2 THE DAILY EVENINW TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, JANUARY 23, 1871. criRiT or Tun muss. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals upon Current Toplos Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. AMERICAN FRIENDLINESS. l'rom the rail Mall Gazette. It ia one of the greatest perplexities attend ing the chronio difference between Eoglaud and tbe United States that, if any useful end is to be gained, tbe English and the Ameri cans cannot be addressed in the ama lan guage. Nobody who has the least kuowledg of the Americans will Buppose that voroal menaces will have tho smullost effect upou thorn. The arguments most likely to suc ceed with thera must bo couched in mode rate language and directed less to their feM or sympathies than to their good sense and mental judgment. We ourselves have sho-vu that we think them not incapable of bsiog impressed by a candid btatement of the liabili ties which on a very strict construction of public law this country has incurred, of the concessions which it is prepared to make for the purpose of satisfying them, and of the advantages which both nations wonld gain by a prompt settlement of their most recent quarrel. Yet it cauuot be denied that this very language, read in Eng land, has a tendency to deepen serious mis conceptions which are abroad here. The popular impression of our countrymen is that, though American demagogues may occa sionally rage together and the Feniaus ima gine a vain thing, the American people has not forgotten the ties of common descent, and is at heart friendly to Great Britain. American travellers cannot in common de cency adopt any other tone, and the English press is careful to explain away any indica tions destructive of the popular theory. Thus, while on the other hand nothing but reasona ble arguments are likely to affect the Amerio ans, such arguments may possibly encourage Englishmen in believing that there is nothiug to overcome in the Americans except a wrong conclusion of the reason. Yet the friendly disposition of the Americans is entirely a figment of the English imagination. Wh even believe that an Englishman can hardly do a greater disservice to England than by trying to persuade Englishmen of the friend liness of the people of the United States to this country. The assertion thus made of the Americans is utterly fidse; it is extremely dangerous; and it has not even the excuse of indirectly promoting a useful object in spite of its falsehood and perilousness. Occasion ally it may be possible to produce friendship between nations by the expedient which made a match between Benedick aud Boa trice. But nothing is required to aid to the friendly disposition of this couutry towards the United States. Friendli ness in all that goes to constitute the friendship of States has existed on our side for half a century; nor have the Americans the smallest evidence of unfriendliness to rest upon except the alleged fact that, when a nation which had always been looked upou by foreigners as one and indivisible, aud which would have bitterly resented auy other view of its constitution, broke suddeuly into two halves, the sympathies of Englishmen wavered for a time between tho fragments, and were not exclusively given to one of them. On the other hand, a statement con cerning the Americans which they know to be ridiculously false has no tendency what ever to diminish their hostility. They regard it simply ns evidonce of weakness and timidity, and, without adding a jot to their friendliness, it increases their contempt and encourages their presumption. The mode of proving American friendli ness which is now in fashion consists in pointing to the small proportions of tho American army and the American navy. It is admitted that, from one end of the political scale to the other from President Grant, wno is their cedar of Lebanon, to Butler, who is the hyssop that grows on their wall their public men never refer to this country except to find material for picking a quarrel with it. It is allowed that the conventional peroration of an American stump speech is an invective againBt (jreat lmtain, and that the common forms of a President's message are the pre cise reverse of the common forms of a Queen's speech; since, instead of congratulating the couutry on its friendly relations with foreign powers, it con tains, as of course, some demonstration of British misconduct. It is acknowledged that their leading politicians, without mauifusting the faintest sense of arrogance or impro priety, publicly discuss the expediency of imposing on this country "such con ditions as no great nation has ever sub mitted to except after a disaster like Sodau or Sadowa." But all this is thought to be neu tralized because the head of a department who wants money to spend upon it declares the American army hardly largo enough for pur poses of police, and the American navy in sufficient even for revenue duties. But the facts asserted do not bear the construction put upon them, and, besides, they are not to the point. The feebleness of the army and navy