PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, >0 4 t BXOAD-STREET, NEAR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK
[No. 34, cf Vol. 11. j
DISCOURSES ON DAVILA No. XVII
/ Scs mains, autour du tione, avec contusion,
Seniaient la jdioulit, a 1a dwifioti.
THE Guises, in their secret conversations
with the King, inSnuated, that if the Con
itable resided at Court, he would be alluming ;
-would think to ircvent h . Majcfly like an infant,
and ewen ro bjiij him r, "t <l*e ferule and the
rod. They tfunted J.; mt-imat?
t»ni; with the Bourbons, the eternal enemies of a
<;rown, to which they had however long aspired.
Finally, they fuggelted, that he could not con
fide in the Constable, without ejepofing his life,
and the lives of his brothers, to the discretion of
people, whole ambition the Kings his predeces
sors had always dreaded ; and whom they had
everiUelJ in a date of humiliation, and at a dif
tajjrfe from Court. Penetrating geaiius easily in
spires fufpi#i6ns into contratffedminds. Nothing
more was wanting to persuade a weak King, to
leek a pretext, honourably to difinifs the Conlta
ble. As soon as the ceremony of the obsequies
ofHenry lid. was compleated, the King over
whelming him withcarelies, figr.ificd to him,that
not being able, withfutticie«ulignity to acknow
ledge his merit, nor the value of the services
•which he had rendered the Kings his ancestors,
he had resolved to difrrharge him from.the cares
and b.irthens of government, too disproportion
ate to his great age : that he would no longer re
quire of hiin, any excessive application to business,
but would reserve him for some occaftons of eclat:
that he ihould always cenfider hiin, not as a fer
\ant and a fubjedt, but as a venerable father :
arid that lie would give him leave to retire,
wherever he saw fit. The Conflable easily com
prehended that this lesion had been taught the
■King, by the Guises, through the mother
and the Queen of Scots : that it would be useless
to reinonltrate : and that it was better to receive
as a recompense, orders, which his refinance
might convert into diftfrare., He thanked rbr
King ; rctomniende 1 to liici his lons «V)9TfTS ne
phews, and retired to hiscaltle atChantiliy, ten
leagues from Paris, where, he had more than
once before, supported viciHkudes of fortune 1 .
As soon as the Queen mother and the Guiles,
had banished the Constable, thcy>ftudied to ciif
embarrass rhemfelves of the Prinre de Conde.
It was easy to forefee, that his fiery temper,
and animosity againlt the Guises, would trans
port him to attempt all the means imaginable, to
thangi the farm of government ejt abitfhed.
It may be remarked in this place, that these
expreliions intimate an idea of reformation of
government, and regeneration of nations, like
those which prevail at this time, in France, and
in many other countries after the example of
America. One would conjecture that the Prince
of Conde, had it in contemplation to establish
committees of con-efpondence, to call a conventi
on, or national aflembly ; to deliberate on a ra
tional plan of government, to be adopted by the
nation at large. There are, indeed, in history,
feme traces of a party, who wiftied for a republi
can government, about this time : but unfortu
nately, their ideas of a republic, appear to have
been the fame, with those which prevail too much
at present, in France. Two hundred and fifty
years of experience, have not yet brought the na
tion to advert to the true principles in nature,
npon which government is founded. The Mar
quis ofCondorcet,the friend ofTurgot andßoche
luucgnjj, so great in geometry, is not more
accurate in the fcijjnce of government, than Eti
eiint de la Boetie, the friend of De Thou and
Montair.e... The fame »eformation is wanting
now, that was so necefiary in 1550. Whether a
J'cvereignty in one single aflembly,' eonftituted
hy a double reprefentation,'as the present allein
lily is, would have answered then or will
now, are questions that' hereafter may deserve
consideration. It ended formerly, after an hun
dred years of civil wars, in the simple absolute
monarchy of Louis XlVth. Time inn ft deter
mine whether the continued deliberations and
exertions of the National Aflembly, will finally
obtain a balance in their government. This is
the point, on which their success will turn, if
they fail in this, simple monarchy, or what is
more to be dreaded, simple despotism, after long
struggles will infallibly return. If the wild idea
of annihilating the nobility fliould spread far,
snd be long persisted in, the men of letters and
the National Aflembly, as democratical as they
SATURDAY, AUGVhT, 7, 1790.
