2
THE DAILY iWENINt; TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 25, 1871
an hit or inn mass.
Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals
upon Current Topios Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph. ,
SENATOR BLAlli.
'From th'S. V. World. .
An accidental correspondence in dates is
seldom worth remarking, and it is not the
habit of men of sense to allude to what are
called "remarkable coincidences" eicept for
ridicule. But a coincidence happened last
week to which we think it worth while to call
attention. For aught we know, the two facts
which tally in point of time tnay be fraught
with important consequences in the politics
of the ensuing two years.
Francis 1'. lSlair, Jr., was last week elected
a Senator of the United States from Missouri;
and a resolution was passed by the Senate
last week, looking to a new extension of
martial law over the Southern States and a
fresh attempt at reconstruction. This is, at
least, a curious dovetailing of facts. General
Blair's sentiments on the reconstruction
question are historical. It is in everybody's
recollection that he put forth, in 1808, one
of the boldest utterances ever made by a
publio man; an utterance which dismayed
some of his friends, and was eanght up with
eager exultation by all the enemies of the
Democratic party. But the fitness of Gen
eral Blair's election to the Senate at this
present time may perhaps strengthen the be
lief that
'There's a divinity that shapes our ends,
Rough hew them now we will."
It will at least be admitted that no man
could be put in the Senate, at the present
time, who is bo bound by his antecedents, or
so fitted by his temper, to confront the new
experiment of reconstruction as General
Blair. He bos every kind of courage, moral,
political, and physical; an indomitable, un
flinching will, untiring activity, and a bold
ness of language which cannot fail to rouse
and fix attention. lie will be a constant
thorn in the Bide of the new reconstruction
ists. And, what is more to the purpose, he
will carry the publio opinion of the country
with him in his intrepid resistance to a fur
ther overhauling of the State governments of
me aoutn ana a renewal or martial law.
Events move swiftly, and publio opinion
moves with them. The state of the recon
struction question is very different now from
what it was in 1808. Then the country was
impatient to have it settled and done with,
and judged that acquiescence in what had
been begun by Congress was the shortest
path to that result. With a Republican
Senate, fixed for many years in power, there
was no chance of a repeal of the reconstruc
tion acts while repeal could do any good; and
even many Democrats preferred the speediest
completion of the radical experiment, trust
ing that the people of the South would soon
get control of the new governments. Events
have justified their expectation. In the first
set of elections after the withdrawal of Fede
ral boyonets, the Democrats have promptly
redeemed most of the Southern States from
radical control, in spite of the negro vote.
If the radicals were content to stand by their
own work, and swallow their disappoint
ment in silence, General Blair's eleation to
the Senate would have no particular signifi
cancer His Broadhead letter would, in that
case, have no more interest than year before
last's almanac It is true that radical mem
bers of the Missouri Legislature tried to bad
ger him with it while the Senatorial election
was pending; and be, like tbe man of spirit
that he is, refused to sit on The stool of peni
tence, and professed to adhere to every word
of that letter. But if the radicals had the
wisdom to let reconstruction alone, he would
have no occasion to act upon this profession.
The Broadhead letter would be merely a
record of what General Blair's opinion was in
the summer of 1808, and would have only a
biographical interest as a part of his per
sonal history. But the new reconstruction
movement, which has just been started,
transforms a personal record into a political
rallying-cry, and puts General Blair into the
foremost rank as a leader of the opposition.
The difference between 1808 and the pre
sent time is, that General Blair will now
carry the country with him. The very same
motives which led the country to acquiesce
in the reconstruction of 1808 will impel ic
to resist a new attempt of the same kind.
The country was, even then, tired of agita
tion, and thought the quicker the question
was got rid of the better for every interest.
The revival of the agitation now is just what
the people will not tolerate. They will un
hesitatingly follow the boldest leaders in op
position to this scheme of brazen perfidy.