of the United States has no analogy to the feebleness of the British army and navy. It is quite true that the American navy is in but poor condition, less, however, through contraction of expenditure than through the foolish commercial policy which deprives the American dockyards of good iron and good workmen, and which limits the supply of good seamen to their ships. It is very possible that, if a war were to break out, the British navy could seal the American men of war in their ports. But the Americans do not rely upon their navy for the means of inflicting immediate injury upon this country. Through their refusal to adhere to the Declaration of Paris they are at liberty to employ privateers; and is is through vessels of this sort that they hope, if not to destroy the great trade which their own commercial exclusiveness has thrown mainly into British hands, to compel it to be carried on at enormous cost. Nor have the petty numbers of the American army tbe same (significance or importance as our own military weakness. For the American regular army is really what the British army is not, the nucleus of an immensely larger force. As was shown at the beginning of the Confederate war.it can be extended iu a very short time to vast dimensions by partially trained regiments from the militia of the several States, recruited in the last resort by ballot. But the English army and militia, whatever be their numbers, constitute the whole force available for foreign operations and home defense. There is no furtner re serve, unless it is seriously proposed to count the volunteers. Even, however, were it strictly true that both by land and sea tbe Americans are for the moment much worse prepared than we are for immediate hostilities, nothing would be done towards proving that African un friendliness does not largely increase tbe risk of war. We do not mean to assert or to in sinuate that many American statesmen or I even American demagogues hva clearly before their minds a war with this country. The peculiiinij of their proceedings is that the natural remit is not expee'ed to folio from th m. They do not picture to themselves and, it is just to add, have never given them the menu of picturing to thmn nelves the exact itoiitineucy in which Great Britain would turn agituist the foot which spurns it. So fur hm ttitir experience reaches, therein no abusive lanunge of which this country can be brought to take notice not even the raving of Senator Suuim r when actiiig in an t-x'i-iitivn cajiHcity hs member "f a body which sh.irt-s the treaty-making p.nver. Th re is no trivisl pretext violently insisted upon wljcli will not lie civilly discussed. Tht re is notoin!esi.)i, leli'-rrt,ttiiy intended on one hide to be humiliating, to which 13ri-tit-li statesmen luiy not fu l.y bo expected to reconcile themselves in time. It is exactly here that tne. danger lies. Arro gance nijpiecedented iu diplomacy has not hitheito borne the UHtural fruit of arrogant clijilouiHcy. Our habitual attitude touaidH tbo Americans, and their habitml attitude to us, have produced iu them a siu g dlar inihconci ption of our national charac ter. Though ttiey are boue of our b ine and iletdi of our lli hh, they have come to think of bh li we bad somehow lost, that dep re serve of national pride and susceptibility vibich they arecoLHcious of in themselves. The darker, therefore, is not that they will declare war against us; it is even improbable that they wonld do no under the supreme tempta tion of finding us eug'iged iu a European struggle. What is far more likely is that some itay without looking for consequences more than usually serious for the sake of satisfying home local cry or gaining some domestic political advantage they will put upon us some intolerable insult which will chll forth an eruption of indignation from John o' Groat's to tbe Land's End. Then will occur in England what Napoleon III as sert d to have happened in Frauce at the be ginning of the present war. The couutry will have escaped from tbe hand of its tem porizing statesmen, and war will be all but inevitable. Such an event will perhaps sur prise and disconcert the Americans; but the most tremendous struggle of modern times will not the less be on t he point of beginning. The sovoreigu security against this great danger dots not couit in auy .sudden change of diplomatic policy. There is palpable fool ishness iu the postponement of auy American difficulty which can be honorably settled; but there is no reason for abandoning that eon sidi lateness towards the United States which English statesmen have sometimes carried to the verge of hnbinissiveiiess. Tho first step is to convince ourselves of. the rooted un friendliness of the American people to yards this country so far as they ate represented by their national organs; tho next is to place oni selves in such a position tha however we n ay regret it, we may defy tbe worst possibilities with which it is preg nai.t. Tbe true moral of the American lesson is the same with tbe moral of that European lesson which we are hlowly learning. When the