may think tnemfe'vei, will find no barrier against
detpotiiin. The French, as wall as the Creeks,
at this time our refpeiftable gusfts, and all other
nations, civilized and uncivilized, have their be
loved families, and nothing b -t defpotilra ever
did or ever can prevent them f-om being dijhn
-I'iijhed by the p vplc. These h loved families in
France are the nobility. Five eighths of the
" The 11 'ft
ii'eil c.. ■ vv il . . ■ id the attachment
of the people !;? tl«o! • ' in flioit, the
whole power of the nation \ II fall into their
hands, and a commoner will tl :nd no chance for
an elfilion after a huis rim-, unlefo he enlist
himfelf under the banner and oto the regiment
of some nobleman. Forth,:c< this pro
jeel of one aflembly, is t •* impolitic imagin
able. It ij the higfn k ' sriftocracy. To
the royal authority it-5a < >>;>»' y fatal as to the
commons. [11 what inaryyy 7 s nobility ought
to be reformed, owuiiiied, methodized, and
wrought by reprefentaiion or otherwise, into an
independent branch of the l.'giflature? What
form of govermnenr would I ;ve been belt for
France, under Francis Ild.'ai. 'vhether the fame
is not now neceflary,,under XVlth, are
questions too deep and exretlf perhaps for us
to determine. But we are vi < competent to de
monstrate twopropofitlous, fir thata fovereigH
ty in a single aflcmbly, can >secure the peace,
liberty**!- i'afety of the pe;/p:r ' Secondly, that a
federative republic, or in- r. r_words, -a confe
deration of the republic of 1" s, with the repub
lics ofthe provinces, will nut i fufficient to se
cure the tranquility, liberty, , operty or lives of
the nation. In some futc: c _ ne, if neither hu
fi;iefs of more importance,:. :tnufemein» more
agreeable fbo.ild engage v v may throw toge
ther a few thuughts,upon . c_■ queflions. This
may be done without '.he fir'neft apprehenfton
of ever being confuted : fay ■, \:a we Ihould fail
to produce argument? to — . 1 'ce oar readers,
ve '••Uii ; • -*: i'ht.Ljj that 1 ime wSJ 1
supply alt our def'eds, and demoiutranrTnf" or,
:he truth of both the propoEtions.
(To be Continued},
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE US'IT ED STATES.
MR. FEX.YO,
I HAVE o!>fcrved, with fains concern, a re
commendation of Mr. Weifltr'j in the Tablet,
No. IJ7, advifingtheexercife of Fencing to be used
people of sedentary employments, students,
&c. Exercises and amufenients in a republican
government, should at least, be rational—they
should be virtuous—they should be, if possible,
ufeful. I Ihould be glad to know in what the
rationale of Fencing consists, or of what use it is ?
Perhaps we will be told it is of use to enable a
man to avenge himfelf when insulted, or defend
himfelf when attacked. But in allgoodgovern
ments the laws are fufßcieutto proteA all good
citizens. I would therefore recommend students
and perfoni engaged in sedentary employments,
as a substitute for Fencing, to provide themselves
with a few tools of any mechanical branch that
they would phoole, and which would afford some
exercise to the body. No country in the world'
is better calculated for machinery than America,
A student tolerably well versed in Mathematics,
and poflefled of some of the common tools of a
Turner might make some important and ufeful
discoveries in Mechanics—and be of more use to
his country than the whole race of Fen cert, Cud
gellers, and Prize-Fighters, from the creation of
the World to the days of Noah Webster.
