THE DAILF kviSNINO TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, MARCH 27, 1871. 2 SAI7 Doxaitrao. Ct1ne4 fttm Ftrtt Pat. The loss of a screw oeicurred to prevent this wsr breathing perambulation. The Nipslo did not gn beyond Portsu-Ptluce; iat Ueuteiiant-Onniraandor Seifridge, In his report, under date of July 14. HI), lota drop an honett Judgment, which causes regret that be did not TlBlt the whole Island. Thus He wrote: "While my short stay In the Island will not permit me to speak wttn authority it Is ray Individual opinion, that If the United Stv.cs should annex llaytl on the representation or a party, It would be fonnd an elephant both costly In money and live." llbid., p. 6.) The whole cae Is opened when we arc warned gainst annexation "on the representation of a party. " Hull the ache me proceeded. On the IT'h July, 1881. General Babcock nailed from New York for St.. Domingo, s special airent of the State Department. The recoidsof the department, so far as communi cated to the Senate, show no authorltr to open ne gotiations ol any kind, much. Itess to trel for the acquisition nf this half Inland. Ills lustructloiH, which are dated July 13, 1869, are siinnly to make certain inqul i Ifn ; but, under the lame date, the Seoretaryof the Navy addresse a letter to Com mander Owen of the nemlnole, with an armament of one ll-ineii gun and four Si-ponuders, of 420J pounds. In which he says: ! "You will r main at samanaoron the coast of St. Domingo while UuerJ Hancock Is there, and (rive him the moral aupptit of your gnus " Ibid ., p. 8.) The phrase u( the Secretary is at lesit cutlm And who Is General Babcock, that on his visit the navy Is to be at Ins back? Nothlug on this head it said. All that we kuovr from the record Is that he was to make ceruiu Inquiries, and In this business "guns" play a part. To be sure, It was their "moral support" he was to have; but they were nevertheless "Runs." Thus In ail limes hat lawless force sougtit to disguise itself. Before any negotiation was ue cun, while only a few lnterroga',orle were ordered by ttie State De partmt nt, under which he acted, the moral support ol guns" was ordered by the Navy Department. Here, sir, permit me to say, Is the first sign of war, being an uudoubted usurpation, whether by Presi dent or Secretary. War Is hostile force, and here it Is ordered. But this Is only a squint, oompared with the open declaration which ensued. And here again we witness the contrast with Old Spain. But the ' guns" of the Seminole were not enough to support the plenipotentiary In his Inquiries. Tne Davy Department, under date of Angust S3, 169, telegraphed to the commandant at Key West: "Direct a vessel to proceed without a moment's delay to San Domingo City, to he placed ar the dis posal of General Babcock while on that coast. If not at San Domingo City, to dud him " (ffrjj., p. 8.) Here Is nothing less than the terrible earnestness Of war Itself. Accordingly the Tuscarora was dis patched, and the plenipotentiary tlnds himself to a commodore. Again the contrast with old Spain I How many days the Tuscarora took to reach tho coast docs not appear; hut on the 4th of Septembnr the famous protocol was executed by Orvllle E. B ib cock, entiling himself "Ald-de-canip of his Excel lency Oeueral Ulysses 8. Grant, President of the United States of America," where, besides stipula ting the annexation of Dominica to the Untied States In consideration or t,5iN),mm, it is further provided that "his Excellency General Oraut President of the United .state, promises pri vately to use all his Intluenoe In order that the Idea of annexing the Dominican republic to the United Suites may acquire such a degree of popularity among members of Congress as will be necessary for Its accomplishment." (Hutch., 8n Do mingo Report, Senate, No. 834, p. 188, forty drat Congress, second session.) buoh was the work, which needed so suddenly "without a moment's delay" a second war ship, besides in Nlpslu, wnlch was already ordered "to lend the moral support of Us guns." How unlike the coudition when old Spain boasted that there was not a bpaulau bottom In the Returning to Washington with his protocol, the plenipotentiary was now sent back with Instructions to negotiate two treaties, one for the annexation of the half-Island and the other fot th leas ) of the bay of Satuana. How this business a nod appears from the State Department. The report of the Navy De partment shows how it was sustalued by force. By a letter under date of December 8, IS 19, on boird the ship Albany, addressed to O ximauder Bunce on board tbe Nautasket, the plenlp iteJttarv, after an nouncing the conclusion or a treaty for the lease of Samana aud other purposes, Imparts Hi s Important Information: "In this negotiation the President has guaranteed to the Domlnicau Republic protection Iro u all for eign interposition during the time sped tied In the treaties for submitting the same to tae people of the Dominican Republic." Of the absolute futility and nullity of this guar antee uutll after the railtleatloii "f the treaties, I shall speak hereafter. Meanwhile w-j behold tne Dlcninotentlarv : "For this purpose the honorable Secretary of the . xtavy was uirectea to pi ace tnree armea vessels lu this harbor, subject to my ijstruution." Why three armed vessel? For what purpose? How unlike old Spain! Wuat follows reveals tne menace or war: "I shall raise the United States nag oa shore and shall leave a small guard with it." Here is nothing less than military occnpatlon. Be sides war ships m tne waters, the flag Is to be rtUed on shore and soldiers or the United .States are to be left with it. Again the coutrast w tu old Spain, who boasted not ouly that thera was not a aiugle Spanish "bottom" on the coast, but not a siugie Spanish soldier on the land. Then follows an order to make war: "Should you find any foreign Intervention la tended, you will use all your force to carry out to the letter the guarantees given lu the treaties." Nothing could be stronger. Here U war. Then comes a direct menace by the young plenlpoten tiary, launched at the neighboring black republic. : 't ne DOUliuicau neptiunc, tearing trouoie irom the Haytlen border, about Jastuul, you will please Inform the people, in case you are satiHtied there la an Intended intervention, that such intervention, direct or ind'reet. will be regarded as au unfriendly act towards the United States, and take such steps as you trunk necessary." equate ex. iuc, a j. m, d. 9. Forty-first Congress, Third Session.) The Dominican Republic fears trouble, or In other words the usurper Bae trembles for his power, and therefore the guus of our navy are to be polnte t at Uaytt. Again, how little like Old Spain I And this was tne way in wntcn our negotiation began. W e have heard of an "armed neutrality," and of an "armed peace;" but here Is an armed negotiation. The force employed In the negotiation naturally fmctiUed in other force. Violence follows vloleaca In new forms. Armed negotiation was changed tj armed intervention, being an act of war, all of wnlch Is placed beyond question. There is repetition and reduplication of testimony. The swUtuess of war appears in the telegram dated at the r-avv Department January ), H70, ad dressed to Hear-Admiral Poor, at Key West. Here Is this painful despatch: Proceed at once with the Sf vern and Dictator to Port-au-Prince: communicate with our C'.msul tnere, and inform tbe present II ay lien authorities that this Government Is determined to protect the present Dominican Government wltu all its mwcr. You will then proceed t D miitiloa. an t una y ur lorce to give tne most aiupie piotectiou to tne Do minican Government against any po wer attempting to Interfere with It. Visit Samana Bay aud the capi tal, aud see the United S ates power and suttnrlty secure mere, mere mum ne no lauure in tnis matter. If the llaytlens attack th ) Dominicans with their shlpp, destroy or capture tlieru. See tnai there is a proper lorce at Dotn ban Douiiugo city and Samana. "If Admiral Poor Is not at Key West, this des- patcnuuHioe lorwaraea to uim witnoit delay. ' iUul., p. 11.) "Proceed at once!" Mark the warlike enerirv Whattheu? Inform the llaytluu Goveruimmt tint "this Government Is determined to protect tin present Doiiilutcitn (Government (the usurper with all its power " Strong words, and vast lu scone. Not onlv whole navv of the United Kcties. but all the power of our country, is promised to the usurper. Ah Dominica, where the admiral Is to go next, he is directed to use his force "t give the m ist am pie protection to me Domiulcan Oover. went (tne usurper uaez) sgalbst any piwer iw-iiHuiug io inu-r ere wuti it." 