The Republican party cannot hoodwink the
country respecting their motives in inter
meddling with the douiestio governments of
the South. It is manifest to everybody that
their sole reason for attempting to unsettle
and destroy them a second time is their dis
appointment in finding that, even with the
help of the negro vote, they cannot retain
them in the Republican party without a re
newal of military terror and coercion. A set
of desperate political gamesters are ready to
disturb their own settlement because they
are disappointed in its party results. The
people, who love peace, and support General
Grant because they trusted iu the sincerity
of his famous "Let us have peace," will not
stand a reopening of the same exasperating
controversy. It was in the interest of
tranquillity and quiet that General Grant
was able to carry the election of 1808,
and the people will make him and his party
suffer if they wantonly attempt to deprive
the South of its freedom of political action
in the election of 1872. If they want to
elevate General Blair, who was of so muoh
service to them in the last Presidential elec
tion, to the rank of a great and successful
political leader, they have only to persist in
their present reckless attempt, aud transmute
the desire for tranquillity, which enabled
them to win, into resentful indignation at
their forfeiture of their pledges. Instead of
vainly stemming the current, as he did in
'08, General Blair will now be rowing in the
same direction that it runs. "Let us have
peace" will be the Democratic watohword
against this new attempt to upset the State
governments of the South.
There could not be a more signal proof of
the altered tone of publio opinion 6inoe 1808
than the election of General Blair to the
Senate from a State which gave General
Grant 2."(,()uo majority. This great change is
not. brought about by the participation of a
different set of voters, for enfranchisement
in Mifcsouri has not yet taken nlace. It is a
ripened fruit of the late election, which re
mains to be gathered. It will come by au
uuendment of the State Constitution, for
hich the present Legislature will provide,
eneial Blair's election therefore attests an
tual change of opinion in the same body
voters. The fact that the State was
ried by a split in the Republican party
makes the election of General Blair aU the
more significant. Multitudes of Repnbli
tens have censed to regard the Broad
bead letter as of any oonsequenoe
as a fulminntion against past reconstruction;
and if there is to be an attempt at future re
construction and a new disturbance, the
author of that letter will have abundant
public support in heading tbe resistance.
Tbe scheme which is now hatching to revive
martial law in the South, an a means 6f carry
ing the next' Presidential election, will
verify General Blair's prediction, deemed so
wild at the time, that General Grant would
never peaceably lay down bis omcs if once
elected. Such a scheme calls for bold oppo
sition; and what was rashness in 1808 may be
intrepid wisdom in 1872. The insane reck
lessness of the Republicans may render
General Blair a very important man. There
is a limit beyond which forbearance ceases
to be a virtue.
General Grant and tbe Republican leaders
had befct deal honestly with the people, and
consent to take their chances in a fair eleo
tion, without again attempting to control the
South by bayonets.
HOPING AGAINST HOPE.
From the H. T. Time.
M. Gambetta's speeches at Lille on Satur
day and Sunday last will doubtless elicit from
a host of complacent critics, outside of
France, such expressions as "brainless en
thusiast," "demagogue," and "charlatan."
Chimerical as we believe to be his dream of
the final triumph of the French arms, and
suicidal as we consider his doctrine of an
eternal war being preferable to the surrender
of any territory, it would be the shallowest
kind of criticism to imagine that we have
satisfactorily disposed of the man who is at
present the "very head and front" of Frenoh
resistance, by bestowing on him a few con
temptuous epithets. To people regarding
the struggle from a safe distanoe it is
exceedingly difficult to understand the feel
ings which at present animate the people
of France. And this difficulty exiBta not
so much because we do not keep in mind
the vitality of the sentiment of .na
tional honor among all but the lowest
class of Frenchmen, but beoause we are con
stantly forgetting tnat the data by which we
judge of the progress of the contest are far
more complete and coevincing than anything
to which a citizen of France can possibly
have access. At this moment, the inhabi
tants of Lule, for example, are probably hear
ing for the first time the Bound of Prussian
cannon. Standing face to face with an im
minent siege, they begin to realize the
horrors of a struggle against fate, which they
have already but partially folt in the prostra
tion of trade and the dearness of provisions.
But they cannot possibly know that Paris
begins to show signs of internal dissen
sion, that Bourbaki is being hopelessly
hemmed in away in the Vosges, that
Chanzy is being 6lowly but surely driven
among the mountains of Brittany, beyond
the poBsibility of extrication, and that the
still untouched provinces of the South are
mustering no great host that shall break
through two armies and raise the siege of the
capital. Hence Lille thrills with patriotic
enthusiasm when called on to bear her share
in the common danger, and hurls defiance at
tne invincible foe that is rudely knocking at
her gates. Take any other section or city of
France, and, with necessary exceptions, the
name iiung may ue saia ox tbem. They know
little beyond the danger that is nearest to
then), and because they have no means of
fully ascertaining how hopeless all organized
resistance is being proved to be all over
France, they, count submission as baseness
and the talk of peace as concealed treachery.
