2 THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, APRIL 18, 1871. ariRiT of tub ritssa. Editorial ornaoNfl of thh lxadtno joubnaxs TJPON CURRENT TOPICS COMPILED EVfiBX DAT FOR THB EVENIN J TELE iFAPH. BOLD OUT. From the A. I'. Tribune. "We have often been reminded of the Ohio Irishman who, when the Bank of Wooster, after maintaining a precarious existence for some vears, often going, but never quite gone, did at last collapse and explode, while everyone else was denouncing and execrating its direotors, was only moved to admiration and delight. Having heard so often that the Wooster was on its last legs, and supposing that banks were set tip to make money for f their managers by failing, he regarded this as an instance of peculiar and tenacious vitality. "Ah!" said he, "that Wooster was a 'bully of a bank. It stood up a great While! The Republican members of our Legisla ture, finding themseves suddenly and. unex pectedly plaoed in a position of power and re sponsibility by Jim Irving's enforced resigna tion, decided to use that power and fulfil that responsibility by defeating certain obnoxious measures devised and pressed in the exclusive interest of the present managers of our State politics. These measures were named by them, and they entered into a solemn engagement in writing, whereby each pledged his faith to all the rest and to their common constituents to vote steadily against those measures, and thus secure their defeat. All was plain, sim ple, business-like and above board. Oar columns attest that while we approved and sustained this conipaot, we were careful that it should not be carried one hair's breadth beyond the bounds of legitimate par liamentary resistance. We urged the Repub lican members not to rest under the imputa tion of wilfully defeating a tax-levy for our city, but to frame such a bill as ought to be passed and present It in both houses, with a proffer of their solid vote to pass it. Had they conspired to defeat the annual appro priation, the supply, or any other bill essen tial to the regular operation of the Govern ment, State or city, we should have point edly condemned such factiousness, and asked them to retrace their misguided steps. Bat they did nothing of the sort. For two days their ranks remained un broken. Time and again they voted in solid A phalanx not to order a special election to nil Irving's vacated seat. Why should it be filled before the Democrats give baok to us Twom bly's stolen seat ? Why should a special elec tion be held to fill Irving's plaoe at the heel of the session, when Mr. Blood's seat in the Senate, vacant by his death, has remained vacant throughout? Is it more important that the Assembly be full for six days than that the Senate be full for a hundred ? The Democratic writers from Albany have been daily assuring their friends here that the thing would be "fixed" in other words, that a Republican member would be bought. Thus, the Herald of Friday said: "The test Is made on the passage of this bill to fill the Irving vacancy, and the vote stands 64 to 63 every Republican in the line, not One missing and, sixty-five votes belBg wanted for it, the bill is lost. Truly, this Is a moat remarkable event. Here was an opportunity lor a speculative Republican on the main-chance to make twenty, fifty, or a hundred thousand dollars clear cash, and retire to private life comfortably fixed; and there was no bolter, lias the age of miracles come again? For, after all the buying and selling at Albany or the last two or three years, this thing appears like a miracle." . The writer of that was at least aware of the means whereby the Democratic managers expected to solve the knotty problem which confronted them. He knew how they had vanquished other difficulties as formidable as this. Accordingly, in the Assembly, on Saturday, Mr. Orange S. Winans, a stipendiary of the Erie Railroad, representing the eastern dis trict . of Chautauqua county, rose and an nounced that his signature to the agreement of the Republican members had been given without understanding its purport; and it seemed that he had, for the last two days, been steadily voting in a state of continued obfuscation, since he now turned a square corner, and voted aye where he had previously voted no; and nowhere he had voted aye.' Not only did he thus help the Democrats order a special election in the Irving district, but he announced that he would vote with the Democrats on party questions to the end of the session ! Such being the case, we do not see why they should order an election in Ir ving's district and not order one in Blood's. It is said to have been a remark of the late Dean Richmond that it was folly to spend money to elect members of the Legislature, since they could be bought cheaper; and, when bought, yon were sure of them. We have chosen cot to go into heroics over this matter, but to rest content with a plain narration of the facts. And now we say to the nnbought Republicans, Be not discour aged. This step will prove a real godsend in the future. It will give us stronger and truer men in place of the slippery and fishy crea tures who wriggle their slimy way into the Legislature in order to make money by sell ing their votes there. Our next Assemblv will be Republican, and will be far stronger in talent and integrity than any we have