PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN fENNO,.No. 4 t, BROAD-STREET, N£AR THE EXCHANGE, NEW-YORK [No. 16, cf Vol. ll.] THE TABLET. No. CXX. " It is not improbable that if all parts of the world were equally enlightened by science, all nations would embrace articles of faith, nearly fnntlar to each other.' 1 -« (Continuation of the arguments in support of the position, that the universal diffufion of literature will precede aud prepare the way ior the universal prevalence of religion.) THO mankind, in their native date of igno rance, have always Tome imprefiions of duty, yet so incapable are they of reasoning, or think ing beyond the reach of their senses, that the founders of rriigious fyfteins have ever represen ted the Supreme Being through the mfcdium of images, a» the only method by which they could gain credit with the fliort-fighted multitude. If Mahomet be considered as an exception, and his religion as an improvement upon rank idolatry, this willaifift the argument; since it is well known the Arabians had made great improvements in several branches of literature, and of course were fitted to embrace a religion more rational than Paganism—With refpecl to Africa it is to be ob served, that cliriftianity was never received in that quarter of the earth, except by the nations bordering upon the Mediterranean, which by their intercourse with the Greeks and Romans, had made some progress towards civilization. The Greeks and Romans, it is true, previous to the publication of christianity, were like the reft of the world, wrapt up in the absurdities of Paganifin, and doubtless the bulk of them reposed implicit confidence in the myfteriesoftheZW/'Art: Oracle. But in justice to the wiser part of tliofe nations, wemuft allow, that they entertained as rational ideas of a Deity, and of human obligati ons, as the modern christians, in proportion to their improvements in literature. And we may venture to aflert, that, so far as *e are nble to judge from their writings, the morality of So cratrs and PtiTP Uir ts-ue proportion to that of our best christian divines, as the phylical knowledge of Hy pocratEs doesto that of Boer have ; the mathematical inveftigatiohs of Arc himt.des to those of Sir Issac Newton; or the politics of Solon and Lycurgus to those of Fe terthe G*eat, and of Mo n r esqu ie v. There fore fettiug aside all regard to revelation, and supposing morality to be a part of religion, this remark proves, beyond dispute, that the progress of religion, will naturally be proportioned to im provements in literature. I proceed to consider more particularly the propagation of christianity, which will furni(h a decisive argument in our favor, if we can prove what appears to be true, that literature has, in every instance, preceded the reception and esta blishment of that religion ; and that wherever it has been embraced, its general purity has ever been proportioned to the national state of litera ture. It is a remark of all ecclefialiical hifl oriaiis, and of all tire advocates of chriftiavtity, as a inoft in conteftible proof of its divine origin, that it was publiffaed at a time, and in a part of the world, where mankind had made cli<° greatest proficiency in human knowledge—where rliey were most ca pable of comprehending the (fcblHriity of its doc trines and precepts ; and of detecting the fraud and expofingits absurdities. I would extend this remark iiill farther, and observe that this im provement of the human mind was a cirpuniftance most favorable to the propagation of religion— and that to this natural cause only cap weafcribe its rapid and extensive diffufion, in opposition to the malice and power of its enemies. Had the Greeks and Ramans been a3 ignorant as the Hot. tentots of Cafftavia, or as servile as the of Indoßao, Nekv, '!>,* jrw and.Da mi it .an would have crushed christianity in its infancy, with the fame eafc, fhat Tamerlane could fupprefsit in Alia. (To be cintinmed.) DISCOURSES ON DA VILA. This mortrnful truth is every ; wh*re confcfoVl, Slow rifts Worth ky Poverty itpnfs'd. A S no appetite in human nature is more uni *■ verfal than that for honor, and real merit is confined to a very few,, the numbers who thirst for reijJeit, are out of all proportion to those who leek it only by merit. Ihe great majority trou ble themselves little about merit, but apply them selves to seek for honor by means which they fee will moreeafily and certainly obtain it ; by dis playing their taste and address, then- wealth anjl No. VIII coNcmsm SATURDAY, JUNE 5, 179°? magnificence ; their ancient parchments,pictures, and statues, and the virtues of their ancestors ; and if these fail, as they seldom have done, they have recourse to artifices,difiimulation,hypocrify, ] flattery, impoftnre, empiricifin, quackery and bribery. What chance has humble, modest, ob scure and poor merit, in futh a fcra-mble ? Na tions,perceiving that the still faiall voice of merit was drowned in the insolent r< . • of such impos tures: and that they were cwi''antly the dupes of impudence and knavery, in national elections, without a polfibility of a reiliedy, have fought for something more permanent than the popular voice to designate honor. Many nations have attempted to annex it to land, presuming that a good estate would at least furniih the means of a good education ; and have resolved that thdfe who ihould poflefs certain territories, ihould have certain legillative, executive and judicial powers, over the people. Other nations have endeavor ed to connect honor with offices ; and the names and ideas at least of certain moral virtues and in tellectual qualities have been by law annexed to certain offices, as veneration, grace, excellence, honor, serenity, majesty.