PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, >0 4 t BXOAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK [No. 34, cf Vol. 11. j DISCOURSES ON DAVILA No. XVII / Scs mains, autour du tione, avec contusion, Seniaient la jdioulit, a 1a dwifioti. THE Guises, in their secret conversations with the King, inSnuated, that if the Con itable resided at Court, he would be alluming ; -would think to ircvent h . Majcfly like an infant, and ewen ro bjiij him r, "t <l*e ferule and the rod. They tfunted J.; mt-imat? t»ni; with the Bourbons, the eternal enemies of a <;rown, to which they had however long aspired. Finally, they fuggelted, that he could not con fide in the Constable, without ejepofing his life, and the lives of his brothers, to the discretion of people, whole ambition the Kings his predeces sors had always dreaded ; and whom they had everiUelJ in a date of humiliation, and at a dif tajjrfe from Court. Penetrating geaiius easily in spires fufpi#i6ns into contratffedminds. Nothing more was wanting to persuade a weak King, to leek a pretext, honourably to difinifs the Conlta ble. As soon as the ceremony of the obsequies ofHenry lid. was compleated, the King over whelming him withcarelies, figr.ificd to him,that not being able, withfutticie«ulignity to acknow ledge his merit, nor the value of the services •which he had rendered the Kings his ancestors, he had resolved to difrrharge him from.the cares and b.irthens of government, too disproportion ate to his great age : that he would no longer re quire of hiin, any excessive application to business, but would reserve him for some occaftons of eclat: that he ihould always cenfider hiin, not as a fer \ant and a fubjedt, but as a venerable father : arid that lie would give him leave to retire, wherever he saw fit. The Conflable easily com prehended that this lesion had been taught the ■King, by the Guises, through the mother and the Queen of Scots : that it would be useless to reinonltrate : and that it was better to receive as a recompense, orders, which his refinance might convert into diftfrare., He thanked rbr King ; rctomniende 1 to liici his lons «V)9TfTS ne phews, and retired to hiscaltle atChantiliy, ten leagues from Paris, where, he had more than once before, supported viciHkudes of fortune 1 . As soon as the Queen mother and the Guiles, had banished the Constable, thcy>ftudied to ciif embarrass rhemfelves of the Prinre de Conde. It was easy to forefee, that his fiery temper, and animosity againlt the Guises, would trans port him to attempt all the means imaginable, to thangi the farm of government ejt abitfhed. It may be remarked in this place, that these expreliions intimate an idea of reformation of government, and regeneration of nations, like those which prevail at this time, in France, and in many other countries after the example of America. One would conjecture that the Prince of Conde, had it in contemplation to establish committees of con-efpondence, to call a conventi on, or national aflembly ; to deliberate on a ra tional plan of government, to be adopted by the nation at large. There are, indeed, in history, feme traces of a party, who wiftied for a republi can government, about this time : but unfortu nately, their ideas of a republic, appear to have been the fame, with those which prevail too much at present, in France. Two hundred and fifty years of experience, have not yet brought the na tion to advert to the true principles in nature, npon which government is founded. The Mar quis ofCondorcet,the friend ofTurgot andßoche luucgnjj, so great in geometry, is not more accurate in the fcijjnce of government, than Eti eiint de la Boetie, the friend of De Thou and Montair.e... The fame »eformation is wanting now, that was so necefiary in 1550. Whether a J'cvereignty in one single aflembly,' eonftituted hy a double reprefentation,'as the present allein lily is, would have answered then or will now, are questions that' hereafter may deserve consideration. It ended formerly, after an hun dred years of civil wars, in the simple absolute monarchy of Louis XlVth. Time inn ft deter mine whether the continued deliberations and exertions of the National Aflembly, will finally obtain a balance in their government. This is the point, on which their success will turn, if they fail in this, simple monarchy, or what is more to be dreaded, simple despotism, after long struggles will