2 THE DAILY iWENINt; TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 25, 1871 an hit or inn mass. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals upon Current Topios Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. , SENATOR BLAlli. 'From th'S. V. World. . An accidental correspondence in dates is seldom worth remarking, and it is not the habit of men of sense to allude to what are called "remarkable coincidences" eicept for ridicule. But a coincidence happened last week to which we think it worth while to call attention. For aught we know, the two facts which tally in point of time tnay be fraught with important consequences in the politics of the ensuing two years. Francis 1'. lSlair, Jr., was last week elected a Senator of the United States from Missouri; and a resolution was passed by the Senate last week, looking to a new extension of martial law over the Southern States and a fresh attempt at reconstruction. This is, at least, a curious dovetailing of facts. General Blair's sentiments on the reconstruction question are historical. It is in everybody's recollection that he put forth, in 1808, one of the boldest utterances ever made by a publio man; an utterance which dismayed some of his friends, and was eanght up with eager exultation by all the enemies of the Democratic party. But the fitness of Gen eral Blair's election to the Senate at this present time may perhaps strengthen the be lief that 'There's a divinity that shapes our ends, Rough hew them now we will." It will at least be admitted that no man could be put in the Senate, at the present time, who is bo bound by his antecedents, or so fitted by his temper, to confront the new experiment of reconstruction as General Blair. He bos every kind of courage, moral, political, and physical; an indomitable, un flinching will, untiring activity, and a bold ness of language which cannot fail to rouse and fix attention. lie will be a constant thorn in the Bide of the new reconstruction ists. And, what is more to the purpose, he will carry the publio opinion of the country with him in his intrepid resistance to a fur ther overhauling of the State governments of me aoutn ana a renewal or martial law. Events move swiftly, and publio opinion moves with them. The state of the recon struction question is very different now from what it was in 1808. Then the country was impatient to have it settled and done with, and judged that acquiescence in what had been begun by Congress was the shortest path to that result. With a Republican Senate, fixed for many years in power, there was no chance of a repeal of the reconstruc tion acts while repeal could do any good; and even many Democrats preferred the speediest completion of the radical experiment, trust ing that the people of the South would soon get control of the new governments. Events have justified their expectation. In the first set of elections after the withdrawal of Fede ral boyonets, the Democrats have promptly redeemed most of the Southern States from radical control, in spite of the negro vote. If the radicals were content to stand by their own work, and swallow their disappoint ment in silence, General Blair's eleation to the Senate would have no particular signifi cancer His Broadhead letter would, in that case, have no more interest than year before last's almanac It is true that radical mem bers of the Missouri Legislature tried to bad ger him with it while the Senatorial election was pending; and be, like tbe man of spirit that he is, refused to sit on The stool of peni tence, and professed to adhere to every word of that letter. But if the radicals had the wisdom to let reconstruction alone, he would have no occasion to act upon this profession. The Broadhead letter would be merely a record of what General Blair's opinion was in the summer of 1808, and would have only a biographical interest as a part of his per sonal history. But the new reconstruction movement, which has just been started, transforms a personal record into a political rallying-cry, and puts General Blair into the foremost rank as a leader of the opposition. The difference between 1808 and the pre sent time is, that General Blair will now carry the country with him. The very same motives which led the country to acquiesce in the reconstruction of 1808 will impel ic to resist a new attempt of the same kind. The country was, even then, tired of agita tion, and thought the quicker the question was got rid of the better for every interest. The revival of the agitation now is just what the people will not tolerate. They will un hesitatingly follow the boldest leaders in op position to this scheme of brazen perfidy. The Republican party cannot hoodwink the country respecting their motives in inter meddling with the douiestio governments of the South. It is manifest to everybody that their sole reason for