had for fifteen years. But for your written com pact, a dozen would have been in the market: as it was, two days were required to secure one. lour purpose was iust: your agree rnent in writing was just as it should be; your seeming defeat was a substantial viotory. Let the Democrats pass their measures as they can and will; do not resign; do not "fili buster;" do nothing factious, nothing to which good men of no party can take exoeD- tion. The tide is rising and swelling, des tined to Dear you on to triumpn. REPUBLICAN COLLAPSE AT ALBANY. From the A'. Y. UertXd. Wonders will never cease. Tammany Hall has found her man, and in the Republican round robin the one Republican vote needed to break the deadlock in the State Assembly resulting from the pugilistic James Irving s resignation, on Saturday last Mr, Orange S. Winans, a member from Chautau. qua county, boldly, in the Assembly, left the Republican line and joined the rejoicing De moeracy. With this acquisition the last ob strnction is removed, the course is clear and the whole budget of the big bills of "the Boss" will be smoothly carried through, in eluding the bill for the practical repeal of the city Registry law, tne bill to amend the btate Election law, the Two Per Cent. Tax Levy till and all tne rest. Tftese bills are bo shrewdly adapted to bold fast the State of New York in the hands of Tammany against all Congressional election law and Ku-klux tills and - against all probable contingencies. that we may safely say the bolt of Assembly man winans from tne xtepnoiioan camp on Saturday is the greatest victory achieved by the Democracy sinoe our November election of 18G1, which gave them absolute possession of the State for the first time in nearly twenty But who is this Orange S. Winans, and how is it that his defection secures this State to Tammany Hall for the Presidential campa'gn of 1872 against all probable contingencies? Mr. Winans, the bolting Republican, who has given this great viotory to Tammany, holds the position of Superintendent of the Erie Railway at Dunkirk, "and his seoond nomina tion" (for the Assembly), says our Republican contemporary, the Daily Times of this city, "is reported to have been secured by a free expenditure of the money of Erie" that Winans "is an adherent of Senator Fenton, nd owed his first nomination (for the Assem bly) to the influence of that political chief, who, in turn, owes his place in the United States benate to Tammany Hall and the Lrie ring." It appears, furthermore, from our afore said indignant and chopf alien cotem porary, that Winans, down to last Friday night, was held by the Assembly Republicans as one of the very staunchest and trustiest of them all; that he was remarkably conspicuous in the' "round robin against Tammany; but tnat, "unknowing to himself, two men appear to have been preparing for him the path of treachery; that "tne one was ms poiittoai sponsor and the other was his employer;" that "the one was United States Senator Fenton and the other was Jay Gould;" that "these two were closeted together for two hours on Friday, and that at that interview there is reason to believe Winans was se lected to take the bribe of Tweed, said to be seventy-five thousand dollars cash down, with the additional bribe thrown in by the line ring of a five years tenure of a position worth five thousand dollars a year." May we not ask, "How is that for high ?" A Herald correspondent at Albany, in his very interesting letter of Saturday last upon this business, gives substantially the same facts of the gossip afloat touching the alleged buying and Belling of Winans. Our corre spondent gives the rumor that Winans was offered "fifty thousand dollars and a five thousand dollars per annum sinecure for five years, if he held firm; and that 'make it seventy-five thousand dollars down and let the sinecures go and 1 am yours, was the answer said to have been made." Our cor respondent, however, says further, that "if Winans were a poor man there would be but one opinion as to the motive power which flung him into the ranks of the Democratic party; but it seems that he is rich and lives like a nabob at Albany, and "that the real power behind the throne" in this belt of Winans is, in the opinion of many, the Erie Railw ay; because Winans is an employe of the road, was elected by its influenoe, and can be elected by it again, no matter what ticket he may run on;" and that "the Erie folks owe the Democracy a debt of grati tude for having choked to death Good rich's plan to put an end to their rascali ties." Here, then, from two intelligent sources at Albany, wholly independent of each other, we have the opinion that the Erie Railway had much to do in this alleged purchase of Winans. Ob this basis, however, of a mere money consideration, this bolt of his from the Republican camp to the Democracy is nothing more than the repetition of the old familiar story of these last twenty-five years of Albany bargains and sales. On the other hand, Mr. Winans rises to the dignity of a great political intriguer upon the theory that in going over to Tammany he acted under the advice and in the interest of Senator Fenton, and for the purpose of administering a deadly blow to General Grant in New York as the Republican candidate for the Presidential succession. This theory, too, is so very plau