CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES SATURDAY, Feb. y. The B ANK BILL under cons deration MR. STONE said : If upon questions like the present he had given pain to members he regarded, the)' might be aflured the pain was reciprocal. Let us cherish mutual toleration. We might conceive that each pursued improper fyltems from the purest morives. We differ in our ideas of government and our sense of the facrednefs of the written compact. We varied widely in our opinions of the dire&ion of this government: The gieat lellon of experiment would /how who is right ; but we are influenced in our habits of thinking by our local situations, and perhaps the diftin<ft interests of the States we represent. He observed, that upon the present occasion the opinions refpedting the constitution seem ro be divided by a geographical line, di viding the continent. Hence it might be infer red that other considerations mixed with the question ; and it had been insinuated that it was warped by the future feat of government. But other causes may be afligned for the diversity of (entiment ; the people to the eaftvvard began earliest in favor of liberty : They pursued free dom into anarchy ; starting at the precipice of confufion they are now vibrating far the other way. He said that all our taxes are paid by the consumers of manufa<stures ; thofc taxes are all bounties upon home manufaiftures. The people to the eastward are the manufacturers of this country ; it was no wonder that they should en deavor to strengthen the hands of a government by which they are so peculiarly benefited. It is a fadl that the greatest part of the Conti nental Debt has travelled Eaftwardof the Potow niack—This law is to raise the value of the Con tinental Paper. Here then (fays he) is the Jtrong impulse of immediate interest in favor of the Bank—He took notice of the diltin&ion made by the plan of the bill, between Continental and State Paper—The State Paper on account of par tial payments of interest still remained in the refpetftive states. But this could not by the present system be subscribed—so that the South ern States were deprived of the advantage that might have been given to the only paper they have. But (he said) if Gentleman charge us with defending the feat of government, let them remember that this betrays consciousness of ari attack. If they believe that this scheme tends to break the faith of the union pledged to the Potowmack, it is no wonder they suppose we op pose it upon that ground. He would not have mentioned this fubjetfl, had it not been hinted at. But let the whole of it come forth—let gen tlemen consult their own bosoms ; let the pub lic decide the truth of his observations. He hoped he should not be fufpecfted of any biafs so uniform had been his conduit upon all questions, turning upon principles fiinilar to the present, that every member in the house, he be lieved, had conjectured rightly of the fide he would take before he had uttered a word upon the fubjed. When implication firft raised its head in this house, he started from it asaferpent which was to Iting and poison the constitution. He felt in unison with his country. The fears the opinions, the jealousies of individuals and of states, had been explained by a gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Madison). He should only remark, that all those who opposed the government, dreaded this dodtrine—thofe who advocated it declared that it could not be resorted to—and all combined in opinion that it ought not to be to lerated. Never did any country more compleat- Iy unite in any sentiment than America in this— ■' ' hat Congress ought not to exercise, by im plication, powers not granted by the constitu tion' And it is not ftrange—for the admission ot this dodlrme destroys the principle of your government at a blow—it at once bn?aks down every barrier which the federal constitution had raised against unlimited legislation. He said that necenity was the rnoft plaunble pretext for break ing the spirit of the social compact; but the peo ple of this country have anticipated that pretext They have said to the ministers of this coun ry, " We have given you what we think com petent powers; but if experience proves them inadequate, we will enlarge them—but in the mean time dare not usurp those which we have reserved." It is agreed on all hands that the power to in corporate the subscribers to a bank is not ex pressly granted, and although gentleman have agreed that it is implied— that it is an incident —that it is a means, for effectuating powers ex prefsly granted ; yet they are not agreed as to the particular power to which this is an incident. They admit that the Iweeping clause in the con stitution confers no additional power. But it he understood the gentlemen, several of them were of opinion that all governments iuftituted for certain ends draw to them the means of exe cution as of common right. This dotflrine would make our's but afhoit constitution. (Here he read the preamble) and then said—Here is youi constitution ! Here is your bill of rights ! Do these gentlemen require any thing more refpecii ingthe powers of Congress, than a defenption of the ends of government ? and if of ight they can carry these into effetft, will they regard the means tho they be expressly pointed out But I would ask if there is any power under heaven which could not be exercised within the exten sive limits of this preamble f The convention might have flopped here—and there was no need, according to the dotftrine of the gentlemen, to point out any of the means for the ends mentioned in the preamble. That por tion of the constitution which, by all America, has been thought so important, according to their logic, would become a dead letter; but the pre amble in fair conftrudlion is a solemn compadt, that the powers granted lhall be made use of to the ends thereby fpecified. He then reprobated in pointed terms the lati tude of the principles premised. He faici the end of all government is the public good—and if the means were left to legiflaiion, all written compacts were nugatory He observed, that the sober discretion of the legislature, which in the opinions of gentlemen ought to be paramount, was the very thing intended to be curbed and restrained by our constitution. He then declared that our form of government not only pointed out the ends of government, but fpecified the means of execution. He said we may make war—this would draw to it the power of raising an army and navy, laying taxes, establishing a judiciary, &c. But the spirit of the constitution in this refpert had been well ex plained by Mr. Madison, and he fliould not re capitulate. He faida gentleman from South-Carolina (Mr. Smith) had remarked that all our laws'proceeded upon the principle of expediency—that we were judges of that expediency—as soon as we gave it as our opinion that a thing was expedient, it be came constitutional. What then, said he, re mains of your constitution, except its mode or organization ! We may look into it to refrefh our memories, refpetfing the