[No. C.] THE TABLE T. No. C. <' Fortune maintains a kind of rival/hip with wi/Jom." TO discover precisely the causes of the different degrees of success which at tend the affairs of men, is beyond the reach of human sagacity. There is such a blend of good fortune and good management requisite to main tain a prosperous course in life,that it is iinpoffi ble to determine to which of them, a man is princi pally to ascribe his prosperity. A great part of what is trfually called good luck, among men, is nothing more than the effe<!t of measures di<flated by a found judgment; and a great part ofwhat is denominated bad luck is merely the result of fol ly or negled:. The few extraordinary instances, where men are suddenly elevated ordeprcfledby a contingency which their agency did not con t-roul, fliould neither cherifli the hopes of the fool ilh *nd indolent, nor damp those of the prudent and indultrious. A prize iu a lottery, or the death of a rich friend nay throw a worthless fellow into affluence ; but uch a circumstance furnifhes no argument that 'rovidence usually bellows its bleflings, where hey are not deserved. Nor, on the other hand, where the fubftanceof a diligent man isaccident dly destroyed by fire or tempest, can it be infer ed that diligence is not ordained in the conlti otion of nature, as the common road to wealth tnd diftintflion. Extraordinary events do not uithorife general hopes or fears. There are in :he natural world appearances which sometimes work against the usual course of things, but they never defeat the general tendency of the ellablifh td laws of nature. In the moral world likewise we often behold occurrences that seem to contra dict the idea that Providence regulates the affairs of men by a well-ordered economy, that depends for its fucoefs, principally on human agency. That kind of rivallhip which fortune maintains with wifdoin,fhould operate upon men foas to sti mulate their efforts, and improve their circum fpecftion. The lucky contingencies which ren der the progress of f'ome persons so smooth and prosperous areowingmore than is commonly sup posed to just calculations, and persevering appli cation. It is true, that many circumstances oc cur where the effe<fi of personal agency is not vi sible j but still there maybefome remote connec tion between causes that appear hidden, and those that are obvious. The chain of events is con nected in such amanner, that we can never know exadtly the power that binds or separates the links. We can however distinguish enough to fa tisfy a reasonable mind, that in the ordinary run of affairs, happiness is united with virtue ; and interest is promoted by an attention to duty. from the Virginia Independent Chronicle. Te New-Ekgland, New-York, Pennsylvania and Carolina Dear Sisters, I HAVE feeu your familiar epistle, and really thought it mud be the production of some ene my to the whole family. Under these impressions, I expe&ed to fee you all in an uproar,calling on the printer for the author. I conceived that your own credit, as well as the reputation of the fa Uiily, required it i but by your filende you have fconvinced me that it is your own. Ah fillers ! however treacherous your memories are, the world recollect wheityour cries of murder, rape, starve, reverberated from pole to pole, and it is with a bleeding heart I recolle<ft what numbers of my sons fell in your defence. What can my dear lifters mean i Why am I twited in the teeth with many of my farms being untenanted, that I boall of the largeness of my purse, and such envious, malicious raving, as fheweth what termgants my fillers are. I can tell them that so many of my farms would not have been untenanted" if great numbers of my lons had not fallen in their de fence. And as for my being in debt, it is a proof that I havebad credit; little thanks are due to those who never had credit that they owe nothing. But I suppose iny fillers think they have cured all by their great condescension in allowing some merit to my son George. To be sure they shall have credit for that, but I can tell them that my sons Dickey, Bill and James, too, are not to be brow-beaten or frightened by any of their bluf teringboys. I once thought that some of you my dear fillers, were very religious; but methinks you seem disposed to convince the world that it is othei wife. Your levity, your wit and freedom with omnipotence is big with impiety. It is blas phemous, and would have exposed ftritfi civilized heathens to capital pu liftnnent. What do myfif &Mit? PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK. SATURDAY, MARCH, 27, 1790. ters want ? They have shared my bread with me when they were in want. I have given up a mod important and valuable part of my farm for the benefit of the whole family. Has any of my sons Pegged favors and courted exalted places and h:gh employments ? Where is it that the aching heart is throbbing for founding titles ? And where does the fentintent of well-born originate ? Where is the third for the diftin<flion of birth and blood, which has made tyrants and opprefTors of a few, while the multitude drag ignominious chains ? Look at home, my dear fitters, before you upbraid me. You may if you please, make a comparison between the belt of your sons and mine during the conflict,when all our farms were proscribed. And you may, if you please, add to my disgrace, by publishing a true slate of the expenditure from each of ourpurfes to pay the public debt, and to support the copartnery, this, as things are now organized, is easily done, and this will fairly shew whether a local, partial, and parsimonious spirit did not govern in the clamor upon the pro ptfed tax upon Ah, fillers J my sons are in a great measure proscribed from a right to take any of the lands which I threw into the common stock. You will retort that my sons will not come because they mutt not bring their negroes.