'l iien comes a new direction At Samana aud the city of St. D jinlugo "see the 1'niteo States power and authority secure there." Here is nothing less than military oimiupv tlon. Pray, by what title? Mark again thd warlike energy. Aud, theu giving to the war a new char to ter, the Admltal is told :-lf the llaytlens attack the D Hnlnlcans with their ship . destroy orcip u e them." Buch Is this many-shotted despatch, wulci U like a indrsllleuse in death-doailng missives This belligerent intervention iu the atTalr of another couutrv, with a declaration of war against the Black Republic, all without any authorit? from O'DRress or any sanction under the Constitution to Lieutenant Commander Aden, of tli Hwitit' with an arinaraeut of six Si-pounders, 4."oo p.)uu i4 and one ll-l:ich gun where is the breath of w ir' Alter hurrving the aula on to the cltv of St n . mli go, the despatch says:-. "H you find when you get there that the D rnt BlcD Government require any assistance agamst the ruemles or that republic you will ut hesitate to glvs it to them " (enat Ex. Dj j. No 34, p is, Foriy-Iitst Congress, third secston.) W hat l this but war, at the t ail of the usurper Baea against the enemies of his OoverniUHUt, Whether domestic or foreliiu? Let the usurper cry out, and our flag la engaged. Our cann m utatt tiro, It aay be upon Ixmilulcans. rising agMust ttij usurper, or, It niay be. upon Htytleus warring ou tne uiurper for their rights; or it may be upon s turn CUicr Mt'igo power tlaiiiiUig riguu. The ordsr is peremptory, leaving no discretion. The asslit.ni must be rendered. "Von will not hestrato to five It to them ;" so says the order. On which I observe, this Is war. , This was not enough. The Navy Department, by still anotherorder, datod Februarr 9, 1810, Bddrd to Commodore Ureer, of the ship Congress, with an armament of fourteen 9-lnch guns and two IW ponnder rifles, enforces this same conduct. After meMtnnlns, the treaty, the order says: "White that t.-eaty Is pending, tne Government of the t'nlt'd Sute9 has agreed to afford countenance and assistance to the Dominican people against their enemies now In the Island and In revolution against the lawfully constituted Government, and you will use the force at your commind to resist any attempts by the enemies of tne Uoin nioan "? public, by land or ea, so far as your pjwercau reach them. (Ibid, p. 19.) Here again Is belligerent Intervention In Domini ca, with a declaration of war against tne Black Re public, Included under the head "Snemles or the iKimiiilcsn It pnblic," or, perhaps, It Is a case or "tunning a muck," according to Malay example, for the sake or the usurper Baez. Thus much Tor the orders putting In motion the powers or war. I have set them forth In their pre cise words. Soon I shall show wherein they offend international law and the Constitution. Meanwhile the case Is not complete without showing what was done under these orders. Already the State Depart ment has testified. The Navy Department tn titles in harmony with the State Department. And here the record may he seen under two heads, flrt, belli gerent Intervention In Dominica, and, secondly, be.ligerent Intervention In 11 ay 11. BELLIGERENT INTERVENTION IN DOMINICA. In Domlulca there was a constant promise of pro. tectlon and a constant appeal tor It with recurring incidents, snowing tne dependence or tne usurper upon onr naval lorce. And here I proceed accord- lug to tne oroer or nates. Kear-Admiral poor, or tne nag snip Severn, re potts from the cltv or 8U Domingo, under date of March 19, IS 70, that the President, meaning the usurper Baez, informed him that he was obliged to keep a considerable force against Cabral and L'.pe- ron, and tnen added, -ir annexation was aeiayei it would be absolutelv necessary for hi in to call upon the United States Government for pecuniary at I." Ibid., p. IT.) isot content wir.n our guns, tne usui per wanted our dollars. Next Commander Bunce. under date of March 91. 1370, reports from Puerto Plata that "the authorities think that the excitement has not vet passed, and that the pre sence of a man-or-wsr here for a time will have a good moral effect" (p. 19). The man or war becomes a preacher. The same officer, under date or JHtrch 94, 1370, reports a speech or his own at Puerto Plata, that Kear-Admlrai 1'oor ''had a heavy squadron about the Island and would drive hltn (Luperon) out probably in doing so nestroying tne town ana an the property In It" (p. 19). And this was followed, March 20, 1870, by formal notice fiora Commander Bunce to the British Vice-Consul at Puerto Plata, la these terms: "As to my objects here, one of them certainly Is, and 1 desire to accomplish It as plainly as possible, to Inform the foreign residents here that if any such league or party is formed among them, and with or wluiout their aid Luperon, Cabral, or any others hos tile to the Dominican Government should get pos session of this port, th 9 naval forces of the United Stnles would retake it, aud In so doing the toretgn residents, as the largest property-holders, as well as the most interested lu the business of the port, would be the greatest sufferers." (Ibid., p. 20.) Here Is the menace of war. Meanwhile the work or protection proceeds. ReAr Admiral Poor reports under date of May 7, 1S70, that upon arrival at San Domingo City : "1 found it necessary, property to protect the Do minican Government," to despatch one of the sloops 1 round there to the northwest portion ot the Island aud the other to Puerto Plata, Intending, as soon a able to do so, to despatch one to Samana bay and to station the other ou St. Domingo City." (ftttl., p. 9- litre Is protection at lour different points. Meanwhile the treaty for annexation and also the treaty fcrthe lease or Samana had both expired by the lapse or time, March i9, 1870, whllo the treaty lor annexation was rejected by solemn vote June 80, ls;o, so that no tteaty remained even as apo logy lor the illegitimate protection which had been cohtinued at such cost to the country. But this made no difference In the aid supplied by onr navy; nor was tne aomiti'straiion nere uuaavisea wun re gard to the dependence of t he usurper. Uomruodore Greer reports from offdt. Domingo City, under date of July 91. 