Can a general system (land with any punctuality upon such uncertainties ? Will it not be in the power of a fingleftate, by altering its own laws, at any time to disconcert the general treasury ar rangement ? Will the treasury officers ever be a-, ble togive an exadl account of the national re venue, in whose hands monies are, or whether in afafe situation ! I will propose a question which to the people is still a more serious one—Those public officers intruded with the revenue, and with the disposition of monies, ought to be placed in the most accountable situation ; from the inte grity of those now in office, we cannot infer the honor or honesty of their lucceflors; and will not so complex a plan as we are now considering, give the greatest room for evasion and fraud, that can never be detected ? Whoever considers these queltions, in fomeof thein, will find unan swerable objections, against Apportioning to the Stares, and adopting in each one, its own method of taxing and collecting. If neither of the above methods are feafible, the general goverment must adopt a system of its own, on plain principles, which may operate thro' the whole with equal expedition and justice. The greateftevil is to be expected from a plan which either gives difcretiojiary power to subor dinate officers of government, in dividing the taxes on the people ; or is so complex in its principles and operation that they cannot under - stand it. No good man will murmur when he fees himfelf treated on principles of equality ; hut lawgivers ought to remember, that for the common citizens to fee this, the mode of taxation mud be very plain. It is butafew, who have a thorough knowledge of the principles and influ ence ot the tax laws in their own States, and this they have acquired by living long under them. Should the general government adopt a complex system, by detaching the most eligible pans, from all the local customs within the union, it would still appear to the people a proper objeCt of jea lousy, and not feeing an equal operation on o thers, they would suppose theinfelves injured. If there be any kind of property which is the bafisof wealth throughout the union, and bears a near proportion to the ability of the people who must pay ; if this kind of property cannot be fe cretecl, and may be charged on principles of greater equality than any other,- if the nature of the propef-ty be such that every man may previ ously calculate his taxes, and detect an over charge; if it admits a more easy and cheap col lection than any other ; if its produce must forever be in demand, which will enable the pcrfon charged to pay his taxes; this property on some plain principles ought to be the subjeCt of direCl taxaation. PARIS, Nov. 5 r "T , HE final decision of the grand qneftion on X the property of the Clergy, wasagitated in no less than nine different Afiemblies, and has produced moll violent debates. The importance of the decision, brought back all ranks of people to Paris, and it was finally determined in the ful left meeting that has aflembled fincc the firlto pening of the States General, there being no fewer than 964 Members present. The Count de Mirabeau, clofecl the debate with the following pertinent remarks, temling to {hew the revenuesof the Clergy were the pro perty of the people. " These revenues fays he, have been given to the Clergy,either by Monarchs or private per sons, or purchased by them. If Monarchs gave them, in that cafe, they originally belonged to the people; if private peifons—they bellowed them on the Clergy for the use of the public worlhip, which belongs to the people ; if the revenues have been purchased, it was done with the saving of money, the amount of which be longed to the people. Thequeltiou was then carried in the following words : First, " That all the Ecclesiastical property is at the disposal of the nation, at the Charge of pro viding in a proper manner for the propagation of religion, co maintain its Ministers, and eale the poor, under the infpedtion, and conformable to the inftrutftious of provinces. Art. 11. " That in the dispositions to be made for maintaining the Ministers of Religion, no Curate Ihall have leTs than 1200 livers per annum, excluiive of his lodging and garden " In favor ofthe Decree Againlt it Majority The Caifl'e cl'Efcompte ft ill docs honour to its notes ; about 30,000 of them are daily paid ; they arc chiefly of 1000 livers each (about 40 guineas.) Foreign billsot exchange, and drafts, are generally paid at the Caill'e d'Efcompte ; bank ers have fentahnoft all their cafli to that bank. L O N D O N, November 9. The Imperial forces in Brabant under General d'Alton, have hung up every person they have found in arms. At Lonvaine, several ofthe In- fuvgents hnve been executed on a temporary gal lows. MR. fLKXO, IX looking over the letters I received a few weeks ago from Europe, I find one of my correfpor,dents has made fomcjlriflures on the debate.) oj Congref. As his remarks are diElated with candor, and perhaps may not bedecnea unintereflivg, 1 fend you an extradfrom this letter, which if you please \ou may ufert in your paper. %• New-\erk, Feb. 2, 1790, " DEAR SIR, " T THANK you for the news-papers you font me, containing the JL debates of Congress. Your Legiftature, in their firft session. made good progress. The most intcrefting fubjefts however aie yet to be brought forward. The present complexion of your pub lic affairs appears favorable, and it Congiefs in their fee on d feflion pursue their determinations expressed in the jirjl, your system wil be complete ; your friends in this country haveftrong expeftation that the American government will loon affumethc moil refpeft able eharaftcr of anv on earth. There are now no difficulties in the way. If your Legislature make the molt of their situation, your country will rife into honor and prosperity. " I have peiufcd the debates of Congiefs, with most critical at tention. They do honor to your Repiefentativcs, who genera Ih have given indications of abilities and integrity ; but I mull con fefs lam in some refpe&s a littlt disappointed. The debates dil covcr less independence of spirit than I expected from men so fa vorably situated for giviug scope to their talents : I will explain to you my ideas on this fubjeft. 