British navy, be sides cumbrous ironclads, contains a sufficient numbtr of L6avily-armed but light footed cruisers to make privateering hot work in every corner of the globe wheu we are iu a position to throw close upon 100,000 regular troops into Canada without danger to our own shores we shall find that th Americans are neither cowed nor insulted; but we shall find that their statesmen, and even their dema gogues, will tnink twice before they deal with this country in any different spirit from that which presides over their relations with Rus sia or with the North German Confederation. EARLY MARRIAGES. Fnm the y. Y. Tribune.. All England is stirred to its foundations just now by a step which the directors of the London Union Bank have seen fit to take for the prevention of too earl-, and therefore imprudent, marrnies among their clerks Any employe of the establishment venturing to treat himself to a wife upon a salary of less man Al.0 a yearn to be summarily dis missed. The clerks seem willing to submit meekly enough; but the edict has roused the indignation of the British public from one end of tbe island to the other, aud has dragged open the whole vexed question of marriage. The directors are warned by all Kinas 01 remonstrances, sneers, auumenaaes, that their action is cruel and illegal; that tho free-born Briton has a ugLt to a wife and unlimited children. and a right to starve them too upon whatever salary, or lack of it, he sees fit. One of the gravest leading journals, in the froth and fury of its vehemence, ironically advises the "maternal directors" to take in charge still further the interest of their clerks. and take care that they marry only good cooks, and women whose tastes run in tbe direction of bombazine and drab ribbons ''No tradesman or factory hand," it tells ns. "would submit tor a day to such unparalleled being gentlemen and the sons of gentlemen, belong to that educated middle class which. we are surprised to learn, "is always ready, in England, to basely submit to any yoke for me siiKe ol a salary. Marriage, it coes on to say, is a mystically sacred union, with i - i . i it . 1 1 . , . . niiicu umiuruiiuK l-resiuenrs nor uovern- meuts have arn thing to do. Now, all this is very independent, and worthy of the freest British Hotspur. But tie service of the Union Bank was certainly not compulsory, ana me nait-Uozen resoeot able old gentlemen who have raised all this pother concern themselves, it is most likelv. very little with either mjstically sacred bonds or Malthusian schemes. Their object is, most probably, the business of their bank, and to provide themselves with the most efficient workmen to transact it. If experience has taught them that the unmarried clerk is less likely to be tempted by the pleasures open to young men to neglect his work aud defraud bis employers thau one with a wife, the sus picion of blame falls, it appears to us, more upon the extravagant wife than the directors, This point would be stronger, we aoknow ledge, if the salary were a trifle higher. But, in Now York at least, it would require no great extravagance in ua educated young couple, with the two expensive drawbacks of tastes and babies, to live fully up to an in come of ifc'ToO a year; and common prudenoe would suggest to "the gentleman or son of a gentleman" that he should wait until he was competent to earn that sum, or else content Limself with a wife not ashamed to oook, end dress in bombazine and no ribbons at all. Mystically sacred bonds will not, as the directors donb'tless know, pay either butchers' or tailors' bills. In New York, however, the trouble lies in tLe other three! ion. The clerk who would undertake to support a wife with the tastes which middle-class people boast here upon such a salary, would be regarded as insul'iog the common sense of the woman to whom ho ottered it. A fashionable marriage deiniiu Is a wedding trousseau and general outset of expenditure which rises before tho me.tgie yearly income which is to follow like a stn ptndons entrance to a misorable tenement- bouse; and fashionable marriages are now demanded, we must remember, by every firade of young people, from the heiress on . . . . 1 ' J 1. iMBUison avenue to mo grocsra unugu ter. When the bride of a millionaire trails yards of lace tip the aisles of Grace Church, or furnishes her house with costly trumpery, she only send back her overplus of wealth into the hands of work men and mechanics. But when tho daughter of Smith, the carpenter, fills her wardrobe with sleazy sill;B, made strictly after Worth's patterns, and when tbe clerk whom - she marries feels that hospitality demands from him for his friends game suppers and cheap a lid nasty champagne, they make of mar riage the straightest path to ruin, and de giade the life which God gave them for some sound and practical end into as ludicrous and tawdry a sham as their gaudy furniture ni'd paste jewels. Fashion debases men and women of any grade; but it is in tbe class tl at substitutes wax beads for pearls, velve teens for velvet, that it has encroached among na most fatally