1870: "1 am Indued to tr.e opinion that a withdrawal of the protection or the United States,and or some future time, would instantly lead to a revolution, neaacd by Gabral, who would be supported by the enemies of the present Government and assisted by the linyueim." (I bid., p. 93 ) 'Ihis Is followed by a report from Commander Allen at Samana Bay, under date of August 2S, 170, tiuuoiinclng that he has reonved a communication from "his Lxcellency Pn sideut Baez requesting the presence oi a vessel on tne nortn sine oi tne lsiana on account ol an Intended Invasion by Cabral." (Ibid., p. 94.) Iu the communication, which Is In closed, Hie usurper sas that he -'deems the presence of a ship-of-war lu the Bay of Mauzanlilo of Imme diate importance." (iota.) uaorai, it appears, was near this pluce. Other points are lncutioned to be t iMted. '1 hen follows auother re.iort from Comman der Oner, under date or September 3, 1970, where the dependence or t he uxurper Is conressed: "The Pn Kioent was anxious to add to the f irce at Ms dispoi-Hl lu the city of San Domingo, as he feared an outbreak, and asked me If I could not bring some of Ills li en that were at Azua. 1 acceded to his request, aud on the 2d instant landed sixty-live officers and men that we had brought from Cuba." (Ibid. p. 90 ) Here is a confession, showing again the part plated lv our navy. Still the cry of the usurper was for help. By a It tur irom the Executive Mansion at San Domingo, under date of August 30, 1S70, he ;Jeslres C mi nim dcr lrw lu rr the Yautic to proceed "to Tortu putrodeAz.ua for a few hours, ror tbe purpose or transmitting to this city the rct or the Dominican b .UhIIoii Kestaiiruclon, as It is thought convenient bv the Goveromert." (I bid., p. 61.) Then, again, under date of October, 8, 1S70, the UHUrper declares "the necessity at present of a man-of-war In this port, aud that none would be more convenient than tlie Vsutlc for the fuclllty of entering the river Ozsma, owing to ber size." Ibid., p. 8L) Thm not merely on the coasts but In a riot was our navy In voked, but tills was not enough Under date of October 8, 1S70, the usurper writes from the Execu tive Kesldcnce, "to reiterate the necessity of the versels now In that bay (Samana) coining to the southern coast." (Ibid., i, 39.) Aud as late as Jam ary 8,ls71,lt iir-Admtral Lee reports from off S in Do mingo City, that delay in accomplishing annexation has among other things "risk of insurrection;" thus atttsticg the dependence of the usurper upon our power. Such is the uniform story, where the cry of the usurper is like tbe refrain of a ballad. DElXIGKHEkT INTERVENTION IN IUTTI. ThecoLStant Intervention in Dominica was sup plemented by that other Intervention la Haytl, when an American admiral threatened war to I Ho Blu'k Hepubllc. Shame aud Indignation rise as wo read the recoid. Already we know It from tae State Department. Itear-Admlral Poor, under date of teb. 12, 1S70, reports to the Navy Department his achievement. After announcing that the Severn, with an armament of fourteen 9-luch guus aud one eo-poumler rifle, and the Dictator, with an arma ineiit of two lb inch guus, arrived at Port-au-Prlace February, lb70, he nartates his call on the Provi sional President of Haytl, and how, after communi cating tlie pendency of negotiations and the deter mliiutlon of the Government or the United State "vtlth Its whole power" to prevent any interference ou tbe part of the tiayttau or any other Govern ment witn that of the Dominicans (meaning tho usurper Baez), he launched tins declaration: "1 herelore, if an? attack should be made up u the Dominicans (meaning the usurper Baez) durlug the said negotiations, under the Hartlen, or auy otiier rlhg, it would be regarded as an act of hostility to the Unit d States flag, and would provoke hostility lu return." Such was bis language In the Executive Mansion of the President. The Bear-Admiral reports the d'gciiled reply of the President aud Secretary of Hate, who said: ' That whlie they were aware of their weakness, ihey knew their rights, ad would malntatu them aud their digmtr as lar as they were sole, and tun they uiubt be allowed to be the ludges of their own policy, or words to that effect." (Ibid., p. 14.) Such word- ought to have been to the it jar-Admiral niore than a broadside, llow poor were his great guns again t this simple rep'oof! The bla :k republic spoke wed. The near-Admiral add taat he heard aiterward. unofficially, "that tne autn irl tlts were dihpleahcd with what they considered a menace on the part or the United states, ac jo, up a uietl wlih force." And was It not natural that ttioy should be displeased? All this Is bad enough fioin tho official record, but I uiu eliabli d from another source, semi oillclvil lu chaiueter, to show yet more pre.-Utf'y what oc curred. 1 have a mliiut'i account drawu up oy the weiitleman wi.o acted ms Interpreter on thu occailou The Kear-Adu irul c aili not tieuk French; the rre Kiik'iit could not spetk Kugiisu Ui.-ue i t of a. x upi n ti e bt treiiiry or sun anu making itu c ui n in leutiou to ill la f ulieUoinry, he went at ;iie to iLe Kx euiive M.tiifciici. ith ti.e oitloera or Ins vei. ei Mid other persons, when, after announcing to the President that he en:e to p y a frieudir visit ti ) Haiti that, "us a hiilur, lie would take the samj op portunity to communicate lustructi n received from Ida Government." The President, justly surprised, said that he ws not aware that the Bear- Admiral had auy oill :ial eon Uiunli atlon to make, o'herwlstj the Sitxwtar of Slut for Foreign Allaira would bo present, bnu ilia proper party to receive It. The S0e.re.t4ry ut St tie and Other members of the Piovisl mnl U Ver'iui4 it ete sent for, when the H-ar Admiral procoede I I make the coinuiuiikaUou already reported, aud at the snme time pointing to Ms great war-ships In the outside harbot, plainly visible from the Executive Mansion, remarked that It could be seen he had power enough to enforce his communication, and tt, at, besides, he was expecting other farces (and In fact two otht r wsr-shlps soon arrived, one of them a monitor); and then he answered that, "If any ves sels under Paytien or other flags were found In Do minican waters, he won id sink or capture them." Brave Hear-Admlral I The Interpreter, from whose account I am drawing, says that the President felt very sorry and humiliated by this language, espe cially when the Rer-Admlral referred to the strong forces under his command, and h proceeded to reply : "That Haytl, having the knowledge of her feeble-nei-s si d of her dignity, ha taken note'of the com munication, made In the name of the United States, that, under present circumstances, the Government of Ilsjtl would not interfere In the Internal affairs or Santo Domingo, but the (lovernment could not prevent the sympathies or the Uaytlen people to be with the Dominican patriots, lighting against an Dexion." V ho will not say that In this transaction the Black Republic appears better than tbe Hear Admlrsl? TWO PROPOSITIONS ESTABLISHED. Such Is the testimony establishing bevond ques tion the two propositions, first, that the usurper Baez was maintained In power by our navy, to ena ble him to carry out the sale of his country, and, secondly, the further to assure this sale the nelgh irfir republic of Haytl was violently menaced, all this being In breach of public law, International and constitutional. In considering how far this eondnet Is a violation ol international law and of the Constitution or the United States, I.begin with the former. CHEAT rRD-Cir-LB OK "EQUALITY OF NATIONS" VIO LATED. International law Is to nations what the National C'onhtltutlon la to onr coequal States; It is the rule by which they are governed. As among ns every State, snn also every citizen, has an Interest In up holding the National Constitution, so has every na tion and also every citizen an luterest In upholding International law. As well disobey the former as 'he latter. V ou cannot do so In either case without dis turbing the foundations or peace and tranquillity. To Insist upon the recognition of International law is to uphold civilization In one or Its essential safo guards. To vindicate international law is a constant duty which is most eminent according to the rights In queitlon. Foremost among admitted principles or Interna tional law Is the axiom, that all nations are equal, without distinction or population, size, or color, as a natural consequence, whatever is the rule for one Is the rule for all; nor can we do to a small, weak, or