of§ PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS HY JOHN FtWNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA. [No. 97, of Vol. ll.] Discourses 011 Davila .No. 2y THK Queen-Mother had either lriore liypo crify, or more foftnefs of temper or more cunning. She was for eilaying all means of al luring the Chiefs of tlie Hugonots to the bosom of the Church, and their obedience to the King. The differences of circnmftances, of manners, of interelts and charaifters, as usual, divided their sentiments, and, cauting them to look at things on different lides, dilated opposite reso lutions. The two Kings however take measures in concert to suppress rebellions. The Queen «f Navarre comes to court. The King engages the family ot the Chatillons to a reconciliation with that of the Guises. Their reciprocal hatreds i'oon rekindle and breakout afrefli. The Queen of Navarre in discontent quits the court. The advice of tlie Duke of Alva was conform able to the temper and character of this King. He said he highly relilhed the sentiment of the Duke of Alva ; that; the heads of thole rebels were too high in the State. The four families of Bourbon, Montmorency, Guile and Chatillon, all stimulated by other subordinate families de pendent on them, continue their emulations, fallacies, hatreds, envies, oppositions, intrigues, manoeuvres, combinations, decomposition'S, ter giversations : Another civil war breaks out, the history of which with its causes and events, we ilfa.ll leave the reader to read in detail. In 1567, at the battle of Saint Dennis, the Constable de Montmorency, in fpight of five wounds he had received in the head and face, fought with ex treme valour, endeavors to rally his troops, and lead them 011 to battle, when Robert Stuart a Scot, came up to him and presenting to him a pistol, the Constable said to him, " yon are ig norant then that lam the Constable." "It is because I know you, said Stuart, that I present yon this," and at the fame time fliot him in the ihoulder with his own pistol ; although the vio lence of the blow (truck down the Constable, he had still strength enough left to strike Stuart in the face with the hilt of his sword, which re mained in his hand, though the blade was bro ken, wiih such force as broke his jaw, beat out three of his teeth and brought him down by his fide half dead. The Hugonots were defeated however, but the next day the Constable died at the age of fourfcore, after having shown in the action as much enterprize, bravery and vigor as if he had been in the full strength of his youth. He preserved to his last moment, an admirable firtnnefs and presence of mind ; a priest ap proached his bed, to prepare him for death ; the Constable turned so him with a serene counte nance, and prayed to be left in repose—adding it would befhameful for him to have lived eighty years, without learning to die for half an hour. ITis wifdoin, his rare prudence, and long experi ence in affairs procured for him and his family immense riches, and the firft em ploy nients under the crown : But he was always so unfortunate in the command of armies, that in all the enter piizes where he had the command in thief, he was either beaten, or wounded or made prisoner. I he Calvimftic army retired into Champaine, and afterwards into Lorrain to meet the troops they expecfted from Germany. The Queen, whom the death of the Constable had now delivered from the power and ambition of the Grandees and who remained the single arbiter of the Ca tholic party, would 110 longer expose herfelf to the dangers of an unlimited power by advifmtr the King to name another Constable or General' of the army. She judged more proper to re- Cerve to the disposition of the King and in her own power, the whole authority of the command. She therefore persuaded Charles, by many rea sons, to place at the head of his army, the Duke of Aujou his brother, a young I rince of great hopes, but who was nor yet sixteen years ofa-re. 1 he army is reinforced byfuccouis Cent from ? landers by the King ofSpain, and from Piedmont and many other places. The Duke of Anjou follows the Hugonots, to give them battle before their junction with the Germans. He overtakes them near Chalons: But the misunderstandings and other obltacles excited in his council, hinder him from hazarding a battle. The Calvinifts pais the Meufe and form a junction with the aux iliary troops commanded by the Prince Caffimir. 1 hey return into Champaine. The Queen eoes to the army to extinguifl, rhedivifions that reign iheie. 1 hey take the resolution not to attack Saturday. April 2, 1791. the Hugonots, now become too formidable : but to draw one the war, ii,to length ; marches off the two armies, Satisfied with observing each other's motions. This Fabian fyitem of the Ca tholics disconcerts the Prince of Conde and the Admiral, unprovided with money to support, for any length of time, their army. In order to draw the royal army to battle they form the siege of Thames. The danger of that city gives occa sion to new propositions of peace : Indeed a peace is concluded and the two armies are separated ; but the Hugonots did not surrender all the pla ces they were matters of, nor did the King dis charge his Swiss or Ifallian troops —which occa sion new quarrels. TOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. MR. FENNO, A WRITER in your paper has expressed his surprise that only in the state of Pennsylva nia the law for eftablifliing the Bank of the Uni ted States has been found fault with : It has yet had hardly time to circulate in the others ; and it is a measure of so much depth, and in its confeqoeiices of fomuch greater magnitude than appeais on the fuperficies, that it will require a good deal of time for investigation, before its merits can be justly appreciated. It did not want however for respeCtable authorities opposed to it at its birth, and it is believed their reason ings are such as will bear the test of time. Whether the opposition be numerous, or whether the publications against it be those of a single indi vidual, or of many, is of no importance to the question • If the reasonings ate right, and ground ed on solid principles, they will carry their own weight with them—nor will theprogrefs of truth be less certain because of its being flow or unat tended. If an attachment to the Bank of North-Ameri ca, (now called it seems the Bank of this State,) be a signal of opposition, then indeed the