The very perfection with which the Prussians
have isolated France into half a dozen sepa
rate sections helps to defeat the object of the
campaign by keeping hope alive when suc
cess is past hoping for.
it may be said that M. Gambetta and hia
associates in the Provisional Government
have at least tolerably complete information
as to the course of events throughout France.
"While this is true enough, it must also be
remembered that they know better than any
body else how much unexpended energy there
is still existing among their countrymen.
Were every man capable of bearing arms in
the country to rally to the standard of the
Republic, they could still oppose three
Frenchmen to every German at present on
tne sou. Lvery dispassionate observer
knows that even then the odds would be on
the side of the invaders, and it is impossible
to deny that the head of the Provisional Gov
ernment would deserve well of his country
by frankly recognizing the fact. Yet, re
membering his position as a mere represen
tative of the popular will, and as the custo
dian of everything that France holds dear, in
a moment of supreme peril, we can easily un
derstand how he may hesitate between two
vast responsibilities, and maintain a hopeful
tone and unswerving determination to the
very last. History will doubtless condemn
his stubborn refusal to accept the inevitable,
but history cannot fail to concede that his
rashness was not altogether without excuse.
PRESIDENTIAL PROSPECTS.
From the A. 1'. Tribune.
We have heard it remarked .that, should
the elections of 1872 copy those of 1870, a
Democrat would be chosen President. But
that is a miscalculation, as the following
table will show:
Republican State. Electtre. emocratie S'nte. Elector,
Maine 0 Connecticut G
Massachusetts 12 New York 31
New Hampshire.... 4 Delaware 3
Rhode Island :i Maryland 7
Vermont 4 j Virginia 10
New Jersey 8 North Carolina 9
Pennsylvania 2" Georgia 10
South Carolina (ij Alabama 9
Mississippi 8 1 West Virginia 5
Louisiana 7, Kentucky 10
Florida 3 Tennessee 9
Texas 7 Indiana 13
Ohio 20 Nevada 3
Illinois l'J California C
Michigan 10 Oregon 3
Wisconsin 9 j Missouri 13
Minnesota 5i
Ijwa IOi Total 117
Kansas f j Republican uiaj.... 22
Nebraska 3
Arkansas f,
Total 179 1
We have assumed 1 ;"0,000 as the proba
ble ratio of representation under the new
census; a higher would reduce the number
of electoral votes, as a lower would increase
it, but neither would materially affect the
majority.
Missouri was not carried by the Democrats
in 1870, but by the Schurz and Gratz Brown
Republicans; but we assume that enough of
these will probably go clear orer to put the
State against us in '71. We trust they will
get sick of their strange company, and come
back in season for '72.
Connecticut was carried by the Democrats
in the April State eleotion of '08, but went
Republican in the eusuing Presidential eon
ttbt, as the probably will iu '72.
Oregon went Democratic In 1870 by a far
smaller majority than at her State eleotion of
1808; yet, when she came to vote for Presi
dent, she gave Seymour but 104 majority
oer Grant; while California (also Demooratio
in her preceding State election) went for
Grant by M 4 majority. We regard both of
them, with Nevada, as very doubtful for 1872.
Virginia, Indiana, and Alabama were barely
carried Democratic in 1870, and may all be
recovered upon the full vote always cast for
President. So may North Carolina, especially
if tbe Democracy turn Governor Holden out
of office, as they are quite likely to do.
Of the States we have placed in the Re
publican column, only Pennsylvania, Florida,
and Arkansas are at all questionable.
Arkansas gave some 2000 Republican ma
jority on Congress, thongh we threw away
two of the three Representatives in Congress
by personal feuds; but the Legislature is very
strongly Republican. Pennsylvania was close
on tbe popular vote last October, but, if a
fair allowance is made for the districts dis
tracted by personal feuds, there is a Republi
can majority. Florida is disputed, but Re
publican by a close vote.
We drifted astern muoh further in '02 than
in '70, but more than recovered our lost
ground when we came to a Presidential year,
when almost every legal voter comes to the
front. We purpose to repeat the dose in
1872.
J VANDENnOFF VS. VANDENnOFF.
From the A. F. World.