black nation what we would not do to a largM, strong, or white nation ; nor what that nation might not do to us. Do onto othrs as you would have them do unto you, Is the plain law for all nations, as for all men. The equality of nations Is the first principle of International law, as the equality of meu. is the first principle In our Declaration of Indepen dence, and you may as well assail the one as the other. As nil men are equal before the la, so are ail r ations. This simple stotement is enough; bat since this commanding principle has been practically set aside In the operations of our navy. I proceed to show how It Is II ustrated by the authorities. The equality or nations, like the equality or men, was recognized tardily, uuder the growing influence or civilization. Not to the earlier writers, not even to tbe wonderful GrotluB, whose Instinct for truth was so divine, do we repair for the elucidation of this undoubted rule. Our Swiss teacher, Vattel, prompted, perhaps, by the experience of his own country, surrounded by more powerful neighbors, was the first to make It ttaud forth In Its present character. - IIs words, which ate as remarkable ror their picturesque rorce as ror their juridical accuracy, state the whole case: "Nations composed of men and considered as so many free persons living together in n state of na ture, are naturally equal, and inherit rrotn nature the same obligations and rights. Power or weak- nt ss (toes not in inia respect produce any difference A dwarf Is as much a man as a giant: a small re public Is no less a sovereign Stato than the most poweiful kingdom. By a necessary consequence or that equality, whatever Is lawful for one nation is equallv lawful for any other; and whatever is unjustifiable in the one Is equally so In the other." t a it i, -me Law or riations, rreiiminanes, sees. 18. 19). Later authorities have followed this statement. with some slight variety of expression, but with no diminution 01 its rorce. one or tne earnest to re produce it was Sir William Seott, In one or his mas terly judgments, lending to it the vivid beauty or his style : "A fundamental principle of pnb'lo law is the per fect equality nd entire Independence of ail dlstluct States. Kclatlve magnitude creates no distinction of light; relative linbecl lty, whether permanent or casual, gives no additional right to the more power ful neighbors; and ary advantage seized npouthat ground Is mere usurpation. This Is the great found ation of public law, which It mainly concerns the peace of mankind, both In their pontic and private capacities, to preserve inviolate." (The i-e Louis, 9 Dotison hep., 243.) The Oennan Hefner states the rule more simply. but with equal force: "Nations being sovereign or Independent of each other treat together on a looting or complete equal ity. The most feeble State has the saun political rights as Ihe strongest. In other terms, each State exercises In their plenitude the rights which remit In in Its political existence and from its participation lu intern itlonal association.'' (IIciTier, Le Droit In ternational, I.iv. I, sec. 27.) The latest English v. riters testify likewise. Here are the words ot Philllmore: "The natural equality or States Is the necessary companion or their independence -that primitive cardinal right upon which the W uce ol Interna tional law is mainly built." "They are entitled in their intercourse with other States to all the rights itu ident to a natural equality. No other State Is entitled to encroach upon this equality by arrogatligto Itself peculiar privileges or preroga tives as to the manner of their mutual Intercourse." il'rilllimrre, Intt rnutiotiHl Law, vol. II. p. S3 ) TwIfb follows Philllmore, but gives to the rule a frefrh statement; "Tbe Independence of a nation Is absolute and not subject to quallticatUD, so that nations In respect of their Intercourse under the common la v are peers and equals." "Power and weakness do not In this respect give rise to any distinction " "it results Irom this equality, that whatever Is lawful for one nation Is equally lawful for another, and whatever Is unJustlQable in the one is equally unjustifiable In the other." (T wis, Tho Law or Na tions, p. 11, Chap. 1, sec. 19.) In our own country Chancellor Kent, a great authority, gives the rule with perfect clearness and simplicity : "Nations are equal In respect to each other, and entitled to claim equal consideration for their rights, whatever may be tielr relative dlmeaslous or sireustli, or however greatly they may differ In Gov ernment, religion, cr manners. This perfect equality and entire independence of all distinct States Is a fundamental principle of public law." (Kent, Com mentaries, Vol. I, p. 21.) General Halleck, whose work Is not surpassed by any other In practical value, while quoting espe cta.ly Vattel and sir vVUliam Sooit, says with mii'ih sententlousnees : "All sovereign States, without respect to their relative power, are, In the eye of International law, equal, being endowed with the same natural rights, bound by the same duties, and subject to the same obligations." (Halleck, International Lair, chap, v, Sect. 1.) Thus does each authority reflect the other, while the whole together present the equality of nations as a guiding principle not to be neglected or dishon ored. The record already considered shows how this firlnclplo has been openlv defied by our Government n tbe treatment of the Black Republic er Haytl. first, in the menace of war by Admiral Poor, aid secondly, in the manner of the menace, being la substance and in form. In both respects the Admi ral did what he would not have done to a powerful nation, aud what we should never allow any nation to do to us. llay tl a as weak, and tbe gallant Admiral, rowing ashore, pushed to the Executive Mansion, where, alter what he called a friendly visit, he struck at ttu! Independence of tbe Black Kepabllo, pointing from tbe windows of the Executive Mansion to bis powerful navy, and threatening to employ It against the 11 ay tie n capital or in alnktng liaytien ships. For the present I constder tliU unprecedented Insolence only so lar as It was an offense against the equality of nat.ous, and here It may ba tried easily. Think you that we should have done this thing to England, France, or Spain ? Think you that any foreign power could have done it to us? But If right in us towards Havtl, it would be right In us towards England, France, or Spain; and It would be right In any foreign power toward us. If It were right iu us toward Haytl, then might England, Frauce, Spain, or Haytl her self do the same to us. Imagine a foreign fleet an chored off Alexandria, while the admiral, pulling ashore lu his boat, hurries to Ihe Executive Mauslou, aud then, alter anuouueiug a friendly visit, points to his war ships visible from tbe windows aud meu aces 'heir thunder, or, to be more precise, suppose tlie Ilaytl.in navy to rutum tne compliment here In the Poiomac. But just In proportion as we con demn any foreign licet, lucludiug a llaytleu fleet, doing tliia thing, do we couiieinn ourseiv.'