attempting to unsettle and destroy them a second time is their dis appointment in finding that, even with the help of the negro vote, they cannot retain them in the Republican party without a re newal of military terror and coercion. A set of desperate political gamesters are ready to disturb their own settlement because they are disappointed in its party results. The people, who love peace, and support General Grant because they trusted iu the sincerity of his famous "Let us have peace," will not stand a reopening of the same exasperating controversy. It was in the interest of tranquillity and quiet that General Grant was able to carry the election of 1808, and the people will make him and his party suffer if they wantonly attempt to deprive the South of its freedom of political action in the election of 1872. If they want to elevate General Blair, who was of so muoh service to them in the last Presidential elec tion, to the rank of a great and successful political leader, they have only to persist in their present reckless attempt, aud transmute the desire for tranquillity, which enabled them to win, into resentful indignation at their forfeiture of their pledges. Instead of vainly stemming the current, as he did in '08, General Blair will now be rowing in the same direction that it runs. "Let us have peace" will be the Democratic watohword against this new attempt to upset the State governments of the South. There could not be a more signal proof of the altered tone of publio opinion 6inoe 1808 than the election of General Blair to the Senate from a State which gave General Grant 2."(,()uo majority. This great change is not. brought about by the participation of a different set of voters, for enfranchisement in Mifcsouri has not yet taken nlace. It is a ripened fruit of the late election, which re mains to be gathered. It will come by au uuendment of the State Constitution, for hich the present Legislature will provide, eneial Blair's election therefore attests an tual change of opinion in the same body voters. The fact that the State was ried by a split in the Republican party makes the election of General Blair aU the more significant. Multitudes of Repnbli tens have censed to regard the Broad bead letter as of any oonsequenoe as a fulminntion against past reconstruction; and if there is to be an attempt at future re construction and a new disturbance, the author of that letter will have abundant public support in heading tbe resistance. Tbe scheme which is now hatching to revive martial law in the South, an a means 6f carry ing the next' Presidential election, will verify General Blair's prediction, deemed so wild at the time, that General Grant would never peaceably lay down bis omcs if once elected. Such a scheme calls for bold oppo sition; and what was rashness in 1808 may be intrepid wisdom in 1872. The insane reck lessness of the Republicans may render General Blair a very important man. There is a limit beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue. General Grant and tbe Republican leaders had befct deal honestly with the people, and consent to take their chances in a fair eleo tion, without again attempting to control the South by bayonets. HOPING AGAINST HOPE. From the H. T. Time. M. Gambetta's speeches at Lille on Satur day and Sunday last will doubtless elicit from a host of complacent critics, outside of France, such expressions as "brainless en thusiast," "demagogue," and "charlatan." Chimerical as we believe to be his dream of the final triumph of the French arms, and suicidal as we consider his doctrine of an eternal war being preferable to the surrender of any territory, it would be the shallowest kind of criticism to imagine that we have satisfactorily disposed of the man who is at present the "very head and front" of Frenoh resistance, by bestowing on him a few con temptuous epithets. To people regarding the struggle from a safe distanoe it is exceedingly difficult to understand the feel ings which at present animate the people of France. And this difficulty exiBta not so much because we do not keep in mind the vitality of the sentiment of .na tional honor among all but the lowest class of Frenchmen, but beoause we are con stantly forgetting tnat the data by which we judge of the progress of the contest are far more complete and coevincing than anything to which a citizen of France can possibly have access. At this moment, the inhabi tants of Lule, for example, are probably hear ing for the first time the Bound of Prussian cannon. Standing face to face with an im minent siege, they begin to realize the horrors of a struggle against fate, which they have already but partially folt in the prostra tion of trade and the dearness of provisions. But they cannot possibly know that Paris begins to show signs of internal dissen sion, that Bourbaki is being hopelessly hemmed