infallibly return. If the wild idea of annihilating the nobility fliould spread far, snd be long persisted in, the men of letters and the National Aflembly, as democratical as they SATURDAY, AUGVhT, 7, 1790. may think tnemfe'vei, will find no barrier against detpotiiin. The French, as wall as the Creeks, at this time our refpeiftable gusfts, and all other nations, civilized and uncivilized, have their be loved families, and nothing b -t defpotilra ever did or ever can prevent them f-om being dijhn -I'iijhed by the p vplc. These h loved families in France are the nobility. Five eighths of the " The 11 'ft ii'eil c.. ■ vv il . . ■ id the attachment of the people !;? tl«o! • ' in flioit, the whole power of the nation \ II fall into their hands, and a commoner will tl :nd no chance for an elfilion after a huis rim-, unlefo he enlist himfelf under the banner and oto the regiment of some nobleman. Forth,:c< this pro jeel of one aflembly, is t •* impolitic imagin able. It ij the higfn k ' sriftocracy. To the royal authority it-5a < >>;>»' y fatal as to the commons. [11 what inaryyy 7 s nobility ought to be reformed, owuiiiied, methodized, and wrought by reprefentaiion or otherwise, into an independent branch of the l.'giflature? What form of govermnenr would I ;ve been belt for France, under Francis Ild.'ai. 'vhether the fame is not now neceflary,,under XVlth, are questions too deep and exretlf perhaps for us to determine. But we are vi < competent to de monstrate twopropofitlous, fir thata fovereigH ty in a single aflcmbly, can >secure the peace, liberty**!- i'afety of the pe;/p:r ' Secondly, that a federative republic, or in- r. r_words, -a confe deration of the republic of 1" s, with the repub lics ofthe provinces, will nut i fufficient to se cure the tranquility, liberty, , operty or lives of the nation. In some futc: c _ ne, if neither hu fi;iefs of more importance,:. :tnufemein» more agreeable fbo.ild engage v v may throw toge ther a few thuughts,upon . c_■ queflions. This may be done without '.he fir'neft apprehenfton of ever being confuted : fay ■, \:a we Ihould fail to produce argument? to — . 1 'ce oar readers, ve '••Uii ; • -*: i'ht.Ljj that 1 ime wSJ 1 supply alt our def'eds, and demoiutranrTnf" or, :he truth of both the propoEtions. (To be Continued}, FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE US'IT ED STATES. MR. FEX.YO, I HAVE o!>fcrved, with fains concern, a re commendation of Mr. Weifltr'j in the Tablet, No. IJ7, advifingtheexercife of Fencing to be used people of sedentary employments, students, &c. Exercises and amufenients in a republican government, should at least, be rational—they should be virtuous—they should be, if possible, ufeful. I Ihould be glad to know in what the rationale of Fencing consists, or of what use it is ? Perhaps we will be told it is of use to enable a man to avenge himfelf when insulted, or defend himfelf when attacked. But in allgoodgovern ments the laws are fufßcieutto proteA all good citizens. I would therefore recommend students and perfoni engaged in sedentary employments, as a substitute for Fencing, to provide themselves with a few tools of any mechanical branch that they would phoole, and which would afford some exercise to the body. No country in the world' is better calculated for machinery than America, A student tolerably well versed in Mathematics, and poflefled of some of the common tools of a Turner might make some important and ufeful discoveries in Mechanics—and be of more use to his country than the whole race of Fen cert, Cud gellers, and Prize-Fighters, from the creation of the World to the days of Noah Webster. A disposition to ape the follies and absurdities of Europe has too longprerailed in America ; and it is to be lamented that the InftruJtors of our youth should make such a falie eftiniate of things as toadvife recreations inconsistent with the laws and constitution of our country, and inimical to the morals of the people. If our youth learn to fence, they must wear Avoids; because it is a fol ly to learn a thing for which they will have 110 use. Thus provided with fivords, they will soon find an opportunity of reducing their theory to pra&ice ; either by insulting some other person, or conceiving theinfelves aff-onted upon the slight est ofcafion.