—Ay fitters ! this is against the copartnery—the interett of the com pany requires that the land should be free at least to all the parties—but while my sons are kept from the market, your sons may perhaps pur chase cheaper, and you have the choice of land more in your power. What allow the iniquitous the abominable slave trade to be carried on under the law of the land in some places, and proscribe others from a right to bring their property with them, when perhaps the intention and design tha r many would have in going there would be to enable them to emancipate their poor slaves with propriety.—So it is urged that a poor igno rant slave who has not learned to provide for himfelf. and is totally ignorant of the arts which a designing world will impose upon him, is in a better condition under the care of a good matter than he is like to be in on his own account. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. TUESDAY, MARCH 9. THE proposition for afluming the State debts being under con sideration. Mr. Shirman. As the Secretary has given us the necelTary information refpe&ing the provision for payment of interest on the State debts--the aflumption it is to be presumed will be agree able to the States in general ; having them all placed on one foot ing, and cme system of revenue pervading the union—the resources will be brought forwaid with more justice and equality, with more certainty and effect, than on any other plan—and the belief that this measure will be agreeable to ihe people is Strengthened by the idea that the States are averse to excifcJ—without which no provision can be made (except dry taxes) to pay the State creditors their inteieft; the fubjeft has been fully difcuued and I think that we are now prepared for a decision, and I cannot but hope that we shall adopt the proportion before the committee. Mr. Bland said he had long been convinced that the proposition before the committee involved a qucftion of the utmost impor tance to the peace, honor and tranquility of the United States. It is the gordian knot of indissoluble onion, every plea of justice, policy and equity loudly call upon us to -dopt the measure—and whether we do or not at the present time, certain it is, the time will corn when we mull do it. The State creditors have an equal claim with those of the union—hut if their demands are not attended to, it.they ftiould be left without any provision for the interest on their fccuritics—that (peculation which has been so much reprobated by this house, will come in upon us like a flood — the State securities will be depreciated to the lowefl ebb, and the creditors reduced to total despair of ever obtaining justice from their country. He thought that every pollible degree of attention had been paid to the fubjeft—that it had been thoroughly inves tigated, and he hoped the committee would now come to a de cision, the affirmative of the proposition should receive his hearty j concurrence. Mr. Page was opposed to the proposition, as it involved the riccedity of direst taxes and excises—these he was afraid would Cerve to revive the ancient jealousies of the States ; those jraloufies appeared to be subsiding and dying away 1 but this mealure will have a dired tendency to revive them—bcfides it willconfiim the predictions of the enemies of the constitution, when ttiey asserted that the general government tended to a consolidation, and would eventually swallow up the Slate governments—he added ruany o thcr remarks and wi filed that the proposition might be pal Ted Mr. Bland rose to reply to Tome observations which had fallen from his Hon. colleague—he was surprised to find any gentleman so fqueamith at this time of day on the fubjeft of dn eft taxes— before the adoption of the constitution this fqueamifhners might have been pfopcr i but since the ratification, all observations of that kind appeared to be entirely out of season. It appeared to him from the firft that the adoption of thr constitution would neces sarily absorb all the efficient revenue of the United States. This bein» the cafe, in what situation will you leave the credit ors of the Sta°te governments ? He then adverted to the particular merits of the State creditors, and said that the State debts were in fafl the debts of ihe United States—he replied to sundry observa tions of Mr Jackson who had informed the house that Georgia had called in its securities and funk them, and said that the gen tleman's account of the fate which attended the securities of the State ot Georgia, was directly in favor of the afTumpiioß—for it evidently (hewed that the creditors of the State* could not depend on receiving justice at the hands of the Slate legiilatures ; on the whole, he observed that he had waited to hear arguments in op position to the riieafure which should carry cbrtvitlioii to his own mind—hitherto hfe had not heard any such arguments, and there fore he should consider hirtifelf fully juftified, on the principles he before advanced, in vokihg for the affuftiptibn. Mr. Page made some observations in reply to Mr. Bland, and observed that the observations he had offered were not the refuk of fqueamifhnefs, they were founded on facts and experience, which he thought fully juftified the apprehenflons he had express- Mr. Scdt rose and said, that he was well aware that adopt ing the proposition would operate in favor of some States, to the certain prejudice of others,and it would be well if a day of retribu tion could be fixed, that might equalize the business ; but he could not look forward to that day—-he feared it would never arrive; yet, under the inipreffton that it was a great national effoTt,and that the State debti were incurred in the common cause of the union, he would vote for the proposition; Mr. Lee wasoppofed to the propofition,and forthfc following rea sons. He said he did not fee the neceflky of irififtinguport theaffum ption «f these debts at the present moment. He had 110 doubt of the justice and policy of the measure, if it could be effe£led on e quil principles, but if the alfumption was not made on such principle*, it would operate iri such a mariner as to countc-« nance oppreftion, and disturb the public harmony. It is well known, Mr. Speaker, said he, that the exertions of the several states have b*en very unequal, and it Is as well known that out present resources are also unequal to the public demand: Sir, we must extend