. The rase Is clear. S eMd not treat Haytl as our peer. The great principle ot the equality ol nations we have optnly set at naught. To xteuuaie this plain outrage I have heard It Mid that, in relations with Hay 1, w are not bound l y the s.iuie rules of condu t ivppllea )le to oilijr lihtlons So I have Itt ar.t, and th a, lu lee I. Is tlie only i.obs.l.le ilefei fr the outrage. As la other tiaslt whs prodaiind that a bluet haluorigma V.LKI1 a while man Mas bouud tortspect, so this da. fertse assumes the same thing or the Black Repabllo. But st last the black has obtained equal rights and so, I ItTklst, has the Black Republic. As well dony tne one as me otner. m an act or congress, orawa by myself and approved y Abraham Llucol 11 In the session Of 1802, diplomatic relations were established between the United States and Haytl, and the Presi dent was expressly anrnorixed to appoint diplomatic representatives there. At first we were represented by a commissioner and consul-general; now It Is by a minister resident and consul-general. Thus, by aot of Congress and the appointment of a minister, have we recognized the equal rights of Haytl la the family of nations, and placed the Black? Republic tinder the safeguard or that great axiom or inter national law which makes It Impossible ror ns to do uuto her what we would not allow her to do unto us. In harmony with the United States, the Alaiatiach de Ootha, where Is the authentic if not official list of nations entitled to equal rignts, contains the name 01 Haytl. 'lhus Is the Black Kepabllo enrolled as aa equal; and yet have we struck at this equality. How often have I pleaded that all men art equal before the law, and now I plead that all nations are equal before the law without distinction or color. BELLIUERENT INTERVENTION 0 NTRART TO INTERNA TI"NAL LAW. From one vitiation or international law I pass to another. The proceedings as already detailed show belligerent Intervention, contrary to International law. Here my statement will be brier. According to all the best authorities, in harmony with reason, no ration has a right to Interfere by belligerent Intervention In the Internal affairs or another, snd especially to take part In a civil lend, except under conditions which are wanting hero; nor has It aright to lutorfere by belligerent Interven tlan between two Independent nations. The gene ral rule imposed by modern civilization has been non-intervention ; but this rule is little more than a Ht lentlUc expression of that saying of Philip de Ctiuilnis, tbe famous minister or Louis XI, "Our Lord God does not wish that one nation should play the devil with another." Not to occupy tlmewl h authorities, I content myself with some of our own country, which are clear and explicit, and 1 begin wllh George Washington, who wrote to Lafayette untler date of December 25, 1798:-. "No Government ought to Interfere with the Inter nal concerns of auother, except for the security of what is due to themselves." (Sparks' Wrltiugs of W asblngton, Vol XI, p. 882.) vnun lays dowa the same rae substantially, when he says: "Non-interference Is the general rule, to which cases of justldaole Interference form exceptions, limited by the necessity of each particular case." (W bestou's Klemeuts of International Law, p. 132, Part II, bap I, sec. 12.) Thus does Wheaton, like Washington, found In tervention In the necessity of the cs.se. Evidently neither thought of founding It on a scheme for tho acquisition of foreign te rltory. In harmony with Washington and Wheaton, I cite General Halleck In his excellent work: "Wsrs of Intervention are to be justified or con demned accordingly as they are or are not under taken strictly as tbe means ol seir-defense, and self protection against the aggrandizements or others, and without reterence to treaty obligations, for, U wiong In themselves, the stipulations or a treaty cannot make them right." (Halleck, International Law, i hap. XIV, sea 19.) Then, again, Halleck says in words applicable to tbe present case : "The Invitation or one party to a civil wr.r can afford no right or foreign Itifrferetico as agatnstttie other party. The same reasoning holds good with respect to armed intervention, whether between bel ligerent states or between belligerent parties in the same State." (Ibid.) Armed Intervention, or, as I would say, bellige rent intervention, is thus defined by Halleck: "Armed intervention consists in threatened or actual force, employed or to be employed by one State in regulating or determining the conduct or affairs of another. Such an employment of force Is virtually a war, and must be justiffed or condemned upon the same general principles as other wars." (Ibid., seo. 19.) ApplylDg these principles to existing facts already set forth, It Is easy to sec that the belligerent inter vention or tbe United States In the internal affairs of Dominica, maintaining the usurper Baez in power, especially against Cabral, was contrary to acknow ledgtd principles of International law, and taat the belligerent intervention between Dominica aud Haytl was of the same character. Imagine our navy playing the same fantastic tricks on the coast of Fjauce which it played on the coasts of San Do mingo, and then still further, Imagine It entering the Dorts of France as It entered the ports of UavM. and you will see how utter y lndelV-nsible was its conduct. In the capital of Haytl It commltttd an actof war, hardly less flagrant than that of Eng land at the bombardment of Gopinh igen. Happily blood was not shed, but there was an act or war. Here I refer to the authorities a'ready cited and challenge contradiction. To vindicate these thlpgs, whether In Dominica or in Haytl. you must aisuara an acknowledged principles of lnternatlontl law, and join those who. rtgaruiesBOi rignt?, rciy upou arms, urotius re minds us of Achldt-B, as described by noraco: 'Hishts ba pparos, As thlDg Dot made for bim, claims all by arms ;" and he quotes Lucan also, who shows a soldier ex. claiming: "Now, Peace and Law, I bid you both f arswell." The old Antigonns, who, when besieging a cltv. laughed at a man who brought lilm a dissertation on justice, and Ponipey.who exclaimed, "Am I who am in arms to tmuk or tne laws" mesa seem to be tlie models of our uovernment on tbe coasts of St. Do mingo. USURPATION OF WAR TOWERS CONTRARY TO TDK CONSTITUTION. The same spirit which set at defiance great nnn c'nles of international law. Installing force Instead. Is equally manliest In disregard oi the Constitu tion of the United States, and here one of its most distinctive principles Is struck down. By the Consti tution it is solemnly auuouuced that to Congress Is given the power to "declare war." This allotment of power was made only artcr much consideration and in obedience to those popular rights consecrated by the American Revolution. In England, and in all other monarchies at the time, this power was tbe exclusive prerogative of the crown, bo that war was justly called the last reison of kings. The framers of our Constitution naturally refused to vest this kingly prerogative in the President. Kings were re jected in substance as in name. The one-man power was set aside, and this prerogative was placed under tbe safeguard of the people, as repre sented in that highest form of national life, an act or CoDgress. No other provision In the Constitu tion Is mere distinctive or more worthy of venera tion. I do not go too far when I call it an essential element of republican institutions, happily disco vered by our fathers. Our authoritative commentator, Judge Story, has explained tbe origin of this provision, aud his testi mony confirms the statement I have made. After remarking that the power to declare war la "not only tbe highest sovereign prerogative, but that It Is In its own nature and effects so cvltlcal and calami tous, that it requires the utmost deliberation and the successive review of all the councils ot the nulon," tbe learned author declares, with singular point, that "it tbould be difficult In a Republic to declare war," and that, the co-operation of all the bran "lies or the legislative power ought upon principle to be re quired In this, the highest act or legislation;" aud he even got s so far as to suggest still greater re strictions, "as by requiring a concurrence or two Murds or both houses'1 (Siory, Commentaries on the Constitution, Stc 1171. See also sec. 1M.3.) There is no such conservative requirement; but war can be declared only by a majority or both houses with the approbation or the President. There must be the