There is a disgusting squabble going on
over the extremely unimportant question
whether the person who calls himself Charles
II. Vandenhoff in Boston is a natural son of
the person whose name has never been dis
puted to be George W. Vandenhoff in New
York. Tbe anxiety of the former person to
brand himself a bastard is as eager aud as
delicate as the haste of the latter to brand
himself the assailant of a woman whom by
implication he admits himself to have
been at one time upon terms of affectionate
intimacy with. There appears in the
correspondence, or rather the inter
change of manifestoes, of this exemplary
pair every reason why the senior should
desire to disown the junior; but coreason at
all why the junior should be so solicitous to
claim kindred with the senior. Why Mr. G.
W. Vandenhoff or any other person should
object to have Mr. C. II. Vandenhoff for a son
is clear. But why Mr. C. II. Vandenhoff or any
other person should insist upon having Mr.
G. W. Vandenhoff for a father is inexpli
cable. Let us, therefore, beseech the younger
Vandenhoff to change his name, and cease to
be a polemical polecat. That which we call
a Vandenhoff by any other name would
smell as sweet. In fact it would be likely to
smell much sweeter. Life is short, and art
and Vandenhoff are both long. The latter is
also difficult to spell. Smith is inoffensive.
Suppose he tries Smith. No injured Smith
will refuse the equal right of any other man
to be a Smith. Nor will any Smith rush
madly into print to besmirch the fame of his
mother under the pretext of denying himself
to be his father. And let us admonish both
parties that the publio nostril, though not
over sensitive, may be revolted. Perfumes
are extracted from putrescence. But a shovel
ful of putridity held under one's nose every
morning is apt to become offensive.
PARDON BROKERAGE.
From the Harritburg Patriot.
The pardon of Richard Ficken is not re
ferred to for the purpose of making com
plaint against Governor Geary. Such a
pressure was made on him in this case as few
executives would be able to withstand. The
wealth and social position of the acoused,
his liberality in providing for the injured
lad, the appeals of his family, all pleaded
strongly with the Governor for pardon. The
petition, too, was signed by prominent men
in both political parties in Philadelphia, as
pardon rings there are generally made up in
that way. But it is to be observed that the
names of District Attorney Sheppard and of
the judges of the courts are wanting. That
this is a first-class case of pardon brokerage
there is not the slightest reason to doubt. A
brief account of the circumstances connected
with it will not be out of place here.
On tbe eve of last St. Valentine's day some
lads on Broad street, in the neighborhood of
the residence of Mr. Ficken, were observing
the old custom of sending valentines. They
circulated their missives by slipping them
under the doors of the houses of their neigh
bors. As some of these caricatures display
the very coarsest humor, they are apt to give
offense to some recipients. One of these
valentines was pushed under the door of
Ficken. It gave him mortal offense, and he
determinedj,to revenge himself on the next
comer. The lad Ourran came along, and
Ficken ran out and shot him through the
leg. Ficken was immediately arrested, and
held in the sum of twelve thousand five hun
dred dollars bail.
Soon after his arrest, Ficken, who is a
wealthy sugar refiner in Philadelphia, dis
posed of all his interests in this country and
lied to Europe, leaving, as is generally be
lieved, the amount of the bond in the hands
of a partner named Williams. lie was not
long abroad until he learned that the boy,
who was believed to have been mortally
wounded, was slowly recovering. Ficken
then determined to returu. This country
was not such a bad one to Jlive in after
all, even if wealthy men are arrested and
punished sometimes for indulging in the
sport of shooting small boys on ihe
street from a cover. But he could not re
turn to the United States safely with this
charge hanging over him. II a did not care
about the forfeiture of his recognizances, as
the Bum of twelve thousand five hundred
dollars was a mere bagatelle to a man of his
wealth. But it constituted an item of some
consideration to the pardon brokers. Fioken's
wibh was to come back with a previous par
don that he might resume his business. With
his expression of a desire to return, the opera
tions of the pardon brokers began. As a
preliminary step he paid the lad Currau
$20,000 damages.
In the opinion of the world it will be held
that this wealthy man has behaved quite
handsomely, and was the proper objeot of
executive clemency. The present purpose is
not to dispute that opinion, but merely to
mention the pardon brokerage ring who pre
sent themselves fully to publio gaze.
The recognizance for $ 12, roo, already for
feited to the State, is covered by this pre
pardon, and goes to pay a portion of the fees
of the brokers. William B. Mann has been
at the capital for weeks, dividing his atten
tion between Dechert and Ficken. Mr. Lewis
C. Cassidy joins him in assuring the Execu
tive tba. there was not the slightest intention
to commit a crime. Why were they not ready
to show this to a court and jury in Philadel
phia? The answer is simple enough. They
feared a conviction of their client. There was
great danger, too, that in a civil suit for
damages the father of the lad would recover
a greater amount than the $20,000 which are
naraded with such ostentation of liberality.