sible that we cannot resist the temptation to recite some of the historical facts which go to support it. At this time the two most conspicuous Re publican factions in this State are the Fenton faction and the Conkling faction. The New York Iribune has been from the beginning and still is identified with the Fenton faction; the Times has been and still is anti-Fenton. These facts may account to some extent for the Bpecifio indictment of Senator Fenton by the limes in connection with this Winans affair, and also for the peculiar doubling and twisting of the 1 noun on the round robin, For our present purpose it is enough that Winans is a political protege of Fenton, and that Fenton has become dissatisfied yea, disgusted with General Grant and his admin istration. In being ruled out of the Custom House by Mr. Murphy and Senator Conkling the truth is, we fear, that Senator Fenton is ready to repeat the third party movement of Martin Van Buren of 1813 against the admin istration and the regular Presidential candi date of tne dominant party. Mr. Winans, therefore, as a Fenton man, has probably been acting under the advice of his political guide and friend in the desertion of his party at Albany, and in thus turning what otherwise would have been a great victory in behalf of the unity and harmony of the Republicans of New York into a decisive viotory for Tam many Hall against General Grant and his administration. THE COMING REVOLUTION OF LIBOR. From the If. Y. Times. It is a narrow and imperfect view of the Paris revolution, which is taken by many of our contemporaries, that it ia merely an out break of the discontented spirits who always congregate in raris. it is true It is a move, ment of the French working men of that city especially, and of the Rouge wing of that body. It will have its own terrible and gro tesque French characteristics. It will pro claim words oi lave and perform deeds of blood. It has in effect already declared the belief in God a superstition of the past and religion a chimera; it sacks churches and plunders priests, yet its proclamations and orders will be filled wi'h gushing expressions of universal philanthropy and promises of the kingdom of love and fraternity. The beau tiful monuments of Paris, which commemo rate French victories, are too redolent of blood and violence for these gentle enthu siasts, and yet they will soon mark every threshold with its bloody stain in an absurd civil strife, and shoot their own best oountry men who may be suspected of opposing their Biuuiuvui iuo wwn ui x ax ia win run witn blood, while the walls will be covered with ojjiches of fraternity and good will. These are the peculiarly French characteris tics of tnia outbreak. And more of a similar character will come. Parisian self-indul gence will have its fitting apotheosis, when. as we may hear ere long, marriage is pro nounced brutality, Government tyranny, pro perty robLery, and religion a sham. Then the "Commune" will be absolute, and every Parisian will enjoy every blessing of life without check of law, religion, or adminis tration. Each citoyen of the new republio will be a law unto himself. But though these and similar features are the essentially Frenoh ones of this revolution, it is reallv a sudden outburst of far wider, deeper, and soberer forces than are visible in the Parisian capital. It is the first muttering of that social storm which shall yet shake every capital of En rope. It is the old defiance renewed the glove thrown down again between capital and labor. Hundreds of thousands of laboring men ia all civilized countries Lave organized, so that they may seoure more of the prizes of life to themselves. For cen turies thy have beheld the rioh and powerful enjoying all the leisure and luxury of the we aim wnicn labor naa created, while they have been able barely to keep their place on tne eartn. iney cave neaped up riches for others, and been poverty-stricken themselves. All the wealth of the world has come from them, and they have had none of its benefits. Laws, governments, tariffs, taxes, and priests have robbed the laborers to enrich the em- plovers and the capitalists. When thev have resisted, the capital class has starved them out, or restrained them by law. Year by year they have seen their families poorer and the employing class richer. Century after cen tury their brethren have been ground down by the rich. W an tnese views of tne injustice in the present .distribution of wealth, the laboring class of Europe has formed itself into an almost universal association er republio of labor, 'inns far, it nas only called itself an association for trades-unions. But it already exercises a prodigious power in opposition to capital. It has already raised wages in Eng land against all the theories of the econo mists and the protests of philosophers. It has proved for itself the fallacy of the old dogma of the. books that "the wage-fund" is a limited sum, which can only be increased by diminishing laborers or increasing em ployers. The trades-union has already se cured to the laborers of Great Britain a larger share of the profits of pro duction than was ever enjoyed be fore. But the European unions ex pect to accomplish more. They mean to control every labor market in the world. They are already beginning to affiliate themselves with the