in away in the Vosges, that Chanzy is being 6lowly but surely driven among the mountains of Brittany, beyond the poBsibility of extrication, and that the still untouched provinces of the South are mustering no great host that shall break through two armies and raise the siege of the capital. Hence Lille thrills with patriotic enthusiasm when called on to bear her share in the common danger, and hurls defiance at tne invincible foe that is rudely knocking at her gates. Take any other section or city of France, and, with necessary exceptions, the name iiung may ue saia ox tbem. They know little beyond the danger that is nearest to then), and because they have no means of fully ascertaining how hopeless all organized resistance is being proved to be all over France, they, count submission as baseness and the talk of peace as concealed treachery. The very perfection with which the Prussians have isolated France into half a dozen sepa rate sections helps to defeat the object of the campaign by keeping hope alive when suc cess is past hoping for. it may be said that M. Gambetta and hia associates in the Provisional Government have at least tolerably complete information as to the course of events throughout France. "While this is true enough, it must also be remembered that they know better than any body else how much unexpended energy there is still existing among their countrymen. Were every man capable of bearing arms in the country to rally to the standard of the Republic, they could still oppose three Frenchmen to every German at present on tne sou. Lvery dispassionate observer knows that even then the odds would be on the side of the invaders, and it is impossible to deny that the head of the Provisional Gov ernment would deserve well of his country by frankly recognizing the fact. Yet, re membering his position as a mere represen tative of the popular will, and as the custo dian of everything that France holds dear, in a moment of supreme peril, we can easily un derstand how he may hesitate between two vast responsibilities, and maintain a hopeful tone and unswerving determination to the very last. History will doubtless condemn his stubborn refusal to accept the inevitable, but history cannot fail to concede that his rashness was not altogether without excuse. PRESIDENTIAL PROSPECTS. From the A. 1'. Tribune. We have heard it remarked .that, should the elections of 1872 copy those of 1870, a Democrat would be chosen President. But that is a miscalculation, as the following table will show: Republican State. Electtre. emocratie S'nte. Elector, Maine 0 Connecticut G Massachusetts 12 New York 31 New Hampshire.... 4 Delaware 3 Rhode Island :i Maryland 7 Vermont 4 j Virginia 10 New Jersey 8 North Carolina 9 Pennsylvania 2" Georgia 10 South Carolina (ij Alabama 9 Mississippi 8 1 West Virginia 5 Louisiana 7, Kentucky 10 Florida 3 Tennessee 9 Texas 7 Indiana 13 Ohio 20 Nevada 3 Illinois l'J California C Michigan 10 Oregon 3 Wisconsin 9 j Missouri 13 Minnesota 5i Ijwa IOi Total 117 Kansas f j Republican uiaj.... 22 Nebraska 3 Arkansas f, Total 179 1 We have assumed 1 ;"0,000 as the proba ble ratio of representation under the new census; a higher would reduce the number of electoral votes, as a lower would increase it, but neither would materially affect the majority. Missouri was not carried by the Democrats in 1870, but by the Schurz and Gratz Brown Republicans; but we assume that enough of these will probably go clear orer to put the State against us in '71. We trust they will get sick of their strange company, and come back in season for '72. Connecticut was carried by the Democrats in the April State eleotion of '08, but went Republican in the eusuing Presidential eon ttbt, as the probably will iu '72. Oregon went Democratic In 1870 by a far smaller majority than at her State eleotion of 1808; yet, when she came to vote for Presi dent, she gave Seymour but 104 majority oer Grant; while California (also Demooratio in her preceding State election) went for Grant by M 4 majority. We regard both of them, with Nevada, as very doubtful for 1872. Virginia, Indiana, and Alabama were barely carried Democratic in 1870, and may all be recovered upon the full vote always cast for President. So may North Carolina, especially if tbe Democracy turn Governor Holden out of office, as they are quite likely to do. Of the States we have placed in the Re publican column, only Pennsylvania, Florida, and Arkansas are at all questionable. Arkansas gave some 2000 Republican ma jority on Congress, thongh we threw away two of the three Representatives in Congress by personal feuds; but the Legislature is very strongly Republican. Pennsylvania was close on tbe popular vote last October, but, if a fair allowance is made for the districts dis tracted by personal feuds, there is a Republi can majority. Florida is disputed, but