I It vu better,jthertfore, to carry their case be
fore the Governor, and to wipe out all scores
with a previous pardon.
Next comes Attorney-General Brewster, who
has examined the papers. He is satisfied that
tbe defendant was guilty of gross negligence.
The rushing out into the street and shooting
a boy is described by this distinguished law
yer as "gross tiegligonce." After this it is
not surprising that he should give the Gover
nor his opinion that Ficken did not intend to
commit bodily harm. It was on the opinion
of his legal adviser that the Governor based
this pardon. He has deferred to the Attorney
General in a matter iu which he oonld
have better exercised his own judgment. He
may yet discover that it will not do to take
the advice of an attorney-general who has
such intimate associations with the ring.
The very manner in which Attorney-General
Brewster s appointment was forced on Gov
ernor Geary shows that. This Fioken'oase
forms a precedent. If a wealthy man shall
indulge in such pastimes as that of Ficken,
lie has only to pay handsome damages, and
employ William B. Mann to obtain a pre
vious pardon. The offended majesty of the
law will thus be appeased.
CHURCH REFORMATION IN ITALY.
From the London Saturday Reviexe.
It is not easy, even with the help of the
little series of publications issued by the
"Libreria Rosmini" at Florence, to give any
very clear idea of the principles and aims of
tbe reforming party among Italian Catholios.
To a certain extent this is no doubt due to
the almost inevitable misconceptions which
foreigners, especially Protestants, are liable
to fall into, with the very best intention of
reporting accurately the results of their
personal observation. 'Even if they
had time and patience, as they
usually have not, to read the principal works
of Italian theologians and religious laymen
bearing on the subject, they would lack much
of the rudimentary information which such
works presuppose as a matter of course. But
it is true at the same time that the difficulty
of mastering the views of the Italian refor
mers, so to call them, is partly caused by the
circumstance that they have very imperfectly
mastered or matured their views themselves.
Religious and political questions are pretty
sure to be inextricably mixed up in the mind
of a liberal Italian, as is amusingly exempli
fied in Garibaldi's protest against the exist
ence of St. Peter. And of the leading men
among them who have combined Catholio
with patriotic zeal, two only, Rosmini and
Gioberti, could claim to be considered theo
logians; we put aside Passaglia, whose theo
logical training was derived from a very dif
ferent school, and because it is doubtful how
far, except as regards the abolition of the
temporal power, which has ceased to be a
practical question, his sympathies accord
with theirs. There is a growing feeling
among them that on doctrinal and historical
matters their knowledge is imperfect, and
hence men like Dollinger are eoiuing to be
looked up to by the more cultivated section
of both clergy and laity io Italy with a confi
dence and respect hardly inferior to what
they enjoy in their own country. We cannot
then accept without reserve the opening
statement contained in an interesting pam
phlet on the Italian reform movement, lately
published by a clergyman of the American
Episcopal Church at Florence, that there are
two things about reforming on which there is
no question among the class of thinkers he is
describing namely, the theocratic govern
ment of Rome, because it is hopelessly
doomed; and her dogmatic teaching, because
it is immutable. Under the latter head he
includes Papal infallibility and Papal supre
macy, which are certainly questioned by
many of the reforming party. Nor is
it in fact oorrect to say, that to abjure these
opinions "comprises the abjuring of the
Church of Rome," beoause many Roman
Catholics do in fact reject them who manifest
no intention of breaking with their Church.
There is, however, much valuable informa
tion to be derived from the extracts, chiefly
taken from the works by Ferri and Mamiani,
in the pamphlet before us, though we may
not always go along with the author's com
mentary upon them.