times, places and man ner of cotnpofing the government—that as to the powers of Congress, were he of that gentle man's opinion, he would never look into it again. Gentlemen fee the difficulties of their theories, and are obliged to confefs, that these incidental powers are not easily defined. They relt in the sober discretion of the legislature. One gentleman (Mr. Ames) has said, no im plication ought to be made against the law of nature—against rights acquired—or against pow ers pre-occupied by the flakes ; that it iseafierto restrain than to give competent powers of exe cution. Now there notions are hostile to the main principle of our government, which is only a grant of particular portions of power, imply ing a negative to all others. It has been fliown that the ends of government will include every thing. If gentlemen are allowed to range in their sober discretion for the means, it is plain they have no limits. By the cabaliftical word incident, your constitution is turned upfidedown ; and instead of being a grant of particular powers, guarded by an implied negative to all others, it is made to imply all powers. But, strange to tell, America forgot to guard it by express negative provisions. Is there any difference in effect be tween lodging general powers in a government, and permitting the exercise of them by subtle conftruiflions ? He said there was a difference In the one cafe, the people fairly gave up their liberty, and stood prepared—in the other, they were unexpectedly tricked out of their confti [To be concluded in our next.~\ tution. FROM THE CONNECTICUT COURANT To the PROMPTER. Sir, T AM a young man of considerable fafhion, bur A have not yet got into flioeftrings ; and my buckles are so long, they prevent my toes from bending when I walk ; and my coat and waist coat croud my hair up out of its place, and scrub my neck and cheeks till they are fore—it seems tome our fafhion-makers " do not workitright.'' —Do, Sir, tell us if bucldes are to grow longer than feet; or the collars of coats and waistcoats into hoods. I am, Sir, your admirer, W. N- R • I believe you meant me in your lass number, for I always borrow afpade, a Jhovel, a crowbar, a pickaxe, and a wheelbarrow when I want them—this, 1 think, is " "working it right'''—it is better than to buy them. 794 PARIS, December 2r. YESTERDAY M. Bailly, the mayor, received the following letter from the king .• " I wifli you, fir, to wait upon me this even ing at seven, and to bring with you the commiffi. oners of subsistence and public establishments The season grows severe, and I feel nothing more urgent than to concert means with you for fecu rino (übfillence for the people, and providing them with employment during the winter. Signed LOUIS." Plots and confpiraces continue to be talked of in various parts of the kingdom ; but we have been To much accustomed to filch alarms, that we riafs less regard to them than formerly. The ferment among the clergy has been general ; but they have not been able to commuicate it to the people, by whom all their attempts to excite di fturbanres, even where the magistrates have be trayed or neglected theirduty, have been watch fd and defeated. The sale of church and crown lands lias far exceeded expectation ; the aflijr nats are alieadyin the process of being cancel, led : the troops of the line in general continue steady to their duty ; and taxes begin to be re gularly paid. LONDON, January 10. It is very much apprehended that the Grand Vizir will be obliged, in all cases, to give way to the Ruffian troops, or run the rifle of havina the reft of his army entirely destroyed. Of more than too,ooo men which he had tin der his command, above 60,000 Asiatics have de serted, in i'pire of entreaties, remonstrances, and menaces to induce them to stay. Out of the 40,000 which remained some time ago, many were daily deferring. And in thefe veral marches, sieges, and Ikirmifhes which they have made and sustained, many more have pe ri lhed. It is expected, that the negociations at Schif tovi, will be interrupted by the Ruffian troops particularly by the Colfacks, and that it will be liecellary to name some other town for the meet ing of the Congress. It has been lately recommended to fuebgen tlemen as chufe to travel with fire artns, when they find themselves attacked by a mounted high wayman, to shoot rather at the horse which the highwayman rides than at the man. The rea sons for this recommendation are said to be the following: 1 It. They would not be so likely to miss the mark they aim ai s not one highwayman in a thousand would be able to keep his feat un der the exertions that a wounded horse would make ; and in cafe the horse fliould be killed,the man would, of course, fall an easy prey. 2d. Beranfe very few highwaymen ride upon their own horses, and the killing the horse would be a check to those jockies and others, who let out horses for the scandalous purposes of robbing. ?d. Killing the horse would not so much wound the conscience as killing one of our own species, who by this means would be sent into hell out right with the fin he was committing irreversibly upon him. On Monday lalt as Thomas Evans, a carrier, was on the road to Shrewsbury, after being in a moll: violent rage with one of his horses which did nor go onto his fatisfaclion, beating the poor animal, and uttering the mod dreadful oaths, he suddenly dropped down dead—an awful warning toprophane swearers, and to those unfeeliggper fons who use poor worn out animals with wanton cruelty ! On the police of the Turks, in the severe pn nifliments inflicted upon those who make use of falfe weightsand measures, Mr. Howard confirm ed the account given by many other travellers. He spoke highly of some part of the moral cha racter of the Turks, particularly of their grati tude for favors received, and said, that when he has been lucky enough to cure a rich Turk of some disorder, he offered him a purse of 2000 se quins. This, however, Mr. Howard would not accept of, and requested only that his patient would permit him occasionally to fend to his garden for some grapes and oranges to eat with his tea at breakfaft. The Turk sent him every morning a large baiket full of the choicest fruits his garden produced. NEW DISCOVERY. Mr. Watson, plumber in Newcafile, (Bngland)\ has lately finifhed, by Mr. Ker's direction, two coppers for condensing and preserving the eflen tial oils of hops, which have been eredled in the Tyne and Hexham breweries, and given the great est fatisfacSion to the proprietors, who have most liberally rewarded Mr. Ker, for the exercise of his valuable discovery. The inventor discovered, what is aftonifliing no one ever observed before him, in the common way of impregnating worts with the virtues of the hops, the finer and more aromatic flavorof these was dissipated in vapor, while the disagreeable bitter quality alone remained. In consequence of this observation he devise , a method of collecting the vapor, which he foun to be principally composed of the eflential oil o
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