American unions. They are in close connection throughout Europe. Their mem bers have little respect for either Church or State; vast numbers of them are "infidels;' many believe in socialism; many devoutly bold property to be robbery; and all dislike the rich, and demand a larger share in the goods of life. This bloody and wild outbreak in Paris is only one explosion of the vast, boiling, volcanio material which underlies European society. In other countries, indeed, tho laboring population is more sober and reasonable and self-controlled than the Parisian. But in all it equally hates property, and feels itself wronged by the rich. Possibly the very ex travagances and horrible crimes of the Parisian Communists will, for some years, weaken the influence of the working classes in all countries. The great "middle class," w hich now govern the world, will everywhere be terrified at these teriible outbursts and absurdities: they will hold a stronger rein on the lower. Still the struggle cannot be pre vented. The great revolution of labor has yet to come. PHILADELPHIA AND VIRGINIA. From the X. Y. World. The ocean or one of our great inland seas is not ranch disturbed when a mass of rook is by some convulsion thrown into their midst or an actual island disappears. But a pebble cast into a placid pond makes a great splash, and when two or three disturb the surfaoe at once, there is a manifest ripple on the shore. Our sister city of Philadelphia just now has its chronio calmness disturbed. Her courts of justice are engrossed by a controversy, agi tating one set of ecclesiastical organizations to their centre, on a question whether Epis copal bymnology is orthodox in Presbyterian choirs, and whether in point of faot "From Greenland's Ioy Mountains" and "Rock of Ages, Cleft for Me" are not positively licen tious melodies. Then, in tarn, prelaoy is convulsed by ritualism, and the tom foolery of one crack-brained parson has tempted the successor of Bishop White to make an ass of himself. We have no more faith in the neoessity or expediency in Pro testant organizations of auricular oonfession than has the Pennsylvania "Father in God;" but when we hear, in this day, of the con fessional as practised in our country, "in vading the sanctity of domestic life," "des troying the purity of women's hearts," "breed ing loathsome ideas and fostering lust and crime," we are profoundly grateful that the jurisdiction and teachings of such an Episco pal nincompoop are west of the Delaware. But it makes a sensation in Philadelphia. Nor is this all. In 187G there is to be, and we are sincerely glad of it, a centenary cele bration in Philadelphia, and our neighbors are actually discounting it. Congress has sanctioned it with a reservation that it is to cost the Federal Government nothing. New Jersey approves; Delaware agrees; and now it seems Virginia has sent an exploring expe dition to see how the land lies, and Philadel phia is at this moment busy making them welcome. Judging from the newspapers the poor Virginians are having at onoe a hard and a jolly time of it. Of conviviality at the expense of the municipality there is abundance, and in all the elements which makes hospitality so eaay, as we admit grate fully, Philadelphia is fertile. We have no means of knowing who the Virginia guests are, whether scalawags, which is quite pro bable, or carpet-baggers, or genuine Rebels. From the magnanimous tone of the speeches which are made to them we should infer they were the last. If so, grievous must be their Butteries' at the bands of their taskmasters, They have been carried through all the olassi- calities, old and new, of the city. They went to Independence and Carpenters' Hall, but did not remain at either long the walls being redolent of rebellion. They were en tertained at the Union League, and saw Thaddeus Stevens' picture, and the old flags that had been saved from the routs of Frede ricksburg and Chancellorsville, and the frag ments of shell picked up on Virginia battle-fields, or amid the ruin of Virginia homesteads. JLbe rhuadelphia masterpiece of art her "Last Judgment," Rothermel's Gettyhburg, was shown to them with the bloody repulse of 1'ickett s Division, and Groner, and Edwards, and Williams, and Whiting, Virginia s soldiers, in bloody death, There, too, they were treated to a glimpse of Sheridan's ride to Winchester a picture emi nently suggestive of sympathy for Virginia, with a lurid background of burning mills, and barns, and haymows. Girard College was avoided, for there there is a vulgar, old- fashioned prejudice against black boys, and Laurel. Hill, where the Rebel Hugh Mercer, of Fredericksburg, is entombed. But they saw the prospective park, and General Grants log cabin, and General Grant's Chesnut street house, gift of Borie and company. But supposing tkeui to be gentlemen and loyal to the land of their birth, most grievous must have been their Buffering, when in speeches, and addresses, and editorial congratulations, they were told, as a matter of felicitation, that they that Virginians, proud of their State and oonsoious of its resources bad sold themselves to an alien and a corrupt corporation. They were made to see, as the Yes says, "the power of the Pennsylvania Central in pushing its re sistless branches into the South," and for this they were bid to be grateful. While all this is going on north of Mason and Dixon we found the following pleasant allusion ia aa accredited Virginia organ the Richmond Wfiig of a few days ago: ' hlie the Enqvir.r pipes to the time, 'the hand that, mmto us Is divine,' and slottfles the radical Pennsylvania Central as the richest and most rimmiing concern In the world, we hear that fuga cious men at the Nort h look npon it as rotten to the core, and txpectan explosion at no distant dy. People even la Philadelphia who have invested their all In It, auppoftlng it to be, -a big thing, begin to indulge this apprehension. Jl'he authorities of the road will penult no investigations into its affairs, and no one knows what is its couiltt.'