embodied will or the Legislative and the Executive, in other words, or Congress and the President. Not CoBgrtSS alone without the President can declare war; nor can the President slone without Congress. Both most concur, and bere Is the triumph or re publican institutions. But this distinctive principle of our Constitution sno new-found safeguard of popular rights has been set aside by the Presideut, or rather, in rushing to the goal of his desires, he baa overleaped It, as if It were stubble. in barmnmy with the whole transaction Is the apology, which Insists that the President may do in directly what be cannot do directly ; that he may, accoidlng to old "Polonlus," "by Indirections flnl directions out ;" In short, that tho -g:i he cauuot de clare war directly, he may Indirectly. We are re minded of the unratified trtaiyaith its futile pre mise "against foreign interposition," that Is, with the promise' of the war novi era or onr Ooverment set In motion by the President alone, wl hout an aot or Congress. Here are the precise terms oftlils pro mise : ' The people of the Dom'nlcan Repabllo shall, in the bliortt hi possible time, express, In a mauaer confuruiatde to their laws, the'r will concerning ttie ctBfclop herein provided for; and tne United State snail, ULtll so';u expression shall bd had, protect the Domlnicau Republic against foreign Interposition, hi Older limt tho national eiptesalou may le free." (SmateEx. Doc. No. 17, p. 99, Furty-tlrt Congress, '1 bird S KGlon.) Now, nothing can be clearer than that this pro vision, introduced on the authority or ihe Presideut alone, was beyond his powers, and, therefore, brutum (intra, a mere wooden gun, uutil after the ratllica icuofihe treaty. Otherwise the President alone might deeiare vt ar without au act of Congress, doing lin ireetlv what, lie cannot do olrectiy, aud tnua over turning that special safeguard, placing what Story Jtstly calls "this highest sovereign prerogative" under the guardianship of Congress. Here we meet another distinctive principle of our ('Mihtltutt'iu. As the power to UeiUre war Is lodged In Coiign fc with the concurrence of the Piesideut, to is the power to make a treaty lodged In the Pre-MiW-ot with the concurrence of two-thirds of tile Senate. W ar is declared only by Congress aud the l'Ubiueut; a treaty la made only by the Pieaulcut and two-thirds of tbe Senate, as the former safe guard was new, so was the latter In England and all other monarchies at the time, the treaty-making powerwas a kingly prerogative, like the power to declare war The provision In our Constitution re quiting the participation of the Senat;waa another limitation or the onr-man power, and a new contri bution to republican institutions. - ine f rirraiit. in an article written oyAiexaa- der Hamilton, thus describes the kingly preroga tive: "The king of Great Britain Is the sole and absolute representative of the nation in all foreign transac tions. He can of his own accord make treaties of peace, commerce, alliance, and of every other de scription. It la aa established fact that the prero gative of making treaties exists In the Town In its utrai t plenltunc; and that the compacts entered into ny royni autnoruy nave the most complete legal validity snd perfection, Independent of any other sanction." (t'ederatUt, No. LXIX.) Such was the well-known kloglv prerogative which our Constitution rejected. Here let the j-etirraitet speak again: "There is no comparison between the Intended power of the President and the actual power of the British sovereign. The one- can perform alone what the other can only do with the concurrence or a branch or the legislature." (ibid ) Then again, after Fhowlngthat a treaty Is a con tract with a foreign nation, having the force of law, the FcfteraliKt proceeds;- "The history of human conduct does not warrant that exalteo opinion ol bnman virtue which would mnke it wise in a nation to commie interests or so delicate and momentous a klud as those which con cern Its Intercourse with the rest ot the world, to the sole disposal or a magistrate created and cir cumstanced as would be a President or the United States." (Ibid, LXXV.) Thus does tnis contemporary authority testily sgtlnst bsnding over to the "sole disposal" or the l'rtsident the delicate and momentous question in tbe unratified St. Domingo treaty. Following the Ffdrrabnf Is the famons commen tator already cited, who Insists that "it Is too much to expect that a free people would confide to a single magistrate, however respectable, the sole au thority to act conclusively, as well-as exclusively, upon tin subject of treaties (tory. Commentaries, ftc. 1M2): and that, however proper it may be In a niocaichy, there is no American statesmau but must led that such a prerogative in au American Presi dent would be Inexpedient aud dangerous; that It would be Inconsistent with that wholesome jealousy which all republics ought to cherish of all depojlta llos or power, and theu he adds that "The check which acts upn the mind, from the consldeiatlon that what is done is but preliminary, ami r quires the assent of other Independent minds to give It legal conclusiveness, Is a rcstralut which awakens caution and compels to deliberation." Ibid.) The learned author then dwells with pride on the requirement of the Constitution which, while It confides the power to the executive department, goal d s it from serious abuse by placing It under the ultimate superintendence of a select body of high character and high responsibility" (ibid.): aud then, after remarking that the President Is ''immediate author and finisher of all treaties," he concludes iu decisive words that "no treaty so rormoil becomes binding upon the country, unless it receives the deliberate assent ol two-tmrds of the Senate." ;(Mf., sec. 1613.) Nothing can be more positive Therefore, even at the ex pense of repetition, I Insist that, as the pswer to aeclare war Is under the safeguard of Congress with the concurrence or the President, so is the power to make a treaty In the President with the concur rence or two-thirds or the Senate; bat the act or neltl.er beconus binding without this concurrence. Tli us, on grounds of authority, as well as of reason, is it clear thitt the promise oi the Presideut to em ploy the war powers without the authority of con grefes was void, and every employment of these war powers In pursuance or this assumption was a usur pation. ir the President, were a king with the klnrly pre rogative either to declare war or to make treaties, be might do what he has done, but being only Presi dent, with the limited powers established by the Constitution, he cannot do It. The assumption in the St. Domingo treaty is exceptional and abnormal, being absolutely without precedent. The treaty with France In 1803 ror the cession of Louisiana coatalned no such assumption ; nor did tbe treaty with Spain, In 1819, for the oesslon of Florida; nor did the treaty with Mexico, In 1843, by which the title to Texas and California was assured; nor did the treaty with Mexico, in 1868, by which new territory wai obtained; nor dltl the treaty with Russia, in 1807, for the cession or her possessions in North America. In none of these treaties was there any such assumption of power. The Louisiana treaty stipu lated that possession should be taken by the United States "Immediately after the ratillcatlon of the pre sent treaty by tho President of the United States, and In case that or the First Consul shall have been previously obtained" (Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII, p. kt9). The Florida treaty st'pulat.ed "six mouths after the exchange of the ratlucatlon of the trca'.y, or sooner ir possible." (Ibid., p. SIS.) But these stipulations, by which possession on our part with coriesponding responsibilities was adjourned till alter