upon the true relations f life. With this class, unfortunately universal Among people of small means in our cities, marriage on narrow incomes is held each 3 ear to be more impracticable. If the domestio aflairs of our clerks and poor men's daughters could be put for a year cr two into the hands of the keen and saga cious bank directors, the result might be wLolesome. But who knows? If the "son of b gfntleman" starving in New York were told that work and wages were waiting for him in a thousand Western towns; that .7."0 per annum would command in many of them a comfortable house well furnished, a sure living and respectable foothold for his family would he go or stay here to gamble for high stakes? Or if a young couple, with great love and few dollars between them, be challenged to marry, to strip life for a few years of all imitation of richer neighbors, to Jive cheaply, to work hard, finding their recompense in the higher faith in God and each other which would grow thereby, would it be of any use? Would love or fashion win the day? Doth not wisdom here cry daily in the streets? Y'et what man regardetb? THE UNSEEMLY QUARREL OF THREE BRETHREN. l'rom the Wilmington (OeL) Commercial. "finis In their little nests agree, And 'tis a shameful sight, When children of One Family Fall out, aud clildc, aud ligut."' Fancy, for a moment, what the world would say, were any of the larger States to lall so completely into the hands of a single family as Delaware has done. Suppose that in the choice of a United States Senator in Massachusetts, tho only competitors had been three brotbors named Wilson, and that their party associates had intrigued, labored, and quarrelled over the quostion as to which of tbe three should be chosen. Or apply it to rew Jersey, and imagine that nobody was named for this high position but three brothers of the Frelinghuysen family. In either case, or in any like it, 6xcept in Dela ware, would there not have been one univer sal chorus of ridicule at a people who should be so subservient as to yield to such narrow ownership, and of indignant rebuke to the men who thus so greedily monopolized power, Fancy New York absorbed by three Conk- lings, or Illinois by three Logans, and tbe spectacle is at once absurd and unreason able. In any other State than Delaware such a conoition ot things has never existed, and ceitainly could not exist. La Delaware, alone, does it seem possible and natural. But even here, by analysis and comparison, we mav perceive how scandalous the circumstances nre. That three brothers, children of tbe same parents, natives of tbe same home. dwellers in the same State, but a few miles apart, devoted to the same party, and ao knowledging a common platform of political principles; laboring together, hitherto, in one combination, should become the sole competitors for a high office, and with equal desire strive to grasp it, is something new in American politics, as we trust it always may be. When the struggle fo' preferment is between brethren, and their intrigues are one against tne other, when the one who succeeds does it to the bitter disappointment ana mortincation ol his brothers who failed, it is an exhibition neither beautiful nor edi fjiug. But even more than this, here was one who had already been United States Senator twelve years. Had his services been most faithful and acceptable, he might well have been satisfied with a term so long, and have yielded to his kinsman with ready grace and 1-11 1 "W T 1 . . coraiai uearc. unaer tne circumstances, his exertion to reseat himself was most unkind and most unjustifiable. Speaking from a neutral standpoint, we unhesitatingly say that the place justly belonged to Gove Saulsbury. Willard has not only been Sena tor twelve years, but he has been Senator in tbe face of all propriety, and in defiance of public protest. That he should be again elected was unreasonable and wrong. He had no right to think of another term, lie should have forbidden his friends tbe nse of his name. With his brother-in-law made Gov eruor, and his county thus fully honored, he bhould have respected the well-understood basis upon which that honor was conferred. and dealt honorably with tbe brother whose hand bestowed it. Governor Saulsbury doubtless feels bitter and disappointed. In our opinion he has reason for it. That his brother Willard should thus have thwarted and injured him is) just ground for misanthropy. The honor which he has lost, so unexpectedly and so unfairly, is a high one, rarely within reach. In six years more there may be no chance for him The prize has probably been struck from his hands forever. That one brother struck it away, and another seized it, must add in creased bitterness to his reflections. And yet, Governor Saulsbury should re member that none have had a closer grasp on place thau himself. None have monopolized honors and profits more greedily. If his own brothers have well acquired the arts of self seeking, -and personal aggrandizement, there is no teacher from whom they have more probably learned it than from himself. THE IMPERIAL