.oa. All elicits to Investigate hr vrtert down. The corpo ration has got a bill passed by the stitisldlznd Legis lature of l'tmioWvanU changing its name, and enabling It to consolidate wi'h Its various leased roads. This Is regarded as the beginning or the end. Aa the mom proritable part of ttielr Dimness is in what are railed 'fast freight linen,' 'sleeping car companies,' etc., which belong not to the rail road, but the officers: these last, when the explo sion lakes place, will break full-handed. 4 We hope the blow-up mav take place before any more of its pollution shall h-.ve been disseminated among us, or our poor people entangled with them or deluded by their promises." The Norfolk Day Hook says: "1 he General Assembly of Virginia ha adjourned. We arennabie yet to form an estimate of lie value of their services, or to separate the good from the bad laws they have enacted. But It is not so dlill eult to tell the sheep and the goats among members. We have seen the Virginia policy destroyed. Yes, the policy originally announced by Mr. Mad t son la bis port bill, and have beheld the cocoauut-heads, c rpet-baggers, and scalawags bought up by the lobby at so much apiece. The Whin suggests that some members weut for the sum of $lO,oiw." "This is a frightful picture. Its details have cfcaped the public, but we know that It was openly charged on the floor of the Uouse and Senate that the railroad and funding bills were driven through nDdcr a greenback pressure never known be 'ore in this Commonwealth. And this under the name of Progress.' "Progress, Indeed ! We smell corruption In the very word when used bv certain classes, and look upon II in their mouths as we would on a skeleton key In the pocket of a housebreaker. At the next election we shall have more than one sermon to preach on this text." GEARY IN DANGER. From theN. Y. World. We have always had, as our columns attest, a kind feeling for the mildly Republican Gov ernor of Pennsylvania. His chronio versa tility and the palpable weaknesses, rather those of head than heart, as revealed in his political transitions and questionable military exploits, we have dealt with in a tone of kindly good humor. His manly oondnct sinoe he has been Governor, on more occasions than one, especially in his effort to save the sinking fund of his State from corporate spo liation, and his manly rebuke, in. the highest and finest spirit, of the Federal intrusion at the polls, have extorted from us earnest and cordial praise. So now, in no meddlesome temper, we are tempted, if not to break a lance in his behalf, to utter a word of friendly svmnathv and armroval. He is in peril in the house of his friends. The loyal press of Philadelphia is out in a shriek of fury at him. The .League the mother League, too in whose friendly arms he once was cherished and from whose bounteous bosom he drew so much of that nutriment which in his executive infancy made him at once so cosy and so rosy the league, Medea like, casts him out, and is ready to murder him. All this, it seems, for no other reason than that he desires, in the pending difficulty between labor and monopoly, as developed in Pennsylvania's most protected spot, it should be settled on terms favorable to that side which has fewest influential friends; and has bad the inconceivable audacity, by the advice of his law-officer the Attorney-General him self a Loyal Leaguer of the most eruptive char acter to institute a regular judicial inquiry as to whether certain corporations have acted within their charter. In doing this he falls at once from grace not only so but he con fronts the great corporate powers that rule Pennsylvania, and throws himself in open defiance of the President of the United States, whom, in common with other proprietors, these cor porations own. Is not, or was not until recently, Mr. Borie, a director of the Reading Railroad Company, the chief offender; and are not Mr. Cameron and Mr. Soott (not of the benate, but of the Pennsylvania Central; all powerful in another direction? There is something very intrepid, though not alto gether prudent, in this open defiance. There is in the Herald the report of an interview with Governor Geary at once so dramatio and lifelike that we cannot withhold credit from it. Here is a tale of piteous disappointment windiag up with a disclosure which we should not dream of making on authority less re sponsible and impressive than Governor Geery's: "I understood that Grant disappointed you In re gard to a visit he was to make yoa." "Yes, he did. I met him and Invited him to coma to Harrisburs for a visit. He said he would as soon aa Congress adjourned. I told him he could have a quiet and, 1. hoped, a pleasant sojourn at 11 arr la- burg, l wouia bring tne Dest people in tne mate to meet blm. We would ride around the country la tne aiternoon ana oe to ourselves, or win company, iust as he pleased. He seemed to be treat it elated with the idea, and I (I will be frank)was Just as much pleased to have him come. I went home and made arrangements to give him half of my house for his residence during his visit to Harrisburg. I did not fare if 1 spent a years salary, isooo ; yes, i would "ave spent 110,000 to have made hla visit a success. 