the exchange oi ratiticatlons, were simply ac coidlng to the dictate of reason, in hurmony with the requirement of our Constitution. The case of Texas bad two stages, first under an unratified treaty, and secondly, untler a Joint reso lution of Congress. What whs done under the lat ter bad tbe concurrence of Congress and the Presi dent, so tbut the Inchoate title of the United states was crested by act ot Congress, in plain contradic tion to the present case, where the title, whatever it may be, is under an uniatluc d treaty, and is crented by the President alone. Here Is a manifest differ ence, not to be forgotten. But it is not to be disguised that daring the pend ency or the treaty, and before Us ratification by the Senate, there was n attempt by John Tyl-.T, ailed by his Secretary of State, John C. Calhoun, to com mit the United states to the military support or Texas. Suffice It to say, that there was no collision or telligereiit intervention, but only what tJjiitin calls an "assumpsit" by Calhoun. On this "ass imp. elf'the veteran Senator, in themercolrs of his " Thirty Years In the Senate," breaks roith in these ludlg Daiit teiiiu : "As to secretly lending the army and navy or the United States to Texas to tight Mlco while we were at peace with ber, it would be a crime against God and man aud cur own Constitution, ror which beaos might be brought to the block, If Presidents ami their Secretaries, like constitutional kings and minister', should be held caoltally responsible for capital crimes." (Benton, Thirty Veara' View, Vol. II, p. M2.) The Indignant statesman, after exposing the un constitutional charlantry of the attempt, pro ceeds: "And that no circumstance of contradiction or folly should by warning to crown this plot of crime and Imbecility, it so happened that on the same day that our new Secretary hero was giving his written assumpsit to lead the army and navy to.Ugiit Mexico while we were at peace with her, the agent Murphy v as commuDlcatirg to the Texan Government, in Texas, the refusal or Mr. Tyler, through Mr. Nelhon, to do so, because or its unconstitutionality." (ibid., p. t43.) Again be eays: "ibe engagement to light Mexico for Texas, vt bile we were at peace with Mexico, was to make war with Mexico! a piece of business which belonged to Congress and should buve been referred to them. and which, on the contrary, was concealed from them, though in session and present. ' (ibid., p. 643.) In the face of this Indignant judgment, written more than a decade alter the attempt, and being already the undying voiceoi History, tne "assumpsit' of Jobn C. Calhoun wld not be accepted as a proper i sample for on .Executive, uuitaereu not a word of thai Doweiful utterance by which th s net is for tver blasted that is not strictly applicable to the "atfumptll" In the case of Dominie. As In the first tbtre was sn engagement ngni Mexico tor Texas. hiie we were at peace with Mexico, which was nettling ess than war with Mexico, so the present eutfHKcmeiil to ngm iiaytnor uonnuiea, wuiu we stent peace with Hsyt;, Is nothing less than war v.Uh Hajtl Nor Is it suy the less "a crime against Cod and man and our own constitution" iu the case of Haytl than In the case or Mexico. President Polk, In his annual message or Decem ber, 1640, paid homage to the true principle when he announced that "the moment the terms or annexa tion offered by the United States were aocepred by Texas, the latter became s j lar a part or our coun try as to made It our duty to afford protection and flense." (Kxeo. Doc. House of Rep.. No. 4. I). 13. Twentieth Congress, second session.) Aud accord ingly he directed those military aul naval move iiitiits wlih h ended in war with Mexico. But It will be observed l-ere thut these movements were ciudl tioLed on the acceptance by Texas of the terms of annexation dennltlvely proposed by tlie United Hates, v. lille our title had been created by act of Cot gress, and Lot by the President alone. Turefore, according to the precedents of our history, reinforced by reason and authorltv, does the "assumpsit" of the treaty rail. I forbear from characterizing it. My duty la performed If 1 exlault It to tbe Senate. But this story of a violated Coust'tutlon Is not yet complete. Evtn admitting some remote lull ultei lmai semblance of excuse or apology during the pendency f the treaty, all of which I Insist Is absurd beyond question, Uiough not entirely impossible In a quarter uuuted to conbtitutlonal questions, aud heed ing them little conceding that the "assumpsit," Inserted In tbe treaty bv the Secretary of Statu bad deceived the President Into the idea that h i pobM est d tbe kingly preragative or declaring war at Ins own mere motion smI wishing to deal geutly even vlth au undoubted usurpation or the kingly prerogative so loi g as the secretary or State, sworn coui sel or or ttie Presideut, supplied the formula for the u.-mrputiou tand you will bear wliues-t that I bate done nollniig but state the cael. It la hard to bold back when the eaiue usurpation Is openly pro- lopred after the Benats had rejected the treaty which the exercise or the klegly prerogative was,' rounded, and when the "assumpsit" aevisef ny tin Secretary or State bnd psed Into the llratto ot things lost on earth. Here there Is no remot in finitesimal semblance ol excuse or apology nothing absolutely nothing. The usurpation pivots on nonentity, slwsvs excepting the klng y will of h President, which cotistlinttoiially Is a nonentity. The great artist of Bologna, In a much-admired Haiuo. sculptured Mercury as standing on a puff of air. 1 be President hss not even a puff of air to stand on. Nor is there any question with regard to the facts. Saying nothing of the lapse of the treaty on the ywtn of March, 1870, being the expiration or the period ror the exchange of ratiticatlons, 1 refer to its for nisi rejeeilon by the Senate June 80, H.'u, which wss not nnKiiown to the President. In the order of business the rejection was communicated to him, while It became at once a matter of uni versal notoriety. Then, by way or further flxlag the President with this notice, I refer to his own admission it. the annual mesmge of December last, v hen he answers that "during the last seln or Cot 'press a treatt ror the auuexatlon or the Rep lb llc of St. Domingo failed to receive the req usita two-thirds of the Senate," and then, after den-tun It g the rejection as "roily," he proceeds as fol lows : "My suggestion Is that by Joint resolution or tne two houscn cr Congress the Executive be author ir.ed to appoint a comnilHlon to negotiate a treat with the authorities or San Domingo lor fie acqui sition or that island, and that an appropriation be made to defray the expenses or such commission. 1 he qnestlou may then be determined, either by the action of the Senate upon the treaty or the j nut ac tion ot the two homes of Congress upon a resolu tion of annexation, as in the case or the acquisition or Texss." Thus by tho ope njdeclaratlon or the Prei'dont was Ihe tresty r Jetted, while six months after the re jection he asks ror a commission to negotiate a new treaty, and sn appropriation to defray ihe expenses of the commission ; and rot perceiving the Inapplica bility of the Texas prtct debt, he proposes to do the deed by joiut resolution of Congress. And yet. Curing tills intermediate period, wht.n thue whs no uiiratitltd tresty cxittiit. the same bell lire rent inter- vt EtlonJhHg bt en proceed!! g,t he same war-thlps have ret n girunng tne tsiiiun wun ttieir guus, and ihe same naval support has been coutiuued to the usurper Baez ; all at great cost to the country and oy tne diversion oi our navai icrces irom otner plact b of duly, whbe tbe Constitution has been dis missed out ol signt like a discharged soldier. Already you have bccu how this belligerent Inter verdlon proceeded: how on the 91st of July. 170. Commodore Green reported that "a withdrawal nf me prnttction or tne united states ami or t ie pros pert of annexation at some future time would lu slanlly lead to a levolutlon headed by Cabral :" how outheSsth of August, 1870, Commander Allen re ported Baes as "requesting the presence of a vessel on ihe north side ot the island on accoant or au in. ttndttl invasion by Cabral;" bow at the same time the usuiper brvs that he "dooms the nr.