That the religious movement in Italy has
no tendency towards any form of doctrinal
Protestantism, .or, as Mamiani expresses
it, to "any of the sects hatched
by the Reformation," appears to be
pretty generally agreed by those who have
had the best opportunities of judging. "We
may rest assured," he says, "that Italians will
either follow the faith of their fathers heartily
and thoroughly, or will adopt what is now
adays called Rationalism; that is to say, they
will either adopt the negations of criti
cism and speculation, or hold fast reverently
to the authority of tradition." But within
these limits there is of course soope for very
wide differences of belief and ecclesiastical
discipline. The Catholio ideal of a Rosmini
or a Dollinger differs toto baio from the pro
gramme of the Jesuit "Civilta,"andthe aotual
condition of the Papal Court. Rosmini'g
famous work on the "Five Wounds of the
Holy Church," published originally at the
command of Pius IX, who was afterwards in
duced to place it on the Index, thus explains
the reforms most earnestly needed:
According to Rosmini, the wound la the left hand
of the llolr Church Is the division between the
elergj and the people lu public worship (the uae of
the Latin tongue). The wound In the right hand is
the limufflclent education of the clergy. The wound
iu the side Is the disunion of the bUbopa. The
wound In the right foot Is tiie giving up lu the nomi
nation of bigiioim to the lay power. 'Ihe wound of
the left foot Is the slavery of ecclesiastical property
(lemalna of feudalism). These show tne reforms so
fervently, so eloquently demanded by ltoarutnl, and
certainly ther Is nothing In them, nor Indeed In
any of his works so far as I am acquainted with
them and I have In manuscript, given me by order
of the Fattier (Jeneral of Jesuits iu 1SW, all the pas
sages supposed to be exceptionable nothing what
ever that sounds in the least like hereay or schism
in the Roman sense.
Gioberti, who was more of a philosopher and
less of a priest, went further in his specula
tive teaching, and expressly vindicated the
independence and liberty of science reposing
on human reason alongside of faith, which
rests on supernatural revelation. There
should be a perfect concord between philo
sophy and religion, the Church and civil so
ciety, and "progress Bhould be equally possi
ble in and by the Churoh, as in and by the
State." But Gioberti, bitterly as he was tra
duced and persecuted by the Jesuits, and
though he died under the ban of Rome, never
transgressed the boundaries of striot orthodoxy
in the Catholio sense. In his last work, the
"Rinnovamento," "he sees in Catholicism and
Idealism the religion and philosophy of his
country; he loves his country as at once the
chief seat of the Catholio religion and the
most natural and legitimate inheritor of Chris
tian and Platonio tradition." He declares
that he shall bold the redemption of Italy
accomplished "when I see her possessed of a
philoEophy and literature truly her own,
aff ectionately and diligently cultivating her
language, her arts, and her intellectual
riches.Catholio, and proud to possess the seat
of religion and tbe glory of the Christian
Pontificate." He Bays that "the Italians of
the middle ages prospered so long as they
reverenced the spiritual fatherhood of their
first citizen (the Pope;, and with desertion
of Hint came in slavery." Rome by an eter
nal decree of Trovidt-nce is the metropolis
and miMr8B rr the world, and from her alone
the salvation of Italy can bo looked for. The
first step to her tfeliverauce from domestic
tyranny and a foreign yoke is to deliver her
from tbe yoke f false opinions and
reunite her in the profession of the
holy faitb, which has its chief seat in
Rome. Ho wonld fain "make religion the
banner of Italy, and identify it with her
genius and nationality." Yet with all this
ardent Catholicism is oombinod a no less
ardent zeal for a searching internal reform of
the Chinch, the details of which are traced
out in his posthumous work "itiforina Catto
lica della Chiesa." Ferri thus sums them up
in bis "EsHoi snr l'llistoire de la Philosophie
en Italie au XlXieme Siecle":
The disorders which he deplores thn existence of
In the Cnurch are the temporal power of the Tope;
Mie Ijruorance or Insufficient Instruction of a portion
of the clerg ; the want of a tempered liberty lu
hlKhops and priests, and their too great dpendenc
tipon Konie; Jesuitism, which, domineering in
science, in worship, and in discipline, sets religion
and civilization In opposition to each other and
makes them enemies; the want of a strongand Judl
clous propaaanxia. wit hin the Church as-alust SKmiU-
clBra and heresy, wl'hont against unbelievers; the
celibacy of priests in climates to which It is un
auited; the state of Idleness of a portion of the
clergy, and the usclessness of a certain nu 'fiber or
their lrtKtlttitlona; the want of a manly and elevated
education for eoclpsiastlea ; the venality and mean
ness of public worship.
These are the evils. Here are their remedies.