Re publican by a close vote. We drifted astern muoh further in '02 than in '70, but more than recovered our lost ground when we came to a Presidential year, when almost every legal voter comes to the front. We purpose to repeat the dose in 1872. J VANDENnOFF VS. VANDENnOFF. From the A. F. World. There is a disgusting squabble going on over the extremely unimportant question whether the person who calls himself Charles II. Vandenhoff in Boston is a natural son of the person whose name has never been dis puted to be George W. Vandenhoff in New York. Tbe anxiety of the former person to brand himself a bastard is as eager aud as delicate as the haste of the latter to brand himself the assailant of a woman whom by implication he admits himself to have been at one time upon terms of affectionate intimacy with. There appears in the correspondence, or rather the inter change of manifestoes, of this exemplary pair every reason why the senior should desire to disown the junior; but coreason at all why the junior should be so solicitous to claim kindred with the senior. Why Mr. G. W. Vandenhoff or any other person should object to have Mr. C. II. Vandenhoff for a son is clear. But why Mr. C. II. Vandenhoff or any other person should insist upon having Mr. G. W. Vandenhoff for a father is inexpli cable. Let us, therefore, beseech the younger Vandenhoff to change his name, and cease to be a polemical polecat. That which we call a Vandenhoff by any other name would smell as sweet. In fact it would be likely to smell much sweeter. Life is short, and art and Vandenhoff are both long. The latter is also difficult to spell. Smith is inoffensive. Suppose he tries Smith. No injured Smith will refuse the equal right of any other man to be a Smith. Nor will any Smith rush madly into print to besmirch the fame of his mother under the pretext of denying himself to be his father. And let us admonish both parties that the publio nostril, though not over sensitive, may be revolted. Perfumes are extracted from putrescence. But a shovel ful of putridity held under one's nose every morning is apt to become offensive. PARDON BROKERAGE. From the Harritburg Patriot. The pardon of Richard Ficken is not re ferred to for the purpose of making com plaint against Governor Geary. Such a pressure was made on him in this case as few executives would be able to withstand. The wealth and social position of the acoused, his liberality in providing for the injured lad, the appeals of his family, all pleaded strongly with the Governor for pardon. The petition, too, was signed by prominent men in both political parties in Philadelphia, as pardon rings there are generally made up in that way. But it is to be observed that the names of District Attorney Sheppard and of the judges of the courts are wanting. That this is a first-class case of pardon brokerage there is not the slightest reason to doubt. A brief account of the circumstances connected with it will not be out of place here. On tbe eve of last St. Valentine's day some lads on Broad street, in the neighborhood of the residence of Mr. Ficken, were observing the old custom of sending valentines. They circulated their missives by slipping them under the doors of the houses of their neigh bors. As some of these caricatures display the very coarsest humor, they are apt to give offense to some recipients. One of these valentines was pushed under the door of Ficken. It gave him mortal offense, and he determinedj,to revenge himself on the next comer. The lad Ourran came along, and Ficken ran out and shot him through the leg. Ficken was immediately arrested, and held in the sum of twelve thousand five hun dred dollars bail. Soon after his arrest, Ficken, who is a wealthy sugar refiner in Philadelphia, dis posed of all his interests in this country and lied to Europe, leaving, as is generally be lieved, the amount of the bond in the hands of a partner named Williams. lie was not long abroad until he learned that the boy, who was believed to have been mortally wounded, was slowly recovering. Ficken then determined to returu. This country was not such a bad one to Jlive in after all, even if wealthy men are arrested and punished sometimes for indulging in the sport of shooting small boys on ihe street from a cover. But he could not re turn to the United States safely with this charge hanging over him. II a did not care about the forfeiture of his recognizances, as the Bum of twelve thousand five hundred dollars was a mere bagatelle to a man of his wealth. But it constituted an item of some consideration to the pardon brokers. Fioken's wibh was to come back with a previous par don that he might resume his business. With his expression of a desire to return, the opera tions of the pardon brokers began. As a preliminary step he paid the lad Currau $20,000 damages. In the opinion of the world it will