1 Intended to make It the event of my administration, Everything was being peifeoted In good style, on the quiet (I am glad now I did not make it known), for the president s visir, ana i was congratulating my self on the pleasure he would receive at Harrlaburg, when 1 received intelligence one day that he was ou with Cameron and a number oi Phiiadeiphtans on a fishing excursion. When I heard that Cameron had captured blm I knew there was no further hope of a visit to Harrisburg. I stopied the preparations and telegraphed to the northern part of the State that I would leave at once on a tour of Inspection to the prlBona, school-houses, and other public buildings, ana i Biarrca. "Did Grant and his friends catch many fish?" "1 don't know; but, to use a slang term, they all got as drunk as fiddlers, and had to help each other Home dj turns." And then is added: "I understood that Commodore Foote had talked to Urant, with tears In his eyes, until be had induced him to cease drinking; at least all the 'moral' histo ries of the war say that he aid." "History Is one thing, whiskey is another." There is rashness in this; and it is quite within the range of possibility that Governor Geary may be the first viotim of the new Ku klux bill; for, if the Pennsylvania corpora tions Horie adjuvanti claim that their rights under the fourteenth amendment, as construed by J uage uradiey, are interfered with, and that the "constituted authorities, of whom Governor Geary is one, "connive" or "refuse to interpose, "there will be nothing to prevent tne President from declaring mar tial law in Soranton and Mahanoy and taking military possession of i'ottsville. The Gover nor's only hope is that Mr. Borie has passed into the category of Mr. Grinnell, and that the rich and respectable loyalty of Philadel phia, like that of Aew York, is no longer worm consiuering. THE FRUITS OF IMPERIALISM. From the London Spectator. With that curious incapacity for looking beyond the moment which is apt to aistin cnish the Popular view of external affairs. the people of England, who, when they saw the utter rashness, weakness, and even tmbe cility of the Frenoh Imperial Government in time of war, gave all their sympathy to the republio and all their contempt to tne empire. now that the republio in its turn is snowing weakness and incapacity, are more than half inclined to wish that the Emperor were ba;k again on his throne, and are reminding eaoh other that, while be ruled, Taria was, at least, ordeily, end i ranee was. or seemed to be, great. No doubt; but is it tho sign of a good parental government when, the moment the parental authority is withdrawn, every trace of orderly and intelligent insight into the ends of life disappears at once, and it becomes manifest that the parental authority was not one of discipline preparing for self-government, but one cal culated to stiile and suppress all the inde pendent capacities of the individuals submit ted to its rule? The Ectperor himself knew betttr, if he really said some five or six years ago, as be is reported to have said, that he had but one remorse, and that was, that his Government would render self-government in t ranco more than ever impossible. Bo, at all events, it seems likely to prove. No one can doubt that the situation in 1843 was far more hopeful than the situation seems to be now in 18 1 1. Of course the German con quest, and the excessive and humiliating rigor oi the German terms of peace, must be taken into account as one of the disor ganizing elements of the present. Yet had France gained in capacity of self government since 1818, instead of losing, as she undoubtedly has done, the external pres sure might have welded France together anew, instead of exposing the utter anarchy of wishes and purposes within her. The Assemblies of 1848 and 1810 unquestionably contained wild and lawless elements, but they contained also far greater elements of strength man any w nion Lave shown themselves in this distracted and reactionary medley assem bled at Versailles in the hour of Frances greatest peril. Louis Philippe's Government was a narrow-minded and, in some respects, a mean one, but it did, at least, teach the middle classes the alphabet of political life; it brought out not a few eminent men; it de veloped party-leaders of a certain amount of force; it did more in the direction of politioal education than any Government France has had since the revolution. Now, twenty years of suppression, twenty years of parental rule. during which no man who valued his dignity or independence ever dreamt of aspiring to the position of a Frenoh statesman, have left France in ntter political impotence, without parties which know their own political ends, without