—Other nations ha+e at tempted to annex honor to families, without any regard to lands or offices. The Romans allowed none, but those who had polfelfed curule offices, to have statues or portraits. He, Whc*. had ima ges or pictures of his ancestors, was called noble. He who had no statue or picture but his own, was called a new man. Those who had none at all, were ignoble. Other nations have united all those ihftitutions : connected lands, offices and families—made them all delcend together, and honor, public attention, conlideration and con gratulation along with them. This lids been the policy of Europe : and it is to this institution which she owes her fnperiority, nwaraud peace, in legislation and commerce, in agriculture, na vigation, arts fciencesand niami "actures, to Asia and Africa. TheP: families il.'m diftinguifhcd by property, honors and privileges, by defend ing themselves have been obliged to defend the people agaiult the encroachments of despotism. They have been a civil and political militia, con ■ ftantly watching the designs of the standing ar mies, and courts ; and by defending their own rights, liberties, properties and privileges, they have been obliged,in fame degree,to defend thole of the people. iJut there were several eflential defects in this policy : one was that the people took rto rational defend themselves, either against these great families or the courts. They had no adequate reprefenration of them selves in the fovereiguty. Another was that it never was determined \v'a 'e the sovereignty re-, sided—generally it was claimed by Kings; but not admitted by the nobles. Sometimes every Baron pretended to be sovereign in his own ter ritory-; at other times the sovereignty was claim ed by an aflembly of the nobles, under the name of States or Cortes. Sometimes the United au thority of the King and the Stares was called the sovereignty. The common people had no ade quate and independent (hare in the legislature, and found themselves harrdfled to difeover who was the sovereign, and whom they ought to o bey, as much as they ever had been or could be to determine who had the ntoft merit. A thou sand years of Baron's wars, cauling universal darknels, ignorance and barbarity, etlded at last in simple monarchy, not by express stipulation, but by tacit acquiescence, in aluioft ail Europe ; the people prefering a certain -sovereignty in a single person, to endless disputes, about merit and sovereignty, which never did and never will produce any thing but ariftocratical anarchy ; and the nobles contenting themselves with a fecu rity of their property privileges, by a govern ment of fixed law-s, registered tvnd interpreted by a judicial power, which they called fo-Vereign tribunals, thpugh the legislation and execution were in a single person. In this system to con troul the nobles, the church joined the Kings and common people. The progress of reason, letters aiul isience, has weakened the church and ftrfengthenpd the common people ; who, if they,are lioneftly asd prudently c'ondudled by thafe who hav-e their confidence, will moll infallibly obtain a ihare in every legillature. But if the common people are advifedto aim at colletiing the whole sovereignty in single national aflembUes, as they are by the Duke de la Rochefoucault and the Marquis of] Cordercet ; or at the abolition of the Regal ex ecutive authority ; or at a division of the execu tive power, as they are by a posthumous publics- 477 I tion oftheAbby de Mablv, the/ will fail of their I delired liberty as certainly as emulation and ri valry are founded in human nature and inlepara ble from civil affairs. It is not to flatter the paf fidns of the people to be sure, nor it; it the way to obtain a present enthusiastic popularity to tell them that in a single aflembly, they will act as arbitrarily and tyrannically as any despot, but it is a sacred truth, and as demonstrable as any proposition whatever, that i sovereignty in a iin gle aflembly must neceflarily, and will certainly be exercised by a majority as tyrannically as any sovereignty was ever exercised by Kings or No bles. , And if a ballance of paffipiis and interest is not fcientiflically concerted, the present strug gle in Europe will be little beneficial to mankind, and produce nothing but another thoul'and yerrs of feudal fanaticifm