The abolition of the temporal power of the Pope:
the establishment of eccleslaHtical ollcges, the
higher Instruction of .he clergy being Intrusted to
the bishops and the State; the division of prlesta
Into two classes, the one representing science, the
other action; reform In the teaching of theoiogy
with suppression of scholasticism ; elevation to the
episcopate of men distinguished for learning and
ability ; liberty and legal guarantees for all classes
of ihe clergy ; the abolition of the Jesuits ; co-operation
of Catholic States In providing moans for the
foreign propaganda; the excitement of emulation
by conferrliig the highest honors of the priesthood
upon the authors of valuable works; the clergy to
be divided Into two classes, celibates and non-cell-bates;
a radical reform of rnonasticlsm; the aboli
tion of useless monks and of canons as now consti
tuted; canonshlp restored to Us true principles;
abolition of practices Involving waste of time; con
currence of the State In the Instruction and educa
tion of young priests; reglementary, disciplinary,
and sumptuary reform.
The chief living representative of their
views is the statesman Count Mamiani, whose
picture of a transfigured Catholicism, as por
trayed in hiH llinascenza CatMica, does not
materially differ from that of Gioberti. The
abolition of the Temporal Power, the sup
pression of "Jesuitism," and the improved
training and discipline of the clergy, in
cluding some modification of the law of
celibacy, are conspicuous features of their
scheme. Both alike desire to see a free
Church in a free State the State relinquish
ing all control over ecclesiastical appoint
ments and tribunals, the Church abandoning
all exclusive privileges and submitting in her
civil relations to the supremacy of the civil
law. How far that ideal is capable of realiza
tion, or whether the views of those who
cherish it are in all respects consistent with
each other and with themselves, are questions
which it would take us too long to enter upon
here. That such views are widely prevalent,
and that they prevail precisely among the
most religious and most loyal citizens of the
Italian kingdom, there can be no doubt. And
we believe, notwithstanding some remarks
pointing in an opposite direction in the pam
phlet before us, that they are no less preva
lent among the more educated portion of the
clergy than among the laity. That the same
strange phenomenon which has arrested the
attention of travellers in Prussia, of an al
most superstitious veneration for the priest
hood combined with an undisguised dislike
or contempt of its individual members,
is to some extent reproduced in Italy,
may be quite true. It sounds startling cer
tainly to hear of a Roman Cardinal speaking
of the Roman clergy as "a race of dogs,
and Count Mamiani s unflinching devotion to
his Church gives additional weight to his sor-
rowtul assertion that the clergy are our
despair," while another distinguished layman,
Azeglio, says that "they have always shown
by their conduct that they believe but little,
and that the spectacle of Rome has extin
guished religion in Italy." Still such state
ments must be taken with very considerable
limitations. Close and impartial observers, like
Mr. Cartwright, have pointed out that in many
parts of Italy tbe parish priests deservedly
retain the confidence and attachment of
their people; and the clergy of the Northern
half of the peninsula are, as a rule, far more
respected than those of the South. The
Florentipe L'saminatore, the organ of liberal
Catholio sentiments, is conducted by priests
and circulates widely among them. In a re
port quoted in this very pamphlet, the ac
curacy of which we know no reason for dis
trusting, some two thousand ecclesiastics are
spoken of as supporting the views of
Mamiani. The true explanation of the un
favorable estimate, wherever it is to be
found, is not probably far to seek. It is in
dicated intelligibly enough in the emphatic
demands reiterated again and again by Ros
mini and Gioberti for the better education
of the clergy, and their complaints of the
ignorance, immorality, and idleness too
common among them. Gioberti goes fur
ther, as we have seen, and expressly requires
that the rule of celibacy shall be modi
fied, the monastic bodies and chapters
thoroughly reformed, and more direct encour
agement given to intellectual pursuits in the
apportionment of ecclesiastical dignities. It
would be rash to infer from this that the
whole clerical body in Italy is lazy, incompe
tent, and immoral, and there is good reason
for believing that such an assumption would
be a very exaggerated one. But we may
safely conclude that there is ground for very
serious complaint, and an urgent call for the
reform of long-standing abuses. Whether
these reforms will be brought about with the
Eanction of Rome or in antagonism to her
authority must depend very much on the in
fluences dominant there after the close of the
present pontificate. But it is clearly impos
sible that things should long continue as
they are. The political changes of
tbe last ten years have materially
altered tbe relations of the Church
to Italian society, and in the full blaze of
public opinion corruptions which under the
old rtgime were bushed up or oponly enforced
can neither be tolerated nor concealed. That
the attempts, however well intended, of An
glican or other external propagandists to in
terfere in a work which does not belong to
them will be useless-, if not positively mis
chievous, is the unanimous verdict of those
who have tbe best riht to speak with au
thority on the subject. The Italian reformers
neither need nor will accept their aid. "I
know my countrymen," said Count Mamiani
to an English friend, "and it will never be to
join the Church of England that they will
leave us. If they are shaken in their faith it
is to rationalism that they will turn, and not
to yon."