CROWN OF GERMANY. tonthH. Y. llti aid. Now is (.ermany one; like the breath of the storm The (iad tidings ecbo urouiut. Now, Kmperor, rise from toy tomb again; 'J lit ravelin arc umlergrouud. We have published King William's procla mation, dated Versailles, and embodying a formal acceptance of the imperial crown of Germany. The proclamation is ia every sense worthy of the great oocasion. It is brief, yet exhaustive. It is full of gratitude. but it is alBo full of dignity. Y'ieldiner to the appeal of the German princes aud the free towns, tho King considers it his duty to accept the responsibility of tbe imperial dignity and to restore the German empire, defunct since 1MMJ. The new Emperor religiously recognizes a rower higher than bis own, prays for help, and, in the premises, makes fair promises. We know no man stupid enough not to be willing to join in tbe hope that Germany may reap in lasting peace the fruits of her bloody battles, and that King William and bis successors may be able to protect tbe re stored empire, not by warlike conquests, but by works of peace, freedom, and civilization. Ihe restoration of tho German Empire is one of the grandest events in modern times w e bad almost said in the history of the world. It is scarcely fair to call it a restora tion, for tbe reason that Germany was never before, under any form or forms of govern ment, what she is to-day. There has been a German Empire, a Holy Roman Empire; but the Geramn or Holy Roman Empire always was a heterogeneous or incoherent mass from the days of the First Olho to the days of the Second Francis. To-day, if we except tbe Anstro-German States, Germany is one as bhe never was one before. Up swells the Belt, tho Baltic Sea ; I p swell9 the Herman wave; Ellie rnrm to battle merrily, And Oder grasps the glaive ; leckar and Weser tarry not Aud Main flows cnor on ! All old disunion i forgot Tbe Herman race Is one. What Is the German's Fatherland Ho one need ask to-day. What Charlemagne and tbe Saxon Othos and the Franconian Ciesars and the Hohen- staufiens and the Hapsburgs vainly attempted, the llohenzollerns, one of the youngest of the royal houses of Europe, have, in the per son of King William, been able to accomplish. The German empire is not so much an old institution revived as a new institution which has been sprung upon the world. In one sense it is a giant awakened from his slumbers; for in the person of King William the simpler minds among the German people recognize the resurrected Frederick of the Red Beard. In another sense it is a new giant created afresh and flung upon the world with powers mightier than auy the world has known before. The power is reflected from tbe Hall of Mirrors of the palace of the Kings of France. The restoration cannot be properly under stood without a reference to the past. The German empire some would date from tbe year 800, when Charlemagne received at the hands of Tope Leo the Third the imperial crown a crown which in the estimation of the Holy See had not been worn sincoK3on stantine abandoned ' the ancient Rome of the West for the new Rome of tbe East. Others again, and, as we think, with better reason, date it from the year '.lull, when Otho the First was crowned by Pope Johu the Twelfth. Certain it is that tbe empire of Charlemagne crumbled to pieces under his feeble descendants. The Bard, tho Stam merer, the Fat, tbe Simple were unequal to the task imposed upon them, and tho mighty fabric reared by the great Charles fell, and tho fall was groat. The restoration, or rather tbe re-establishment of the empire which then unquestionably became German as well as Roman under Otho proved more enduring; for, in spite of the change of dynasties aud the Bocial and political revolutions which marked the interval, the empire established under Otho virtually remained until tho year of our Lord 800. During all those years the German and Holy Roman empire was a grand, living fact, and a mighty power the associate and companion of the Papacy. The history of the world for well-nigh ten centuries was the history of the German or Holy Roman empire. In the year 180U the successes of tbe First Napoleon, and his ruinous innovations in Germany innovations which culminated in the act of the Confederation of the Rhine Francis the Second bowed to fate, aud by a declaration dated August the oth resigned the imperial dignity and retired to tbe govern ment of his hereditary dominions as Emperor of Austria. The crown then let fall was the crown of Augustus, of Constantino, of Charles, of Otho, of Barbarossa, of Maximilian; tight hundred and seventy years after Pope John had crowned the first Saxon, one thou sand and six years after Pope Leo had crowned the Frankish monarch, eighteen hundred and fifty-eight years after C;esar had conquered at Tharsalia, the German, or, as we must again call it, the Holy Roman empire perished. From that day Germany became less a unit than ever. The German people, however, believed in and loved tbe same Fatherland, as they spoke the same language, and their desire of national unity was strengthened, not