be held that this wealthy man has behaved quite handsomely, and was the proper objeot of executive clemency. The present purpose is not to dispute that opinion, but merely to mention the pardon brokerage ring who pre sent themselves fully to publio gaze. The recognizance for $ 12, roo, already for feited to the State, is covered by this pre pardon, and goes to pay a portion of the fees of the brokers. William B. Mann has been at the capital for weeks, dividing his atten tion between Dechert and Ficken. Mr. Lewis C. Cassidy joins him in assuring the Execu tive tba. there was not the slightest intention to commit a crime. Why were they not ready to show this to a court and jury in Philadel phia? The answer is simple enough. They feared a conviction of their client. There was great danger, too, that in a civil suit for damages the father of the lad would recover a greater amount than the $20,000 which are naraded with such ostentation of liberality. I It vu better,jthertfore, to carry their case be fore the Governor, and to wipe out all scores with a previous pardon. Next comes Attorney-General Brewster, who has examined the papers. He is satisfied that tbe defendant was guilty of gross negligence. The rushing out into the street and shooting a boy is described by this distinguished law yer as "gross tiegligonce." After this it is not surprising that he should give the Gover nor his opinion that Ficken did not intend to commit bodily harm. It was on the opinion of his legal adviser that the Governor based this pardon. He has deferred to the Attorney General in a matter iu which he oonld have better exercised his own judgment. He may yet discover that it will not do to take the advice of an attorney-general who has such intimate associations with the ring. The very manner in which Attorney-General Brewster s appointment was forced on Gov ernor Geary shows that. This Fioken'oase forms a precedent. If a wealthy man shall indulge in such pastimes as that of Ficken, lie has only to pay handsome damages, and employ William B. Mann to obtain a pre vious pardon. The offended majesty of the law will thus be appeased. CHURCH REFORMATION IN ITALY. From the London Saturday Reviexe. It is not easy, even with the help of the little series of publications issued by the "Libreria Rosmini" at Florence, to give any very clear idea of the principles and aims of tbe reforming party among Italian Catholios. To a certain extent this is no doubt due to the almost inevitable misconceptions which foreigners, especially Protestants, are liable to fall into, with the very best intention of reporting accurately the results of their personal observation. 'Even if they had time and patience, as they usually have not, to read the principal works of Italian theologians and religious laymen bearing on the subject, they would lack much of the rudimentary information which such works presuppose as a matter of course. But it is true at the same time that the difficulty of mastering the views of the Italian refor mers, so to call them, is partly caused by the circumstance that they have very imperfectly mastered or matured their views themselves. Religious and political questions are pretty sure to be inextricably mixed up in the mind of a liberal Italian, as is amusingly exempli fied in Garibaldi's protest against the exist ence of St. Peter. And of the leading men among them who have combined Catholio with patriotic zeal, two only, Rosmini and Gioberti, could claim to be considered theo logians; we put aside Passaglia, whose theo logical training was derived from a very dif ferent school, and because it is doubtful how far, except as regards the abolition of the temporal power, which has ceased to be a practical question, his sympathies accord with theirs. There is a growing feeling among them that on doctrinal and historical matters their knowledge is imperfect, and hence men like Dollinger are eoiuing to be looked up to by the more cultivated section of both clergy and laity io Italy with a confi dence and respect hardly inferior to what they enjoy in their own country. We cannot then accept without reserve the opening statement contained in an interesting pam phlet on the Italian reform movement, lately published by a clergyman of the American Episcopal Church at Florence, that there are two things about reforming on which there is no question among the class of thinkers he is describing namely, the theocratic govern ment of Rome, because it is hopelessly doomed; and her dogmatic teaching, because it is immutable. Under the latter head he includes Papal infallibility and Papal supre macy, which are certainly questioned by many of the reforming party. Nor is it in fact oorrect to say, that to abjure these opinions "comprises the abjuring of the Church of Rome," beoause many Roman Catholics do in fact reject them who manifest no