BOARDING.
"IIOI OIRABD 8TRSET, BETWEEN ELE
11 A venth and Twelfth and Ohesnut and Mar
ket streets. Vacancies for Fa mil tea and Bingie ttea
tlemen. Also, a suit of rooms on the second Door,
furnished or unfurnished, wlih first-class board.
Also, table board. 10 wu
FINANCIAL.
Bnwles Brothers I
PARIS, L0SD0N. BOSK
No. 19 WILLIAM 6
Credits for Travi
IN EUROPE.
Exchange on Paiii and tne
Bank of London,
IN BUMS TO 8UT.
rpHB STRONGEST AND B
Ji ;i'NRT AS WKL1. f MOST PR
INVKSTMBJST NOW OFFERED IN T
KET.
7 riSZl CX.X7T. GQ
First Mortgage C
Coupon or Keglsvered, and free of V.
FRINCIPAI4AND INTEREST PAYABLE
I83CKD BT Tut
IIurlInon, lar ICnpl
MU osota It. IK. C
The small remaining balance of the hj
At 90 and Accrued lut
Currency.
Interest payable Maj andNovenf
3. EDGAR THOMSON,
CHARLES L. FKOST,.
The bonds are Issued at $20,oco per
the portion ouljr of the lice fullr la.
equipped.
Tbe greater part of the road la alreoi
tlon, and the present earnings are iar
of the operating expenses aud Interest
The balance of the work necessai?
tacce between St. Paul and Chicago
miles to Bt. Louis, is rapidly progress!
the movement of the coming grain tri
is eHiunated, wiu double the present
road.
The established character of this ra
it does through the heart of the most :
and richest portion of tbe great Htat
gether with its present advanced cond
earnings, warrant us la unhesitating
lng these bonds to Investors as, In eu
UDdoubted security. A small quantify
only remains unsold, and when tfc
completed, which will be this fall, acli
vance over subscription price may b 1
The bonds have fifty years to ranpr
at the option of the holder into the soc
pany at par, and the payment of thepri
vlded for by a sinking fund. TJe
privilege attached to these bonds canoj
them, at an early day, to commanda
coDBiaeraDij aoove par. u. s. iivetwi
neui priura reiuru uuij x per cel. u
rest, while these bonds pay 9)4 br
regard them to be as safe and folly quiJ
to any Hauroad Bond Issued; adn
placed upon the New York 8too A
rules of which require the road totdu
obligate ourselves to rebuy at any tie
oonds sold by us after this date at ib
realized by us on their sale. (
All marketable securities taken I prf
ommlsslon and express charges. 1
HENRY CJLUWeiJ
o. 33 YAJLI Htnel
FOR SALS BT
TOWNSEND WUELENk
BARKER BROS. & CO.,
KURTZ A HOWARD, j
BOW EN A. FOX,
DE HAVEN A BROTHER
THOS. A. BIDDLE A CO.
WE PAINTER & CO.,
GLENDBNNING, VAXl&i
O. D INVILLIERS,
EMORY, BENSON A CO.
GILBOUGH, BOND A CO,
C. F. YERKES A CO., Ba;!
Of whom pamphlets and Inform
tolned.
ITY OF BALI
$1,200,000 six per cent. Bondi
Maryland Railroad Company, en
of Baltimore. The undertlgned 1
of the Western Maryland Rallro
through the American Exchanj
l,soo,000 of the Bonds of the 1
Railroad Company, having 30 ye;
and Interest guaranteed by the
This endorsement having been
act of the Legislature, and b;
City Council, was submitted to
almost unanimous vote of tbe ft
tlonol security the city has provide
2oo,ooo for the liquidation of tat
An exhibit of the financial con
shows that she has available and
more than sufficient to pay her ei
To investors looking for absolute
ottered in this market presents gr,
These bonus are oneredat 87y
rest, coupons payable January a
WILLIAM
JOHN K.
MOSES W
1 6 COtt FltJ
WHISKY, WIN
QAR8TAIR8 &
ffo. 126 Walnut and 2
IMPOUTKRfl j
Brandies, Wine, Gin,
J
KAf
rAxl
WHOLKSALH DKA
PURE RYE VV
IS BOBD AND T