weak ened, by the fall of the empire. Their poli ticians schemed and worked for this unity; their philosophers dreamed of it; their poets Korner and Arndt and Ruckert and the rest sang of it; their historians read and in terpreted history in favor of it; their soldiers have ever been willing to fight for it. Hitherto dynastic jealousy has been too strong for popular sentiment and desire. The year 1848 seemed for a moment to have brought about a realization of German dreams; but the year 1848 in German, as elsewhere, proved a year of revolutionary failures. The year 1800 startled Germany herself. It tore her asunder, but it revealed to her her strength. The Hapsburgs were found to be weak, but the llohenzollerns were found to be strong. The war which still wages has done more for German unity than all the dreams and schemes and projects of all tbe past. The war is not ended; but the French ravens have disappeared from the brow of the hill underneath which the Great Frederick so long has slept; the 'Emperor ' himself lives again; the resurrection is complete, and Ger many is one. In this year of our Lord 1871, and just one hundred and seventy-nine years since the coronation of the first Prussian king, the head of the house of Hohenzollern becomes Emperor of Germany. After a lapse of sixty-live years tbe empire of Otho and of Charlemagne is revived; but the new empire is not and will not be in any sense Roman or holy. King William has made a very sensible proclamation. Let us hope that the German empire will prove blissful to the German people; and let us also hopo that the German people, united, will be powerfully instrumental in advancing the great cause of human civilization. They have yet an unfinished task on their hands. The result is not doubtful. Privilege and respon sibility are both great with them. It will be well for them, and well for humanity, if, in me nour ox ineir iriumpu, tney remember mercy rather than judgment. A great people greauy lavorea can auora to be magnani mous. ' ATTACKS UPON THE TREASURY. From the X. Y. Times. The present session of Congress, unprofit able as it promises to be in respect of uiea sures conceived in the publio interest, fur nishes rather more than its share of bills in volving an expenditure of -publio money. The laud-grant bills are numerous and bad enough, and it is already evident that there ere members willing to swallow their pledges and defy publio opinion by appropriating tbe choicest portions of the publio domain for tbe benefit of railway schemers. Sepa rately, these projects would have no cbauce cf success. But combined they represent so many sinister interests that there is no tell ing what power they may not acquire before the session ends. The promoters of subsidy schemes iuvolving money and not land will, however, make the first attack. They are organized and not over scrupulous, and all the virtue of Congress will be needed to protect the National Treasury from their assaults. Of steamship enterprises there is a formid able list, and tbe opening trial of strength in their behalf will come off this week. They are eight in number, and take in nearly nil parts of tbe world. ihe bandwicn Islands' service is the most modest of the group, contenting itself with n request for !y i o,000 annually; tbe American and Euro pean and the American Mil and Ocoan Steam Transportation Company aro the most rapacious, the money they ask for amount ing yearly to $1, '200,000 for each. The aggregate of the subsidies covered by the eight projects exceed four and a half millions yearly a heavy demand in prosperous times, and a very seri ous one in times like these. The utmost that can be said in support of the principle is, that it is debatable as a method of foster ing a steam marine. But there are two sides to the question, and one of them is strength ened by the popular demand for reduotion of taxation, to which ervery fresh subsidy is more or less of an obstacle. The danger to be apprehended is the formation of a ring, with a popular lobby to help it tbe asso ciated influences boding no good to the Trea sury or the tax-payers. Ihe gigantic scheme of the day is that of which the economical Mr. Hamlin has made himself the sponsor. For the purpose of cheapening the cost of transportation from the West to the sea-board, a railroad is pro jected from Portland to Chicago; and to faci litate its construction the bill provides for a Government loan of fifty thousand dollars per mile for the whole extent of the road. As the distance cannot be less than a thousand miles, we have here a drain upon the national credit amounting to intty millions of dollars Mr. Hamlin is not addioled to praotical jokes in the Senate Chamber, and we must there fore conclude that he introduces this monster scheme in sober earnestness. We adduce it as illustrative of the tendency to press extra vognnt demands upon the Government, with an inexcusable indifference to tbe effect upon its credit and the business interests of tbe country. Compared with an undertaking of this magnitude, tbe never-ending Sutro Tunnel seems