num ber of opponents will be numerous—for that heart inuft be dead to all the finer feelings of human nature, that can at once forget the eminent ser vices rendered by this Bank, not to the State on ly, but to the United States—whofeprefervation in a very critical moment may be greatly deduced from it : This attachment is the natural charac terillic of an enlightened American, who has vvknefled the scenes of the late war, and thinks it hard the Bank alone should fuffer, in a moment when all other creditors for public services are ac Jealt receiving two thirds of their dues. The friends of the Bank of North-America are also warm and zealous friends of the United States ; they are among the moll ftedfaft fup portersofits present excellent Conllitution of government —they have no diffidence in the a bundant resources of their country they contri bute largely to its Imports, and have all'the zeal any other citizens can have for the due support of its power ; but they fee 110 reason for all this, to relinquiili the solemn chartered rights thcvare poflefled of, or to yield to any other Bank the high privilege offerving their country, for which they were so early and so fuccefsful candidates. The people of Pennsylvania are too enlightened to embark all in one bottom, or not to cherish that power most, which is exclusively their own : By being strong, the State is the more refpecfta ble, and (he can riot be independent but by hav ing her monied resources at her own command. The public creditors are fafe in reposing 011 the faith of the Union for their payments : To these no Bank is eflential, while the country has justice to do what is right, and power to collecl the necefl'iry funds : How far their interests are concerned in the propofcd Bank can be easily lievvn them ; it may become the grave of their certificates, but can never give them more lifeJr vigor than is implied in their present solid and secure foundation—on the faith of the United States. avarice MR. Osterwald, a well known Banker, died lately at Paris, literally of want— —" A want, which many may think mad " But numbers feci the want of what he had." This man, originally of Neufchatel, felt the violence of the disease of Avarice— for surely it is rather a disease than a pajfion of the mind, so urongly, that within a few days of his death, no importunities could induce him to buy a few pounds of meat f»r the purpose of making a lit 801 Uks o [Whole No. 20i.J tie soup for him—" Tis true," said he, "I fliould not dislike the soup, but I have no appetite (or the meat—what then is to become of that ?" At the time that he refufed this nouriflnnent,for fear of being obliged to give away two or three pounds of meat, there was tied round his neck a filkeu bag, which contained 800 Affignats of 1000 livres each. At his outset in life, he drank a pintofbeer, which served him forfupper, every night at a house much frequented, from which he carried home all the bottle corks he could come at. Of these, in the course of eight years, he had collected as many as fold for twelve louis d'ors, a sum that laid the foundation of his future fortune—the fuperftru<flure of which was rapidly raised by his uncommon fuccefsin stock-jobbing. He died poffefled of three millions of livres, 12J,0001. fieri. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES SATURDAY, Feb. 7. Tb; BANK BTLL undc r confidiration. MR. GILES, IN thecourfeofdifcuffingthe present important question, jr has been fevera] rimes iniinuateci that local motives, and not a Candid and patrio tic in veftigation of the fubjetft upon its merits, have given rile to that difference of opinion, which has been heretofore manifefted in this house. I shall not examine the truth of this ob servation, but merely remark, that the causes which may have produced the arguments against the proposed mealure, whatever they be, can neither add to, or take from, their merit and in fluence—and of course the insinuations might have been spared without injury to the fubjet'l ; ! but * ar as the observation may have been in | tended to apply to myfelf, I can truly fay, that j if a bias were to influence my conduct, it would rather direct it to favor, than to oppose the pro posed mealure : 1 his bias would arile from two causes—the one from the refpeft which I enter tain for the judgments of the majority who ad vocate the mealure—the other of a more serious nature : I have observed with regret a radical difference of opinion between gentlemen from, the ealtern and southern states, upon great go vernmental questions, and have been led to con clude, that the operation of that cause alone, might call ominous conjecture on the promised luccefs of this much valued government : Mutual concefiiotis appear to be necessary to obviate this effect ; and I have always been pleafcd in mani felling my disposition to make advances ; but from the mofl. careful view of the arguments in favor of the proposed measure, considered under this imprelfion, they do not seem to mefufficient to efiablifh the propriety of its adoption—and I am therefore impelled by the joint influence of duty and opinion to be one in the opposition. A gentleman from Maflachufetts, (Mr. Ames,) prefaced his observations with this remark, that it is easier to point out defers and raise objec tions to any proposed fyftetn, than to defend it from objections and prove its affirmative propri ety, and warned the house against the effeCts of arguments of this nature, urged in opposition to the measure now under confederation. 1 agree with the gentleman in this idea in generr.l, but we should reflect, that in the present cafe, the addrefsof the arguments in favor of the measure is made to one of the strongest affections in the human mind, (the love ofdominion,) and hence we may justly conclude, that they will be recei ved and relished with their full and unabated in fluence—this reflection appears to me to be at least a counterpoise to that remark. T he advocates ofthisbil] have been called on, and I conceive with propriety, to fliew its consti tutionality and expediency, both of which have been doubted by those of the opposition. In sup port of thefirft position a multitude of argument* have been adduced, all of which may be reduci ble to the following heads : Such as are drawn from the cotiftitution itfelf : From the inciden talityof this authority to the mere creation and
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