intention of breaking with their Church. There is, however, much valuable informa tion to be derived from the extracts, chiefly taken from the works by Ferri and Mamiani, in the pamphlet before us, though we may not always go along with the author's com mentary upon them. That the religious movement in Italy has no tendency towards any form of doctrinal Protestantism, .or, as Mamiani expresses it, to "any of the sects hatched by the Reformation," appears to be pretty generally agreed by those who have had the best opportunities of judging. "We may rest assured," he says, "that Italians will either follow the faith of their fathers heartily and thoroughly, or will adopt what is now adays called Rationalism; that is to say, they will either adopt the negations of criti cism and speculation, or hold fast reverently to the authority of tradition." But within these limits there is of course soope for very wide differences of belief and ecclesiastical discipline. The Catholio ideal of a Rosmini or a Dollinger differs toto baio from the pro gramme of the Jesuit "Civilta,"andthe aotual condition of the Papal Court. Rosmini'g famous work on the "Five Wounds of the Holy Church," published originally at the command of Pius IX, who was afterwards in duced to place it on the Index, thus explains the reforms most earnestly needed: According to Rosmini, the wound la the left hand of the llolr Church Is the division between the elergj and the people lu public worship (the uae of the Latin tongue). The wound In the right hand is the limufflclent education of the clergy. The wound iu the side Is the disunion of the bUbopa. The wound In the right foot Is tiie giving up lu the nomi nation of bigiioim to the lay power. 'Ihe wound of the left foot Is the slavery of ecclesiastical property (lemalna of feudalism). These show tne reforms so fervently, so eloquently demanded by ltoarutnl, and certainly ther Is nothing In them, nor Indeed In any of his works so far as I am acquainted with them and I have In manuscript, given me by order of the Fattier (Jeneral of Jesuits iu 1SW, all the pas sages supposed to be exceptionable nothing what ever that sounds in the least like hereay or schism in the Roman sense. Gioberti, who was more of a philosopher and less of a priest, went further in his specula tive teaching, and expressly vindicated the independence and liberty of science reposing on human reason alongside of faith, which rests on supernatural revelation. There should be a perfect concord between philo sophy and religion, the Church and civil so ciety, and "progress Bhould be equally possi ble in and by the Churoh, as in and by the State." But Gioberti, bitterly as he was tra duced and persecuted by the Jesuits, and though he died under the ban of Rome, never transgressed the boundaries of striot orthodoxy in the Catholio sense. In his last work, the "Rinnovamento," "he sees in Catholicism and Idealism the religion and philosophy of his country; he loves his country as at once the chief seat of the Catholio religion and the most natural and legitimate inheritor of Chris tian and Platonio tradition." He declares that he shall bold the redemption of Italy accomplished "when I see her possessed of a philoEophy and literature truly her own, aff ectionately and diligently cultivating her language, her arts, and her intellectual riches.Catholio, and proud to possess the seat of religion and tbe glory of the Christian Pontificate." He Bays that "the Italians of the middle ages prospered so long as they reverenced the spiritual fatherhood of their first citizen (the Pope;, and with desertion of Hint came in slavery." Rome by an eter nal decree of Trovidt-nce is the metropolis and miMr8B rr the world, and from her alone the salvation of Italy can bo looked for. The first step to her tfeliverauce from domestic tyranny and a foreign yoke is to deliver her from tbe yoke f false opinions and reunite her in the profession of the holy faitb, which has its chief seat in Rome. Ho wonld fain "make religion the banner of Italy, and identify it with her genius and nationality." Yet with all this ardent Catholicism is oombinod a no less ardent zeal for a searching internal reform of the Chinch, the details of which are traced out in his posthumous work "itiforina Catto lica della Chiesa." Ferri thus sums them up in bis "EsHoi snr l'llistoire de la Philosophie en Italie au XlXieme Siecle": The disorders which he deplores thn existence of In the Cnurch are the temporal power of the Tope; Mie Ijruorance or Insufficient Instruction of a portion of the clerg ; the want of a tempered liberty lu hlKhops and priests, and their too great dpendenc tipon Konie; Jesuitism, which, domineering in science, in worship, and in discipline, sets religion and civilization In opposition to each other and makes them enemies; the want of a strongand Judl clous