A disposition to ape the follies and absurdities
of Europe has too longprerailed in America ; and
it is to be lamented that the InftruJtors of our
youth should make such a falie eftiniate of things
as toadvife recreations inconsistent with the laws
and constitution of our country, and inimical to
the morals of the people. If our youth learn to
fence, they must wear Avoids; because it is a fol
ly to learn a thing for which they will have 110
use. Thus provided with fivords, they will soon
find an opportunity of reducing their theory to
pra&ice ; either by insulting some other person,
or conceiving theinfelves aff-onted upon the slight
est ofcafion.* Edge tools fli' ild not be putin the
hands of fools or madmen ; hey are only fafe in
the hands of men of jears experience, who
have seen enough of the Wc Ito defpifeits vani
ties ; but mep of this deft -.tion do not desire
them. They ave then o;;I proper in the hands
549
of those v hose profeifion is War—by futh let them
be worn ; but let us not imitate frame parts ot
Europe, where every Journeyman Barber to bi
met with has, inilead of a Curling; Tongs, a long
Rapier by his fide. How contemptible and ridi
culoqs it is to fee a nation, in profound peace,
with every one his sword to liis iide, as if tbev
were a nation of Ifhmaelites where every man's
hand was raised against the hand of his neigbijai'!
O quantam ctt ip rebus inani.
FRANCE.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
Saturday, May 22.
THIS day the great question on the right of
making peace and war was finally determin
ed. The molt remarkable speech previous to paf
fingthe decree was that of M. le' Comic deMira
bean, who said, that it was. not merely his opinion,
nor the plan of his decree, that he rose to defend,
but, what was far dearer to hini, his character,
whidh had been fulpecfied as unfriendly to li
berty.
He said, many reports had been circulated to
his prejudice ; but he valued them not In order
to be ufefol, he said, he had feafched for trutL,
and that truth he had fpokeu, at the hazard of
difplealing. He then proceeded to defend his
plan, and replied to the principal objections ilai t
ed by M. Barnnve.
]\J. E-arnave, M. le Marquis de la Fayette, and
lev era! other members, then demanded to be
Iveard, but the majority (of the AfleinHy, think
ing there had been enough of speaking on tilt
fubje<3:, determined to close the debate. And
after a number of plans of decrees had been read ;
the following plan of M. de Mirabeau, amsudjd,
obtained the preference by a great majority.
THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY DECREE,
lit. That the right of peace and war being
velted in the nation, war shall not be refqlved
upon, but by a decree of of the Legiflari ve body,
I) l.iall be made 011 the explicit notification of
CJ ' « ■ -
fantftioned by liis Majelty.
ad. That the care of guarding the kingdom
from external attacks and impending dangei s>, the
maintaining irs rights and poffefiions, is com
mitted to the King by the constitution of the
State—to liim also belonged the maintenance of
political connexions abroad, the conduct of nego
tiations, the appointment of Ambafladors, the
power of raising armanents, and making prepa
rations for war, in proportion to those made by
neighbouring states ; the power of distributing
the sea and land forces, as he may judge proper,
and of directing their operat ions in time of war.
That in cale of hostilities impending, or
actually begun, an ally to ailift, or a right to
preserve by force of arms, the King ftiall be
bound to give notification thereof without delay
to the Legiilative Body, and to make known th#
causes and motives thereof. And if the Legiila
tive body is not fitting at the time, it lliall t?e
called immediately by the Kiijg.
4th. That if upon such notification being made
by the King, the Legislative Body are of opinion
that, on the commencing of such hostilities, the
Minister, or other agent of the Executive Power,
is culpable, she author of such aggression ihall
be prosecuted asa State criminal. The National
Afleinbly hereby declaring, that the . nation re
nounces for ever all ambition by conquelt, and
will not employ the forces againlt the liberties of
any people.
jth. fhat if upon such notification the
Intive Body ftial: resolve thrit war ought not to
be made, the Executive Power snail be bound
immediately to take the necefiary steps to pre
vent or stop hortilities, the Ministers being al
ways held to be responsible for delays.
oth. That in cafe of an impending war, the
Legiilative Body fliall prolong the Seilion ; and in
time of war there frail be no recess. This article
is remitted to the Comi?iittee of Conjl itution to be
jnended.
7th. That every declaration of war shall be
made in these terms " By the King, in name of
the nation."
Bth. Tliat during the course of a war, the
Legiilative Boay shall have a power of retjuirind'
the Executive power to negotiate a peace.
9th. That it belongs to the King to negotiate
and design all neceflary conventions and treaties
with foreign Powers for the general good of the
State ; declaring hereby, that treaties of peace,
[Whole No. 138.]
1