a model of disinterestedness. It conies, this time, neatly wrapped in a bill "to create a fund to be known as 'the mine ral land fund,' and for other purposes,' and Mr. Nye exerts his ingenuity in finding pretexts for its passage. We think he will not succeed. A loan of three millions to the Sutro Tunnel Company is a bagatello by tbe side ot Air. Hamlin s htty millions; but it is three millions too much for the furtherance of private interests, which Bbonl I bo quite cajiable of caring for themselves. Expatiate as Mr. Nye may upon the scientiho value of tho tunnel, tbe fact remains that tbe Sutro Com pany is no more entitled to publio aid than scores of other corporations, and that its legitimate reliance should be upon the Ne vada raining companies, whose hidden riches, we are told, surpass description. Properties which, according to Mr. Nye, have yielded more silver than all Mexico, and are yet but at the gateway of their treasures, should surely not be afraid of a three million ex penditure, which is alleged to be essential to their development. At any rate tho country is under no obligation to redeem from loss mismanaged ventures on the Comstock Lode, or to Bwell tbe dividends of those that havo been more fortunate. If we are ever to bring back tho days of hard money and light taxation, it is plain that Congress must resist attempts to fasten upon the Treasury plans involving the expenditure of its money, or an application of its credit; for the furtherance of corporate enterprises. We advise Senators and members to remem ber that the strain upon the Bation's credit is Bevere enough already, and that there can be no restoration of confidence until tbe subsi dizing system is firmly and consistently dis couraged. WATOMES. JEWELRY, ETC. -WIS LADOMUS & CO WATCHES, JEWKLKY A SU.VEll W .il'.K. . WATCHES and JEWELET REPAIRED. gOSChOBtngt St., f hUi Would Invite attention to their large stock of Ladles' and Cents' Watches Of American and foreign makers. DIAMONDS in the newest styles of Settings. LADIES' and QENTS' CHAINS, sets of JEVVELKx Of the latest styles, BAND AND CHAIN BRACELETS, Etc. Etc. Our stock has been largely Increased for the ap proaching holidays, aud new goods received datly. Silver Ware of the latest designs la great variety, for wedding presents. Repairing done hi the best manner and guaran teed 61 1 fmws TOWER CLOCKS. U. IV. UI NSLLL, Wo. 22 NORTH SIXTII STKKET, Agent for STEVENS PATENT TOWER CLOCKS, both Kemontolr & Graham Esoapement, striking boar only, or striking quarters, and repeating hour on full chime. Estimates furnished on application either person ally or by malL b 28 WILLIAM B. WARNS A CO., Wholesale Dealers In WATCHES, JEWELR. AND a Slyl SILVER WAKE, First floor of No. 63a CUES NUT Street, 8. B. corner SEVENTH and CUESNUT Streets. LOOKING CLASSES. ETO. ron LOOKING-GLASS EG, RELIABLE AND C HEAP, JAMES S. EABLE & S0KS, No. 816 C1IESNUT STltEET, WANTS. LARGE FRONT ROOM, WITH BOARD, IN a private family, where there are uo children. Location between Eighteenth and Elghta and Mur- ktt and Fine. Address A. 15., at tula Omce. 1 13 REAL. E8TATE AT AUCTION. -VTOTU K.-BY VIRTUE AND IN KXKOUriOF 1 of the powers contained In a Mortgage exe cnted by 'iHE CENTRAL FASSKNOER RAILWAY. COM- rAiNr ot the city of I'Mlarieiplilu, bearing date of elfrh iceuin oi April, iMis, auo recorne.i in ine ouioe tor recording deeds and mortgages for tne city and eoui.iy vi rti.iadeiphia, in Moi tynge hook a. .;. 11., No. MS, pae 4fiG, etc., the undersigned Trustee namtd In raid Mortcnee WILL SKI.l, AT riT.I.IC AUCTION, at. the MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE, In the city ot I'liliaclelplilii, by MKS!hN. THOMAS A SONS, AUCTIONEERS, at jx o cioiK iti., on i i jlmjai , mo. rourteentn aay i vi vconinry, a. i. ibii, me property described in and conveyed by the said Mortgage, to wit.: No. 1. All these two contiguous lots or pieces of ground, with the buildings aud Improvements thereon erected, situate on the cai-t sldo of Hroai street, in the city or 1'liiladelphla, one of them bo glimliig at the distance of nineteen feet seven inches j and live-eights southward Irnru tho southeast cor- , lu rof the said Broad and Coates streets; t,h"ii o , extending eastward at rinlit ungles with said lwal : street eiKiity-cii;nt rect one men aim a nair to ground now or late of Samuel Miller; thence southward alcrg said prouml, and at right angies wun said Coates street, scveuty-two left to the northeast comer of an alley, two feet six Inches In width, leadlt.g southward Into I'eDti street ; thenco west ward, crossing said alley anil along the lot of ground hereinafter dtseribed and at right. angles wltn said Broad street, seventy-nine tret to the east side of the sold Broad street ; and thence nortli ward along the east line of said Broad street seventy-two feet to the place of beginning. Subject to a ground-rent of 120, silver moiicy. No. 2. The other of them situate at the northeast corner ot the said Broad street and I'enn street, roiitaming In front r breadth on the said Hroau street eighteen feet, and In length or