propaaanxia. wit hin the Church as-alust SKmiU- clBra and heresy, wl'hont against unbelievers; the celibacy of priests in climates to which It is un auited; the state of Idleness of a portion of the clergy, and the usclessness of a certain nu 'fiber or their lrtKtlttitlona; the want of a manly and elevated education for eoclpsiastlea ; the venality and mean ness of public worship. These are the evils. Here are their remedies. The abolition of the temporal power of the Pope: the establishment of eccleslaHtical ollcges, the higher Instruction of .he clergy being Intrusted to the bishops and the State; the division of prlesta Into two classes, the one representing science, the other action; reform In the teaching of theoiogy with suppression of scholasticism ; elevation to the episcopate of men distinguished for learning and ability ; liberty and legal guarantees for all classes of ihe clergy ; the abolition of the Jesuits ; co-operation of Catholic States In providing moans for the foreign propaganda; the excitement of emulation by conferrliig the highest honors of the priesthood upon the authors of valuable works; the clergy to be divided Into two classes, celibates and non-cell-bates; a radical reform of rnonasticlsm; the aboli tion of useless monks and of canons as now consti tuted; canonshlp restored to Us true principles; abolition of practices Involving waste of time; con currence of the State In the Instruction and educa tion of young priests; reglementary, disciplinary, and sumptuary reform. The chief living representative of their views is the statesman Count Mamiani, whose picture of a transfigured Catholicism, as por trayed in hiH llinascenza CatMica, does not materially differ from that of Gioberti. The abolition of the Temporal Power, the sup pression of "Jesuitism," and the improved training and discipline of the clergy, in cluding some modification of the law of celibacy, are conspicuous features of their scheme. Both alike desire to see a free Church in a free State the State relinquish ing all control over ecclesiastical appoint ments and tribunals, the Church abandoning all exclusive privileges and submitting in her civil relations to the supremacy of the civil law. How far that ideal is capable of realiza tion, or whether the views of those who cherish it are in all respects consistent with each other and with themselves, are questions which it would take us too long to enter upon here. That such views are widely prevalent, and that they prevail precisely among the most religious and most loyal citizens of the Italian kingdom, there can be no doubt. And we believe, notwithstanding some remarks pointing in an opposite direction in the pam phlet before us, that they are no less preva lent among the more educated portion of the clergy than among the laity. That the same strange phenomenon which has arrested the attention of travellers in Prussia, of an al most superstitious veneration for the priest hood combined with an undisguised dislike or contempt of its individual members, is to some extent reproduced in Italy, may be quite true. It sounds startling cer tainly to hear of a Roman Cardinal speaking of the Roman clergy as "a race of dogs, and Count Mamiani s unflinching devotion to his Church gives additional weight to his sor- rowtul assertion that the clergy are our despair," while another distinguished layman, Azeglio, says that "they have always shown by their conduct that they believe but little, and that the spectacle of Rome has extin guished religion in Italy." Still such state ments must be taken with very considerable limitations. Close and impartial observers, like Mr. Cartwright, have pointed out that in many parts of Italy tbe parish priests deservedly retain the confidence and attachment of their people; and the clergy of the Northern half of the peninsula are, as a rule, far more respected than those of the South. The Florentipe L'saminatore, the organ of liberal Catholio sentiments, is conducted by priests and circulates widely among them. In a re port quoted in this very pamphlet, the ac curacy of which we know no reason for dis trusting, some two thousand ecclesiastics are spoken of as supporting the views of Mamiani. The true explanation of the un favorable estimate, wherever it is to be found, is not probably far to seek. It is in dicated intelligibly enough in the emphatic demands reiterated again and again by Ros mini and Gioberti for the better education of the clergy, and their complaints of the ignorance, immorality, and idleness too common among them. Gioberti goes fur ther, as we have seen, and expressly requires that the rule of celibacy shall be modi fied, the monastic bodies and chapters thoroughly reformed, and more direct encour agement given to intellectual pursuits in the apportionment of ecclesiastical dignities. It would be rash to infer from this that