bur refoiirces to make provifioil for the present debt of the union ;we mufl extend them still further} f we assume the slate debts ; and whatever system tif taxation may be proposed, it will require two or three years to bring it into any thing like an effectual operation. He thought the most eligible mode of pro ceeding, would be, to adjust the accounts firft, and after such ad justment to pledge the faith of the union that they would assume the state debts after the general account was liquidated and fettled. He wished to know, he said, whether any inconvenience could arise from purfuinz a line of conduit so rational in itfelf ? Gen tlemen had after tea, and he saw no reafort to doubt their assertion, that these accounts might be fettled in the course of two years, in which opinion the rerpe&able officcr coincided, who was the au thor of the proposition; do gentlemen expect, continued he, that the resources can be provided in a less time than two years, there could be no one of information that could entertain the idea. If then, the accounts could be fettled within the time that should be allowed for the provision of the resources upon which these debts were to be funded, he asked, whether it would not be more prudent, as well as more likely to give general fatis fa&ion, to make a provisional adoption, or pledging the faith of the government to assume the debts at the expiration of two years. He mould therefore vote against the original proposition, which, i f negatived, he would theli move A resolution in fubftanee to what he had exprefTed. Mr. Vining. Afterthe very full and able difcufTionjwhich this im portant queflion has received, it is with diffidence and relu&ance that I venture, especially after my long but unavoidable absence from the house, to obtrude my felt at this time on the committee. When I reflect, however, that this absence has been employed in pursuit of the best information which could tend to guide and aftift myjudgment, I feel some relief from my embarrafment. In viewing this fubjeft as an abftraft question of finance, and merely relative to the individual states, I confefs I behold it as in some degree operating injustice, and, in its effetts, unequal; but when I consider it in a more national point of view, as diffufive of ge neral advantages, and favorable to,perhaps the permanency as well as the interest of the union; lam compelled to yield small local regards to a more enlarged and e&tenfive policy. Bat, continued he, in estimating those local facrifices I would endeavor to com pare the value of theobjeft together with the certainty of attaining it, with the consideration which is as an equivalent offered. In the present cafe some facrifices are to be made at the altar of accomodate on and general convenience. By the state which I have the ho nor to rcprefent, those facrifices will m proportion, be very great. She hasnot only provided for the interest of her particular debt, but has made connderable progress towards the payment of its principal This places her in a peculiar situation ; and; unless some modification should be ultimately made, it might be considered as somewhat oppressive and unjust. But as for this modification, as far as it regards this peculiar cafe, I (hall wait with a firm reliance on the justice and accomodating spirit of the house, until the bill shall be introduced, when; I trust, such pro vision will be made as will comport with the true interests ps the United States. I confefs, Sir* in the contemplation of this fub jeft so many difficulties appear oh efery hand, that I yet feel myi felf at a loss how to determine, or to what fourcci to apply for fafe information. I find the public mind influenced by so **iany and in such opposite dire&ions, that 1 find it difficult, if not tm prafticable, to furnifh myfelf with any guide from thence which can either solve my doubts or lead me to a fatisfattory conclusion. The opinions of intelligent individuals are equally various and fluftuatitig: ThuSfituated 1 feel as if I were on a precipice sur rounded with imminent dangers, and where a single falfe step might prove forever fatal. In this dilemma, continued Mr. Vining, all that is left me, is fairly to balance, as far as my mind is able to embrace them, the inconvenierlcies with the advantages on both fides, and from the result to form the best determination in my power. I believe, that on principles of drift and rigid justice the assumption of the . state debti would be inadmiflible; but there are cases in politics, as well as in jurisprudence, where theJurtlmun jtls would befum rna injuria ; and there are in fiances also in politics where partial evil mav be considered as univcrfal good, and, if there ever wast a cafe of this kind, perhaps it is exhibited in the one now before the committee. I am also convinced, that a very considerable parfc of the debt which we ar« about to assume, has been in lttyny in* stances improVidentlv, in some, unjustly iricurred. The union has been chaiged with expenccs, the benefit of which has been solely appropriated to individual states ; and I sensibly feel, Sir, that connderable disadvantages must necessarily arise to the meri torious and complying parts of the union to the benefit of those which have not been so forward. It is also a painful anticipation to me, that by this measure a direct taxation may be ultimately superinduced, in order to enable us to fulfil the erigagement we now undertake; but I look upon this as a speculative point, and place it at all events, at a very distant period, and even should our appreheflfions upon this fubje& btf realized, I find great con folat ion from the facility of payment which such an increased circulation will immediately produce, and from a policy which I sincerely believe will contribute to the harmony of the union. Upon the whole, Sir, as far as an unfinifhed consideration of thia important fubjett will allow me to go—from the general and ex tensive influence and affe&ion which wUI immediately arise from VIRGINIA. & PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR.ANN
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