteration of an old one, mud suppose that he arts by virtue of a conllitutional right, veiled in him ; but the fame right which authorises him to give his fuffrage in the mofl trifling objecft of legislation, has veiled in the parliament of which he is a member, the whole power of the British nation, and he cannot pos sibly deny their right without utterly destroying his own. The right of the individual depends altogether upon the right of the corporation, and his right to vote for the regulation of a turn pike or the toll cf a bridge, is the fame with ihei r's to make every neceflary and convenient alteration in the conllitution of the kingdom it felf. While they are thus convinced of their right to exercise these great powers, would it not be the summit of extravagance, and folly in them, nay, would it not be the molt flagrant breach of the trull reposed in them, of which they could possibly be guijfy, to abdicate an au thority lawfully committed to them, to'declare themselves altogether incompetent to a wife and prudent nfe of a conflitu.yonal power, and to commir the peace, the welfare, the very exilt ence of the nation, to the uncertain and hazard ous event of a revolution ? If, however, we can fu|ipofe that the parlia ment ffiould finally accede to the idea, that thev are mere tyrants without the shadow of a right ;o the authority which they have hitherto exer cised, the only act which they could agree 10, would be a vote to diflblve themselves, and leave the vell'el of the dare without either a pilot or a HUso TREFTS, PHILADELPHIA [Whole No. 228.] rudder. Kor the very adt of calling o tonveay -011 would be an usurpation, and from the impor tance of its consequences, an ufurpaiion of the molt daring natore : It would be afiiiiniiig tliti right to diilolve the ties of society ; and -at the fame instant acknowledging that this afi'mned right: was without any J'ort of foundation. In short, this plan of calling a, convention to alter the conflitntion, by act of parliament, appears to me in whatever light Jit is conlidered, to in volve an absurdity. But, as there is unquestionably somewhere in England, a combination of the right and of the power to alter the constitution of the country, and as that constitution is indubitably liable to be improved, we may be permitted to enqtiire, whether a blind imitation of the French national aflembly would probably promote the happ'niefs of the people ; the only object for which all govern ments were instituted, or which can authorise their alteration. PUBLICOLA. FROM Till CONNECT ICU T COURANT. THE present revolution in France has been llightly hinted at and predicted by Voltaire and others; but by none does it appear to be so clearly predicted and ascertained, as by Monsieur le Mercier, in his Tableau de Paris, or Piifture of Paris The following paflage, translated from that in terfiling pi(fture of Parisian manners, will clear ly evince that the prefetit revolution was inevi table ; that it was not the efFctl of popular ca price, or blind zeal of enthusiasts—but the neces sary consequence of the rapid advancement of science in that kingdom, and a just knowledge of the rights of human nature. " For these thirty years alone, a great and im portant revolution, iu our ideas, has been effect ed. The public opinion, this day, in Europe, has a preponderating influence, which nothitig can refill : Thus while we admire the progreis of science, and the change which must flow from it, we are permitted to hope, that it will produce to the world the greateil good, and that tyrants of every kind will tremble before that universal cry, which now resounds and continues to fill and roufejill Europe. " It is by means of letters and of writers, that ji!fl ideas have, for these thirty years, with rapi dity, pervaded all the provinces of France, and that the offices of government have been filled wiih excellent magistrates. All the enlightened citizens, at this da}, are actuated by the fame sentiments. New ideas circulate freely ; every thing that relates to inftru«ftion, is adopted with boldness. The fpiritof observation is fine, which spreads in every part, promises us the fame ad vantages that some of our happy neighbours now enjoy. Writers have diffufed real treasures, in giving us the moll ju ft, the most delightful ideas, and inlpiring us with those gentle, those indul gent virtues, which form and embellish society. " Preachers of morality appear not to be igno rant of man, and to enflame his palfions, inltead of rendering them calm and moderate. The bias, which letters have, for these some years past, thus produced, will at length become ufeful to humanity ; and those, who are incredulous of their salutary influence, are either blind or hy pocritical. " The influence of writers is furh, at this day, that they can announce their hopes, and no lon gei disguise that lawful authority, which they have over the human inind. Standing firm on the basis of public good, and the real knowledge of human nature, they will direcft national ideas. The wills of individuals are already in their hands. Morality is now become the principal fludy of noble minds ; literary glory seems here after to be destined to him, who (hall, with the most firm voice, support the interest of nations. "Writers, sensible of their august employ ments, will be jealous of anfwerir.g the import ance of theirtruft ; and wealready behold, truth, with boldnels extending herfelf on every fide. It is prelumed, that this general tendency will produce a happy revolution." The Philanthropic and the Philosopher are highly gratified in reflecting, that this revolution has in fact taken place, and upon such principles as mtifl: ensure its fiiccefs; and may fafelv con clude, from this pleasing profpedt, that similar revolutions, in favor of the rights of humanity, and founded on similar principles, will loon per vade not only Europe but the world.
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