leaders who bave the oonfidenoe of their parties and guide their counsels, with out the deference for eaoh other which is of the essence of politioal liberty, without a trace of the self-reliance which is at the root of all sobiiety and moderation. And this is notoriously the late Emperor's doing. When. in 1851, instead of steadily resisting enoroaoh ments under the Constitution, he plotted to upset the Constitution and put down the Par liamentary life of France by the help of that popular pamo and ignorance the expression of which be organized in the plebiscite, he really snut up, and Knew that he shut up. the political school of France, and suppressed political education, which is the only root of true order, in the so-called interests of order. Thenceforth every Assembly of .Deputies recognized tnat if it displeased the iijnperor, a plebiscite would shut its mouth; and all power accordingly dropped from its hands. Imperial clerks and secretaries took the place of statesmen. The opposition, per fectly conscious that they had no responeibil ity for France, became a mere knot of viru lent literary antagonists of the empire. The ministerial party knew that it existed only to support the throne; the tradition of politioal responsibility and party bonds was lost; the half learned lessen of self-government was utterlv foreotten: and the exreriene. valu. able enough of its kind, narrow and limited as that kind was, of the eighteen years of middle-class government in France, was utterly wasted a generation having arisen to which its lessons are as though they had never been taught. And all this is, we say, emphatically due to the Em peror. Had he acted as Cavaignao acted in 1848, France might have had less material prosperity, might have passed through more dangerous-looking crises between 1850 and 1870 than she did, but she would not now be the helpless chaos she is. Louis Naooleon. by the deliberate policy of making his appeal to the timid ignorance of the nation to over rule and extinguish the disoussing intellect of the nation, brought these thinss abeut. and is guilty of that politioal impotence of the nation at which all Europe stands aghast. And though this is the great count in the indictment against the ex-Emperor, and the very root of all his Bin, it is not the only one. It was hardly his fault, perhaps, that he had not even a small fraction of the intellectual and moral energy necessary for the awful re sponsibilities he took npon himself in order ing the coup d'etat or, at least, it is his fault, but only in this sense, that a man not con scious of the enormouB power requisite to infuse energy and intelligence into the guid ance of the State after he had concentrated power in his own hands, ought to have known that he was committing a crime of far more fatal immediate consequences in bringing about a condition of things in whioh the only spring of vitality was his own will and brain, than he would have committed if he had really possessed the genius to direct a great administration well. He made himself essential to Franoe without having a mind or an industry or a power of impulse anything like as great as that of any of our recent English prime ministers. We do not deny his intellect a certain detach ment and impartiality and a partly artificial stateliness of its own. But it was radically languid; constantly under the dangerously sedative influenoe of a love of pleasure, and entirely without the restless and impulsive vigilance of all great administrative natures. The consequence was that when the late Em peror found himself the centre of a great political system, he was compelled to make money do, or rather seem to, the work which he ought to have done by the un wearied energy of his own will. The natural sequence of the destruction of political liberty, and the oonoentration of great power in the hands of a lazy and some what enfeebled valetudinarian, was a vast sys tem of corruption. We do not charge the Emperor with any personal meanness in the matter. For this there is no evidence, and, as far as we know, his perhaps somewhat arti-fioially-cultivated, yet quite genuine feeling of Imperial dignity, would alone have ren dered it impossible for him to amass wealth for himself. But we do Bay that his lavish use of money to make the Imperial machinery of government ran easier in his languid hands was a new misfortune to Franoe over and above the misfortune of the suppression of her political education, and ought now to be a second "remorse" to himself. As a ruler the ex-Emperor is bound to feel not one, but two great passions of remorse one that his regime postponed to the Greek kalends the possibility of any intelligent and temperate freedom in France; the other that Lis regime degraded the ideal of administra tive duty, and rendered pecuniary greed n ess something like the law of official life. It is with the inheritance of both these monster evils that the conquered and frantio country conquered through his Inoompetenoe, frantio from the ignorance and confusion which his suppression of all real politi cal life for twenty years compelled is now struggling. No doubt it is fair to set off against these monster evils that the Emperor taught France the seoret of material prosperity, and went a good way towards giving her free-trade. But let no man