* Edge tools fli' ild not be putin the hands of fools or madmen ; hey are only fafe in the hands of men of jears experience, who have seen enough of the Wc Ito defpifeits vani ties ; but mep of this deft -.tion do not desire them. They ave then o;;I proper in the hands 549 of those v hose profeifion is War—by futh let them be worn ; but let us not imitate frame parts ot Europe, where every Journeyman Barber to bi met with has, inilead of a Curling; Tongs, a long Rapier by his fide. How contemptible and ridi culoqs it is to fee a nation, in profound peace, with every one his sword to liis iide, as if tbev were a nation of Ifhmaelites where every man's hand was raised against the hand of his neigbijai'! O quantam ctt ip rebus inani. FRANCE. NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. Saturday, May 22. THIS day the great question on the right of making peace and war was finally determin ed. The molt remarkable speech previous to paf fingthe decree was that of M. le' Comic deMira bean, who said, that it was. not merely his opinion, nor the plan of his decree, that he rose to defend, but, what was far dearer to hini, his character, whidh had been fulpecfied as unfriendly to li berty. He said, many reports had been circulated to his prejudice ; but he valued them not In order to be ufefol, he said, he had feafched for trutL, and that truth he had fpokeu, at the hazard of difplealing. He then proceeded to defend his plan, and replied to the principal objections ilai t ed by M. Barnnve. ]\J. E-arnave, M. le Marquis de la Fayette, and lev era! other members, then demanded to be Iveard, but the majority (of the AfleinHy, think ing there had been enough of speaking on tilt fubje<3:, determined to close the debate. And after a number of plans of decrees had been read ; the following plan of M. de Mirabeau, amsudjd, obtained the preference by a great majority. THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY DECREE, lit. That the right of peace and war being velted in the nation, war shall not be refqlved upon, but by a decree of of the Legiflari ve body, I) l.iall be made 011 the explicit notification of CJ ' « ■ - fantftioned by liis Majelty. ad. That the care of guarding the kingdom from external attacks and impending dangei s>, the maintaining irs rights and poffefiions, is com mitted to the King by the constitution of the State—to liim also belonged the maintenance of political connexions abroad, the conduct of nego tiations, the appointment of Ambafladors, the power of raising armanents, and making prepa rations for war, in proportion to those made by neighbouring states ; the power of distributing the sea and land forces, as he may judge proper, and of directing their operat ions in time of war. That in cale of hostilities impending, or actually begun, an ally to ailift, or a right to preserve by force of arms, the King ftiall be bound to give notification thereof without delay to the Legiilative Body, and to make known th# causes and motives thereof. And if the Legiila tive body is not fitting at the time, it lliall t?e called immediately by the Kiijg. 4th. That if upon such notification being made by the King, the Legislative Body are of opinion that, on the commencing of such hostilities, the Minister, or other agent of the Executive Power, is culpable, she author of such aggression ihall be prosecuted asa State criminal. The National Afleinbly hereby declaring, that the . nation re nounces for ever all ambition by conquelt, and will not employ the forces againlt the liberties of any people. jth. fhat if upon such notification the Intive Body ftial: resolve thrit war ought not to be made, the Executive Power snail be bound immediately to take the necefiary steps to pre vent or stop hortilities, the Ministers being al ways held to be responsible for delays. oth. That in cafe of an impending war, the Legiilative Body fliall prolong the Seilion ; and in time of war there frail be no recess. This article is remitted to the Comi?iittee of Conjl itution to be jnended. 7th. That every declaration of war shall be made in these terms " By the King, in name of the nation." Bth. Tliat during the course of a war, the Legiilative Boay shall have a power of retjuirind' the Executive power to negotiate a peace. 9th. That it belongs to the King to negotiate and design all neceflary conventions and treaties with foreign Powers for the general good of the State ; declaring hereby, that treaties of peace, [Whole No. 138.] 1
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