under new and strange names. Extract from a fpeculatkn ftgmd Caud'tdus in the Farmer's Journal of May 17. WHY is so mu'ch attention paid to trifling me morials ? They are not matters ef general concern. And why Ihould we (upport men at Con gress to trifle away their time upon them ? The* anfwertoqueltionsof this kind is obvious. Justice is uniform. It is the fame wheil adininiftered to an individual, a state, or a nation. If all contri bute to the eftabliflimerlt and support of govern ment in order that their persons and properties may be protected : Have not ill a demand on gov ernment for that protection ? The reciprocal rights arid duties of the people, and the supreme power of a nation constitute substantial justice. There is a mutual dependence between the lu preme power and the people. And since the whole government is compol'ed of individuals, does it appear inconsistent that individuals Ihould be heard in thi public councils ? Much depends on public Opinion in matters relating to govern.- tnent. Some deference therefore liiould be paid to it. In ordir .tb the confidents of the peo ple they must be fully convinced that theit memo rials and petitions will be duly attended to when they are not directly repugnant torhe interest and Welfare of the community. And better would it be sot government, to expend 100 dollars in an attempt to do justice to a man, or body of men, than for them to defraud either of them ot 10 dollars by a direct relufal <of justice." CONGRESS. House of representatives. THURSDAY, MAY 13. Vn the proposition to encreafe the duty if tonnage on foreign bottom MR. Madison said that he was friendly to the proportion, as itsobje&was an extension ot the Anierican navigation, but had very great doubts whether it would answer the design of gen tlemen so far as it was pbinted against that nation, whose shipping most interfered with the American shipping; we cannot at prefeflt enter into a full competiori with theßritifh nation in this bufmefs. —He entered into a general confederation of the influence this en hanced duty would have on the navigation Of the European nai tions—and doubted much the policy of laying this duty ori the (hipping of France: By some reccnt tranfattions it appears that oui commercial advantages with some of the powers of Europe will be greatly encreafcd ; the trade of France will probably be of three times the benefit to the United States with that of any other commercial country whatever. He gave a detail ttf the encourage aient which France gave to the oyl bufmefs, and in this encourage ment he intimated that sentiments of friendfllip were mingled with those of interest and policy—the exportation of tobacco to that kingdom is an object of very great importance ; rice is another ar ticle, which begins to be received under great advantages there ; floUr and grain will always in 4 or 5 years find a great derriand in that country ; this is at present thecale, and frorti the {late ot the harvests from time to time the fame will frequently happen ; the preference they give to (hips arid vessels biiilt in the United States should be taken into consideration—this is a very important branch of bufmefs—fait provision will become anothet- article of export—» advantages of which will felt by the mod interior and re mote parts of this country. The French Weft-India Islands admit our veflelg ; it is true the access is contratted, but experi ence wiU continue to point out their true policy; still the mode of carrying on commerce with those islands 14 very advantageous to us, as it is carried on in our own bottoms.—He much doubted the eligibility of the measure as it might conduce to influence the na tions of Europe to make a common cause of the reftri&ions laid iridifcriminately on the maritime powers of Europf*. The great object of this Qpeech wais a difcrimuiatlon between BritiAi and other foreign (hipping of nations not fa alliance, and that of those which are---andpurhiing the idea further he observed, that a consuming country has tne advantage over a naanufa&uririg country; wecan do better without Great-Britain than they can do without us ; articles of luxury may be retrenched with advantage. He attended to the objeftioafrom the Southern States who are so deeply connected with the Britifli; said it was to ike lamented that mcafures calculated to promote the general good ihotild mili tate with any particular interdl—a maritime force in cafe of war is the only hope of the Southern States—not that he was in favor of a navy—but the eligibility of an increase of those resources which might be converted into such a marine force as would be absolutely necessary on such an emergency, must be obvious to every one.— In cafe of war the Southern States would be the ftrft obje£l of at tack. The Squthern States may build fliips and ia this bufmefs enjoy fame advantages over all the reft. There are cases in which it is better to do nothing than not to da a great deal—b? intimated [Whole No. 120.]
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