who does not believe tnat money, or money a worth, is the tummum bonum of nations, talk of the ex-Emperor's regime as if it were the golden age towards whioh, in the present anarchy and confusion, it is natural to cast back a longing glance. I be military impo tence of France, whioh is, perhaps, the least of alltne frigntfnl evils of tne present situa tion, the political impotence of Franoe, the social corruption of Franoe, are all the natural and legitimate harvest of tho imperial seed. Napoleon III sowed the tares which are now being garnered in so plenti fully by the unhappy Republicans let us hope for conflagration. Who that has the true welfare of France at heart can hesitate for one moment to say, "An enemy hath done this ? Not, of course, an open or self conscious enemy we are perfectly aware that in his own way, and under bis own self-interested conditions, Louis Napoleon loved France and desired to see her glorious and great; but still he was her deadly enemy, be cause he was one who loved power better than duty, and thought more of the wealth and glory of France, than of her intelligence, her liberty, or her self-respect. FOR SALE. FOR SALE, An Elegant Residence, wixn STABLE, AT CHESNUT HILL. Desirable location, a few minutes' walk from depot. D. T. PRATT, No, 108 South FOURTH Street. 8 94 2m fl It. T . DOB1JINS, BUILDER, OFFICE, NOS. B and 0 LEDGER BUILDING, offers for sale the follow lng properties at reduced prices : No. 1. Handsome four-story Brown Stone Resi dence, with side-jard, situated No, 191T Chesnut street, finished with all modern conveniences. Built by the day without regard to cost. Lot 44tf by ITS feet deep, to a back street. Clear of all incumbrance ; will be sold a bargain. No. 8. Elegant three-story Brown Stone Resi dence, with Mansard Roof, situated west side of Broad, above Master street. Very commodious; finished with all modern conveniences. Built In a very superior manner. Lot CO by SO feet deep to Car lisle street. No. 8. Neat three-story Brick Dwelling, with Bide yard, No. 1413 North Eighteenth street, above Mas ter, containing ten rooms, with all modern conveni ences ; will be sold below cost. No. 4. Lot west side Broad, 65 feet above Vine, 73 feet front, 193 feet deep to back acreet ; will be sold so as to pay well for Investment. Also, lot west side of Broad, above Thompson, 95 feet front, 200 feet deep, to Carlisle Street, with brick stable for four horses. No, 6. A Cape May Cottage, located on the beach ; Is large and commodious; If not sold will be rented. No. 6. A good Farm In Richland township, Bucks county, containing 03 acres, with good Improve ments. 4 T tf SALE OF THB ATSION ESTATE. ABOUT 88,000 ACRES OF LAND, TO BE SOLD AT PUBLIC AUCTION, AT TUB WKST JERSEY HOTEL, CAMDEN, N. J., ON MAY ft, 1311, AT 1 O'CLOCK, P. M. -ii TO SPECULATORS IN LAND, PROJECTORS OF TOWNS AND CAPITALISTS GENERALLY, A RARE OPPORTUNITY FOR INVESTMENT IS PRESENTED!! A FARM of about 700 acres, with extensive im provements, is included. several MILLS and additional mill and manu facturing sites are on the property. RAILROADS traverse the entire length of the tract. ATSION STATION Is the point of Junotlon of two railroads. TOWNS and SETTLEMENTS may be favorably loc ft X ocl THE CEDAR TIMBER is of considerable value. CRANBERRIES, GRAPES, SWEET POTATOES, BOPS, etc, can be very successfully cultivated. GOOD TITLE will be made to the purchaser. SEND FOR A PAMPHLET containing particu lars, and apply personally, or by mail, to GEORGE M. DALLAS. Assignee, 8 84 8Tt No. 828 8. FOURTH St., Philadelphia. FOR SALE, AT GERMANTOWN DESI RABLE SUMMER RESIDENCE, on Old Town- biiip une road, near cneuen avenue ; convenient to depot, near to the Wlssahlckon. Stone house, frame barn, spring house, fruit trees, good spring of Water, three acres ; one of the coolest sltuatlous In German town, with One drive to the city. Will be sold fur nished if desired. Apply on the premises, or at JUSTICE, BATEMAN A CO.'S, 4 17 8t No. 122 B. FRONT Street, FOR SALE, BARGAINS LOTS OF FIVB and ten acres on the Asylum road, Frankford. 4 l&mmnm it. j. uucmxsa, imager uunaing. TO RENT. ff TO RENT HANDSOME BROWN-8TONE li 'j Besldence. Broad and Thompson streets. D. M. FOX fc SONS, 4 lSstuth3t No. 640 N. FIFTH Street. FUHNITUKt. Joseph H Campion (late Moore A 'Tampion), WILLIAM SMITH, BICHAAD a. CAMPION. SMITH & CAMPION, Manufacturers of FINE FURNITURE, UPHOLSTERINGS, AND IN TERIOR HOUSE DECORATIONS, No. 849 SOUTH THIRD Street. Manufactory, Noa. 815 and 81T LEVANT Street, Pauadelphla, 811 C0PYINQPEESSE3. Just received, a Large Assort ment of the Latest Styles COPYING PRESSES. WM. M. CHRISTY, Stationer and Printer, No. 127 S. THIRD Street, Opposite Girard Bank. S 83 eodS OORDAQE, ETO. CORDAGE. Kanllla, Eiial and Tarred Cordaj At Lowart Btw Terk Prioaa and Frriaht; cd win n. FiTUta co I'M toa. TBKTH St. and SKRMAHTOWB AveaMI tor. Ho. IS M, VATKB BLu4H& DBLAWA&B Avenoa PHILADELPHIA JOHN S. LEB A CO., ROPE AND TWINE MANLFACTUREK8, DEALERS IN NAVAL STORES, SHIP CHANDLERY GOODS, ETC 46 and 48 NORTH WHARVES. Not. OOAL. p. owen a co.. coal dealers! filbert street wharf, SCHUYLKILL. HOlyS SNOWDON A RAUU OOAL DEPOT, COKNEBt D1LLWYN and WILLOW Street. Lehigh and, Schuylkill COAL, prepared expreaalj for family tute at the lowest ami puces. I U
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