41 In the firft place it may be remark'.d,that the speakers in Con gress have not yet acquired confidence in themselves ; They lp< k as if they thought themselves unequal to the talk they had to a - complifh. In many instances, we hnd good arguments loTe tht r weight from not being more confidently urged ; and the mem bers appear to want resolution more than feufe or honefly. They vi w their situation in a light, so new and untried, as to create a distrust of their own abilities to ast in it with propriety. This diffidence mav be commendable from the motive that gives rif< to it, but it will retard public meafurcs and beget unreasonable precautions. Your Legislators have good ground of confidence in themselves. The world think favorably of them, and believe them ccmpetent to the part they have a (Turned. " Another <r.ircumftance obf rvable in the debates is, that your representatives appear not to have confidence intheir constituents. The speakers often express fears how a measure will afFe€l the fee - ings of the people. There is more evil to be apprehended from this kind of diffidence than from any other fouree ; and yet thert is little foundation for cherishing such a diffidence. The people of your country will submit to any thi that promotes the pub lic good. There is no formidable oppoiition againlf the govern ment ; and your Legislators have no reason to doubt that fuc measures, as are intrinficaHy the best, will be the most univerfallv approved. Whatever is juil and ufeful will not among so enlight ened a people, for any length of time, be unpopular. The dfpo fition of your citizens is as favorable as can be wished, and they will £hearfully acquielce in all the honest measures of the govern ment. The resources of your country are nnmenfe, and r.o part of the globe has such inherent advantages for revenue. Where is the mighty difficulty in eftabliffiing publiccredit, and in that way. acquiring an honorablecharafter and realizing all the benefits that your situation affords ? The Legislators of the United States have nothing to fear from their conllituents while the plans of the go vernment are founded in wisdom and honesty. The public opin ion is scarcely formed on the moil important fubje&s, and it is the business of the Legislature to iinpiefs the public mind with virtuous principles, before vicious ones have gained ap» cvalence." (To bp concluded in the next papyr.) FROM THE CONNECI hUf JOURNAL THE common custom of Farmer* in tliis State, is to sow on land, from one to one bulhel and an half bushel of feed 011 an acfre of ground. " They that low sparingly shall reap sparingly," is a maxim well applicable to our farmers who raise flax.—l believe the general produce of an acre sown at this rate is, 011 an average, one hundred and sixty weight of flax when drefled. And this flax is generally fliort and coarse. A Gentleman of undilputed veracity, in a neigh bouring State, lately gave this account.—" 1 hat he had two acres of good ground, which he de signed to sow with flax ; and that one of his neighbors alked theprivilege offowing it to halves, which he. granted, on condition that he lhould put five bushels of feed upon it ; —he accordingly did—and that in autumn he received for his half, five hundred weight of w£ll drefled flax;—that it wns very long, and much finer than common." This is more than three times the quantity of flax that is commonly raised from an acre of ground, with only the additional expence of one, or one and a half bulhel of feed. But this ex pence would be more than compensated by the additional quantity of feed produced. If this hint fliould prove of any fervjce to those who cultivate flax, 1 fliall think this not written in vain KAYETTEVILLE, Jan. 1790. Extract of a letter from a gentleman in London, to I;. y.:_ . J • ./• " The new federal duties are smart, but they will aflift Congress to bring about an efficient go vernment—your (late keeping aloof froin so ref peiftable a body is too ridiculous to make any comment upon the absurdity of the idea. This country will not long tamely submit to America laying duties on our shipping ; this I can tell you of a truth, having been the other day closet ed with some of our great men on that head. This idea was received, I could plainly fee, from a felf-interefted merchant, and not the breath ings of a liberal patriot and politician ! indeed I was told foine thing mult be done, and if America had any thing to offer, let her do it, for that o ther alien nations had aflced the ininifters of this kingdom, and requested an answer— " Why is not America treated as an alien nation, fuppo sing her a favourite one too, and the fame alien duties imposed upon her exports as are levied up on ours." You fee how the pliyfic works, our ge ral committee is this day funimoned upon the bufmefs by the laws of trade; your pot-ash will I am afraid, be an object." 5 73 346 232 338 " London, November 2, 1789. Jo his friend in this town Sir, AT a friend's house where I was lately visiting, some peifon present obfervmg a negro child capering in thn yard re claimed—what alp rightly little devil it is !