depth eastward along the north line of said Penn st reet seventy-four lec tond two Indies, and on the line of said lot paral lel with said I'enn street, seventy-six feet live Indies abd three-fourths of an. neh to said two feet six inches wide alley. Subjtct to ground rent of T2, sil ver money. No. 8. All that certalnl ot or piece of ground be ginning at the southeast corner ol Coates street aud J'.road street, thence extending southward along the snid Broad street nineteen feet seven Inches ana live-eighths of an inch : thence eastward eighty feet one Inch and one-half of an inch; thence north ward, at right angles v it h said Coates street, nine feet to the south side of Coates street, and thence westward along the south side of said Coatc i street ninety fet to the place of beginning. No. B. The whole road, plank rouC and railway of the said The Central Tassenger Railway Company of the city of riilladclphla, and all their laud (not Included iu Nos. 1, it and 3), roadway, railway, rails, Tlghtof way, stations, toll-houses and other super structures, depots, depot grounds and other real estate, buildings and Improvements whatsoever, and all and singular the corporate privileges and franchises connected wlt:i said company aud plank road and railway and relating thereto, and all the tons, lucerne issues and protits to accrue from the same or any part thereof belonging to said company, f and generally all the tenements, hereditaments aud franchises of the said company. And also all the 1 ears of every kind (not included In No. 4), machinery, ' tools, Implements ami materiuls connected with the j proper equipment, operating and conducting of said road, plank road and lailway ; and all tun personal property of every kind and description belonging to' the satd company. Togttherwlth all the streets, ways, alleys, paoV snoes. WHters. wnter-coiirRCH. eimemetils. fran chises, rltltilR, liberties, privileges, hereditaments, and appurtenances whatsoever, nruo auy of tliej above-mentioned premises and estates belonging and appertaining, and tho reversions and remain-V uers, rents, issues, ana prouts tnereor, ana an the estate, right, title, Interest, property, claim, and de mand of every nature and kind whatsoever of the said company, ss well at law na In equity of, la, and to the same and every part nnd pan el thereof. TERMS OF SALE. Tho nvAtiortliia urill 1 .1. u in narinla a a nnm bet ed. On each bid there shall be paid at the tluief the property Isjstruck oil On No. 1, SHOO; No. 8 f'200; No. 3, $300; No. B, 1 1 00, unless the price e less than that sum, when the whole sum bid shall be paid. W. T. SCHAEFER, 1 Trustees. ' W. W. LOEGSTRKTILf iru8tcea. M. THOMAS A SONS, Auctioneers, Nos. 13!) and 141 S. FOURTH Street. 1 12 6 COt SAFE DEPOSIT COMPANIES. OECUUlTJr FROM LOSS liY BURGLARY ( ROBBERY, FIRE, OR ACCIDENT. The Fidelity Insurance, Truat nri Safe Deposit Company OF PHILADELPHIA IN TUEIR Now Marble Fire-proof Building:, Nos. S'29-331 CHESNUT Street. Capital subscribed, I l.ooo.ooo ; paid, 8800,000. i t'lES, COUlON BONPS, STOCKS, SECITR1TI FAMILY PL&TK, COIN, DEKUS, and VaLUaBLE.4 of every description received lor safe-keeping, ondej guarantee, at very luuueiaie raie.-i. The Company also rent SAFKP INSIDE Til Ell BLROLA K-PROO V VA I 'LTB. at Di'lces varvlmr iroi 15 to S'D a year, according to size. An extra sizl for Corporations and Bankers. Rooms and deal aCJolnlDg vaults provided for Safe Renters. DEPOSITS OF MONEY RECEIVE') ON INT REST at three per cent., payable by check, witaoiit notice, ana at iour per ten'., payable by chuck, ten da) s' notice. TRAVELLERS' LETTERS OK CREDIT furnlshe-d INCOME COLLECTED and remitted for one por cent. The CorrpaDy act as EXECUTORS, ADMINIff TRATOBS, and GUARDIANS, aud RECEIVE at EXECUTE 'I RUSTS of every description, fromtl Courts, corporations, aim luuiviuuaia. N. B. BROWNE, President. V. U CLARK, Vice-President. ROBERT PATTitBSON, Secretary aud Treasurei lHRECTOltS. N. B. Browne, . Alexander Henry, Clarence H. Clark, John Welsh, Charles MacaleBter, Stephen A. Caldwell Ocorge F. l'yier. Henry C. (Jlbson. Edward v . ciars, J. Ulhlngham FelL Henry Pratt McKean. ft 13 tm CROOERIES, ETO. SHOT WELL BWEET CIDEU v ALBEUT O. ItOREKTS, V t Dealer la Flue Groceries, f li i Corner ELEVENTH and VINE Sta.1 WHISKY, WINE, ETO. Ko. 128 Walnut and 21 Granite Ct IMPOHTKKS OF Brandies, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Ect VUOLE8&LK DEALERS IN PUME RYE WHISKIB IN BOND AND TAX PAID. UtU OORDAOE, ETC. CORDAGE. Manilla, SUal and Tarred Oorda?, At LowMt hw York Prioa wad Freight KDWIN U. KITI.EK Ac C O., ?M)tor,TKRTU6t. and GKRMANTO WB ling filers. No. S3 H. WATER bt. and il N DKLAWAh Avail a. 'ill2m PHILADELPHIA MILLINERY. K K. R. DILLON 111 NOS. 823 AND 331 SOUTH bTREET, FANCY AND MOURNING M1LLINEKY, CRAP VEILS. Ladles' aud Misses' Crape, Felt, Gimp, Hair, Sat, Bilk, btraw and Velvets, Hats aud BmiueU, Frvu Flowirs, Hat and Bonnet Frames, rapes, Lam Silks, Satins, Velvets, Ribbons, fashes, Oruaiueu1. aud all kinds of M illluery Uo jds. i
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