- eiice or a sh'p-of-war In the Bay or Manzanlilo or immediate Importance;" how on the 3d ot Siptember, 1810, Conimotlote Green reported that Baez "reared an outbreak," and appealed to the Ccmmcdore "to bring some or his men which were st Azua," which the obliging commo dore did; how, under datoof October 8, H70, the ufui ner. after di daring the necessity oi a man-of- war at the port of St. Domingo, says Hint "none would be more convenient than the Vatitic ror the facility of entering the.river ozama. o wing to her tdzc;" and how again, ou the sime day, the usurper writes sun Bremer letter "to reiterate tne necessity of the vebsels now In that bay (Samaua)cotniug to the Kouthtru coast." AU these things yon have seen, atustii.g constantly our belligerent Intervention and the maintenance or uaez in power by our uavv v. filch became his body guard and omnipresent up liolili r. I leave Hi- m to your judgment without one woid or comment, reminding you only that no rresl dint Is entitled to het aside the Constitution of our otuttry. SUMMARY. Mr. President, as I draw to a close, allow me to repeat the very deep regret with which 1 make this exposure. Most gladly would I avoid It. Contro versy, especially at my time of life, hit no attraction ror liic ; but I have been reared lu the school or duty, and now, as or old, 1 cannot s -e wrong w thout try ing to arrrt-t it. I plead now, as I have often pleaded before, for justice and peace. In the evidence adduced I have confined myself carelnlly to public documents, not travelling out of the record. Detpotehe?, naval orders, naval reports these are the unimpeachable authonti s. Aud all tlute buve been officially coinmuulc ted to tt Senate, are now printed by Its order, accessible t all. On this unanswerable and cumulative tetl mony, where each part confirms the rest and the whole has the hurmony of ti uth, I pr. sent this trans grtsuon. And bere It Is not I who speak, bnt the testimony.; 'i bus .duds tho cose. Inte rnntional law has been violated in two of its commanding rules, one seo ir lt g the equality of nations, and the other piovldlng ogulrst belligerent Intervention, while a ilistu ctlve luudnmental priuciple of tbe Constitution, by winch Hit l'rt bkicnt Is deprived or a king'v preioattve, Is averted by tho Presideut. This ls the simpl.-st statement. Looking still tur: her at the fact-, we see that all this great disobedience has for lu object the acquisition of uu oul.tlug tropical Island, witn large promiso of wealth, aud that in carrying out this scheme, our republlu has forcibly muimatued a usurper lo powerthut he mlghtrell his country, and has dealt a blow at the Indepei deuce or the Biacs Republic of llujtl, which bes'des being a wrong to that renubllo was au Insult to the African race. Aud nil thlthas bt rn done by prerogative alone, without the apriority of an uo.t ol Congress. If such a trans action, maiiy-bcatlf d in wrong, can escape Judgment, it Its ddlleultto tee what securities remain. What other a red rule of international law may not be violuttd? What other foreign nation may uot be tl new at? W uat other belligerent menace may uot be hurled ? What other kingly prerogative may not be seized ? On another occasion I showed how these wrong ful proceedings had been susta'ced by the President tejot-'d all example, but in a corresponding spirit. Never before has there becnituch Presidential lu lu venllon in Ihe senate as ve have been con straiued to Vtlttets. Pi evidential visits to the Ca n to!, with appeals to Senators, have been lol.owel by asseihli'les at the Kxecutiv Manilou, also wltu api eiils to Senators; anil who csu measure the pres sure (fall kinds by biuiBelf or agent, especially through tbe appointing power, all to securo the oou Bumn atlon ot this scheme? lu harmony with this ciloit was the Presidential message, where, while tsxii.gthe Senate with "folly" iu rejeutiug tne treaty, we are gravely assured that by the proposed acqulsitlou "ourlnre debt abroad is to bo ultimately extinguished," thus making St. Domiug i ttie pack horse of our vast load, or perhaps, copying Don (Quixote when be Imposed upon tho shoulders of Sanebo Pauza the penitential stripes which be lot get! to httuseir. '1 lien, responding to tbe belligerent menace of his Admiral, the Prct ldent makes a kindred menace by proposing nothing lets thau the acquisition of the "iHiatd or St. Domingo." thus adding the Black Re I nblic to bis scheme. The Innocent population there were startled, Their Minister nere protected. Nor is it unnatural that it should be so. Suppose tlie tueeu of England, In ber speech at the opening of Parl!bnieiit,hud proposed In formal terms the acqui sitlou of tbe United States, or suppose. Louis Napo leon, in his speech at the opening of the Chambers durirg the Mexican war, liile the French loroes were In Mexico, bad coolly proposed the acquisition or that portion or the Inlted Hates ad joining Mexico and stretching to the Atlanclc.aud In support ot bis proposition, bad set forth the productiveness of the soil, the natural wealth that abounded there, aud wound up by aunouueing that out of this might be paid the French debt abroad, w h eh was to be saddled upon tho coveted territory. Sunposn such a preposition by Louis Napoleon or by tbe English Queen, made In formal speech to Chambers or Par liament, what would have been the feeling l u our country? Nor would that feeling have been dlmln-' ihhed by the excuse that tne otleuslve proposition crept into the speech by accident. Whether by accident or design, it would attest small considera tion for our national existence. But the Haytlen love their country as we love ours especially are they rosoltite for national independence. All this Is shown by the reports which reach us now, even if their whole history did not atttst it. 'lb iHiKTiiaoe of the President in chanrlnir the Senate wliu "folly" was not according to approved prect dents. Clearly this Is not a proper term to be employed bv one braticn or the tioverutnent with regtird to snot her, least of all by the Presideut with regard to the Senate. Folly, sir! Was It folly when the Senate refused to sanction proceedings by which the equal rights of the b ack Republic were assailed? Was it folly not to sanctum hostilities agatust the black Republic without the authority of Congress? V as It roily not to sanction belligerent Intervention iu a foreign country without the authority of Con grefrf? Was It lolly not to sanction a usurpation of ihe war powers under the Const itu Ion? According to tlie Presldtut all ibis was Icily In the Senate. Let ihe country judge. Thus do we ditcern, whether on the oasts of St, Dm ngo or here at V&ahlngtou. the same deterun Latum with the fame disregard of great prmcioies, as ulso the same rt cklevsuebs towards the people of li ax tl, who have uevcr Injured us. I'KVSENT DITV. In view of these things, the lirst subject or luqulry la not soil, climate, productiveness, aud possibilities or wealth, but the exceptional at.d abuorui.J pro cefdn.gaof our own (ioverutneiit. This Inquiry is en-t-Llially pit mutuary lu character. Before coii sirieiiiig the treaty e.r any qut.-li..u of so lHttiou, ae n. list at Uuht put ourselves r.tMit as a nail m; nor do I sec bow Uu can be doue without ietra:iug oar . Cuiiiiimed on tlie TMiJ
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