—the circumihnce led to a train of rrflc&ions, of which I fend you the result. It is a very general observation that mulatto and negro children difcovcr a greater degreeof vivacity and cunning, than white chil dren of the fdme age ; and many persons arc at a )ofs to account for the difference, when they obfervc that as the former encreafe in years, the reverse appears to he the cafe,—for a negro who w?s lively and ingenious in childhood, is observed to lose these quali ties as he advances in life—and old negroes are generally reserved dull and ltupid. The hiltory of this business I conceive to be this—the Creator lath endued all animals with a principle of a&ivity this dif . overs itfelf with the greatest force while they are hence children of all colours, arc forever in motion, when awake tins attivity is equally observable in a//--and affords one inconteftib'.e vidence, that in the distribution of active, and ingenious powers, nature does not confine its gifis to hair, or wool—what then occa 'ions the difference in after life ? Education entirely—education is but another word for discipline—the natural versatility of the tuman mind by the influence of rules and orders is corretted • he wanderings of the fancy is retrained : and that propensity, vhich unchecked, ripens into mischievous ingenuity, and mon k.yilh adtoitnefs, is made fubfei vient to ufeful acquirements, un fertile hand of parental tcndcrncfs, and unremitted care, and vi- g;ilance—But the ill fated fable race, are generally negle&ed, or if attended to, the attention has a verv unpropitious afpeft on their f uture fate—accuftrmed to consider Africans as property, but little r uperior to four legged animals, their proprietors too often treat icra as such—as mere machines of temporary amusement hence 'heir infant gambols, monkey tricks and pcrtnefs, are encouraged .»y smiles and laughter—some carry the fatal humour so far as never to discourage the infant buddings of artfulnefs, tricking and lying—thus nurturing and hardening them in vice—without the fmallefl effortsto instill into their minds, contrary principles. This is the mode of treatment generally adopted towards black and yellow children—the consequences are such as all the world s acquainted •with—the wrctched cffe&s have given rife to an idea, that blacks are deficient in mental powers—but I leave it o thefober judgment of every candid white person, whether si milar treatment would not neccHarily produce the fame apparent ncomp< t 'ney in the whites. There arc some persons, who,*in many refpe&s conduct towards their children, agreeable to the above mode of treating blacks—eflcntial inflruttions are omitted • but what is called fprightlintfs, manhnefs, &c„ are encouraged f!l a pert boldness, a knack at fwearipg, and a tacts for diflipa :ion f comprehend the whole circle of the sciences to young maf er. Yon fball hear from me again fliortly. Your's, C. MiR. GALE, member from Maryland, took his ■ feat this day. The bill for defining and punishing certain crimes against the United Stat°s, was read a se cond time, and made the order of the day for Fri day next. Ordered, that 100 copies be printed for the use of the House. The order of the day being called for, the House went into a committee of the whole on the bill for securing to authors and proprietors the copy i ight of their works. The bill was read and difended in paragraphs. The committee thenrofe, and reported the fame with amendments. It was moved that the bill lhould be re committed. This was obje&ed to. The motion for re-commitment was withdrawn, and the House proceeded to consider the amend ments—to all of which they agreed. It was then ordered that the bill be engrofled for a' third reading to morrow. Mr. White of the committee appointed to ex amine into the measures taken by Congress ref peifting lands granted by the State of Virginia, for the troops of that State, brought in a report which was read. A meflage was recived from the President of the United States, by his Secretary, communicating a letter from the Gov. of North Carolina, with a copy !of the act of that State, ceding to the United States, certain Weitern Lands, therein described. The meflage with the accompanying ast were read—and on motion of Mr. Smith, (S. C.) re feredtoa committee to report thereon. The fol lowinggentlemen were appointed accordingly, Mr. Clymer, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Gale, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Matthews. AGRICOLA Mr. Hartley moved that a committee Ihouldbe appointed tobringin a bill providing foragener alfyftem of Bankruptcy in the United States. Mr. Smith, (S. C.) objected to taking up the fubje(ft immediately, as he conceived the present {trust ion of the country is such, as to render age neral law on this fubjedl a more intricate and per plexing business than the gentleman is aware of. He thought it. bed to defer the business till the public debt should be funded, and banks e'ftablifli ed, without which it is difficult to conceive how arrangements can be made to facilitate the pay ment of debts, or the operation of such a law. — He said the insolvent atfts in the several States would answer at present. Mr. Hartley replied, that the constitution required that an acftlhould be pafled by Congress on the subject ; but he was not for hurrying it through the house the present feflion, he was de sirous however thatfonie Heps should betaken to (hew that the Congrels had the credit of the country in view. Mr. Sedgwick followed Mr. Smith in a similar train of observations, and adverting to the present state of that country from whence many of our THE GUEST.—No. XV, To tht Author of the Guejl. CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, FEB. i, 1790. Mr. Baldwin in the chair. s
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