the whole clerical body in Italy is lazy, incompe tent, and immoral, and there is good reason for believing that such an assumption would be a very exaggerated one. But we may safely conclude that there is ground for very serious complaint, and an urgent call for the reform of long-standing abuses. Whether these reforms will be brought about with the Eanction of Rome or in antagonism to her authority must depend very much on the in fluences dominant there after the close of the present pontificate. But it is clearly impos sible that things should long continue as they are. The political changes of tbe last ten years have materially altered tbe relations of the Church to Italian society, and in the full blaze of public opinion corruptions which under the old rtgime were bushed up or oponly enforced can neither be tolerated nor concealed. That the attempts, however well intended, of An glican or other external propagandists to in terfere in a work which does not belong to them will be useless-, if not positively mis chievous, is the unanimous verdict of those who have tbe best riht to speak with au thority on the subject. The Italian reformers neither need nor will accept their aid. "I know my countrymen," said Count Mamiani to an English friend, "and it will never be to join the Church of England that they will leave us. If they are shaken in their faith it is to rationalism that they will turn, and not to yon." BOARDING. "IIOI OIRABD 8TRSET, BETWEEN ELE 11 A venth and Twelfth and Ohesnut and Mar ket streets. Vacancies for Fa mil tea and Bingie ttea tlemen. Also, a suit of rooms on the second Door, furnished or unfurnished, wlih first-class board. Also, table board. 10 wu FINANCIAL. Bnwles Brothers I PARIS, L0SD0N. BOSK No. 19 WILLIAM 6 Credits for Travi IN EUROPE. Exchange on Paiii and tne Bank of London, IN BUMS TO 8UT. rpHB STRONGEST AND B Ji ;i'NRT AS WKL1. f MOST PR INVKSTMBJST NOW OFFERED IN T KET. 7 riSZl CX.X7T. GQ First Mortgage C Coupon or Keglsvered, and free of V. FRINCIPAI4AND INTEREST PAYABLE I83CKD BT Tut IIurlInon, lar ICnpl MU osota It. IK. C The small remaining balance of the hj At 90 and Accrued lut Currency. Interest payable Maj andNovenf 3. EDGAR THOMSON, CHARLES L. FKOST,. The bonds are Issued at $20,oco per the portion ouljr of the lice fullr la. equipped. Tbe greater part of the road la alreoi tlon, and the present earnings are iar of the operating expenses aud Interest The balance of the work necessai? tacce between St. Paul and Chicago miles to Bt. Louis, is rapidly progress! the movement of the coming grain tri is eHiunated, wiu double the present road. The established character of this ra it does through the heart of the most : and richest portion of tbe great Htat gether with its present advanced cond earnings, warrant us la unhesitating lng these bonds to Investors as, In eu UDdoubted security. A small quantify only remains unsold, and when tfc completed, which will be this fall, acli vance over subscription price may b 1 The bonds have fifty years to ranpr at the option of the holder into the soc pany at par, and the payment of thepri vlded for by a sinking fund. TJe privilege attached to these bonds canoj them, at an early day, to commanda coDBiaeraDij aoove par. u. s. iivetwi neui priura reiuru uuij x per cel. u rest, while these bonds pay 9)4 br regard them to be as safe and folly quiJ to any Hauroad Bond Issued; adn placed upon the New York 8too A rules of which require the road totdu obligate ourselves to rebuy at any tie oonds sold by us after this date at ib realized by us on their sale. ( All marketable securities taken I prf ommlsslon and express charges. 1 HENRY CJLUWeiJ o. 33 YAJLI Htnel FOR SALS BT TOWNSEND WUELENk BARKER BROS. & CO., KURTZ A HOWARD, j BOW EN A. FOX, DE HAVEN A BROTHER THOS. A. BIDDLE A CO. WE PAINTER & CO., GLENDBNNING, VAXl&i O. D INVILLIERS, EMORY, BENSON A CO. GILBOUGH, BOND A CO, C. F. YERKES A CO., Ba;! Of whom pamphlets and Inform tolned. ITY OF BALI $1,200,000 six per cent. Bondi Maryland Railroad Company, en of Baltimore. The undertlgned 1 of the Western Maryland Rallro through the American Exchanj l,soo,000 of the Bonds of the 1 Railroad Company, having 30 ye; and Interest guaranteed by the This endorsement having been act of the Legislature, and b; City Council, was submitted to almost unanimous vote of tbe ft tlonol security the city has provide 2oo,ooo for the liquidation of tat An exhibit of the financial con shows that she has available and more than sufficient to pay her ei To investors looking for absolute ottered in this market presents gr, These bonus are oneredat 87y rest, coupons payable January a WILLIAM JOHN K. MOSES W 1 6 COtt FltJ WHISKY, WIN QAR8TAIR8 & ffo. 126 Walnut and 2 IMPOUTKRfl j Brandies, Wine, Gin, J KAf rAxl WHOLKSALH DKA PURE RYE VV IS BOBD AND T
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