2
THE DAILY EVENINW TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, JANUARY 23, 1871.
criRiT or Tun muss.
Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals
upon Current Toplos Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
AMERICAN FRIENDLINESS.
l'rom the rail Mall Gazette.
It ia one of the greatest perplexities attend
ing the chronio difference between Eoglaud
and tbe United States that, if any useful end
is to be gained, tbe English and the Ameri
cans cannot be addressed in the ama lan
guage. Nobody who has the least kuowledg
of the Americans will Buppose that voroal
menaces will have tho smullost effect upou
thorn. The arguments most likely to suc
ceed with thera must bo couched in mode
rate language and directed less to their feM
or sympathies than to their good sense and
mental judgment. We ourselves have sho-vu
that we think them not incapable of bsiog
impressed by a candid btatement of the liabili
ties which on a very strict construction of
public law this country has incurred, of the
concessions which it is prepared to
make for the purpose of satisfying
them, and of the advantages which both
nations wonld gain by a prompt settlement of
their most recent quarrel. Yet it cauuot be
denied that this very language, read in Eng
land, has a tendency to deepen serious mis
conceptions which are abroad here. The
popular impression of our countrymen is
that, though American demagogues may occa
sionally rage together and the Feniaus ima
gine a vain thing, the American people has
not forgotten the ties of common descent,
and is at heart friendly to Great Britain.
American travellers cannot in common de
cency adopt any other tone, and the English
press is careful to explain away any indica
tions destructive of the popular theory. Thus,
while on the other hand nothing but reasona
ble arguments are likely to affect the Amerio ans,
such arguments may possibly encourage
Englishmen in believing that there is nothiug
to overcome in the Americans except a wrong
conclusion of the reason. Yet the friendly
disposition of the Americans is entirely a
figment of the English imagination. Wh
even believe that an Englishman can hardly
do a greater disservice to England than by
trying to persuade Englishmen of the friend
liness of the people of the United States to
this country. The assertion thus made of
the Americans is utterly fidse; it is extremely
dangerous; and it has not even the excuse of
indirectly promoting a useful object in spite
of its falsehood and perilousness. Occasion
ally it may be possible to produce friendship
between nations by the expedient which
made a match between Benedick aud Boa
trice. But nothing is required to aid to
the friendly disposition of this couutry
towards the United States. Friendli
ness in all that goes to constitute the
friendship of States has existed on our side
for half a century; nor have the Americans
the smallest evidence of unfriendliness to
rest upon except the alleged fact that, when a
nation which had always been looked upou
by foreigners as one and indivisible, aud
which would have bitterly resented auy other
view of its constitution, broke suddeuly into
two halves, the sympathies of Englishmen
wavered for a time between tho fragments,
and were not exclusively given to one of
them. On the other hand, a statement con
cerning the Americans which they know to
be ridiculously false has no tendency what
ever to diminish their hostility. They regard
it simply ns evidonce of weakness and
timidity, and, without adding a jot to their
friendliness, it increases their contempt and
encourages their presumption.
The mode of proving American friendli
ness which is now in fashion consists in
pointing to the small proportions of tho
American army and the American navy. It
is admitted that, from one end of the political
scale to the other from President Grant, wno
is their cedar of Lebanon, to Butler, who is
the hyssop that grows on their wall their
public men never refer to this country except
to find material for picking a quarrel with it.
It is allowed that the conventional peroration
of an American stump speech is an invective
againBt (jreat lmtain, and that the common
forms of a President's message are the pre
cise reverse of the common forms of
a Queen's speech; since, instead of
congratulating the couutry on its
friendly relations with foreign powers, it con
tains, as of course, some demonstration of
British misconduct. It is acknowledged that
their leading politicians, without mauifusting
the faintest sense of arrogance or impro
priety, publicly discuss the expediency of
imposing on this country "such con
ditions as no great nation has ever sub
mitted to except after a disaster like Sodau or
Sadowa." But all this is thought to be neu
tralized because the head of a department
who wants money to spend upon it declares the
American army hardly largo enough for pur
poses of police, and the American navy in
sufficient even for revenue duties. But
the facts asserted do not bear the construction
put upon them, and, besides, they are not to
the point. The feebleness of the army and
navy of the United States has no analogy to
the feebleness of the British army and navy.
It is quite true that the American navy is in
but poor condition, less, however, through
contraction of expenditure than through the
foolish commercial policy which deprives the
American dockyards of good iron and good
workmen, and which limits the supply of good
seamen to their ships. It is very possible
that, if a war were to break out, the British
navy could seal the American men of war in
their ports. But the Americans do not rely
upon their navy for the means of inflicting
immediate injury upon this country. Through
their refusal to adhere to the Declaration of
Paris they are at liberty to employ privateers;
and is is through vessels of this sort that they
hope, if not to destroy the great trade which
their own commercial exclusiveness has
thrown mainly into British hands, to compel
it to be carried on at enormous cost. Nor
have the petty numbers of the American army
tbe same (significance or importance as our
own military weakness. For the American
regular army is really what the British army
is not, the nucleus of an immensely larger
force. As was shown at the beginning of the
Confederate war.it can be extended iu a very
short time to vast dimensions by partially
trained regiments from the militia of the
several States, recruited in the last resort by
ballot. But the English army and militia,
whatever be their numbers, constitute the
whole force available for foreign operations
and home defense. There is no furtner re
serve, unless it is seriously proposed to count
the volunteers.
Even, however, were it strictly true that
both by land and sea tbe Americans are for
the moment much worse prepared than we
are for immediate hostilities, nothing would
be done towards proving that African un
friendliness does not largely increase tbe risk
of war. We do not mean to assert or to in
sinuate that many American statesmen or I
even American demagogues hva clearly
before their minds a war with this country.
The peculiiinij of their proceedings is that
the natural remit is not expee'ed to folio
from th m. They do not picture to themselves
and, it is just to add, have never
given them the menu of picturing to thmn
nelves the exact itoiitineucy in which Great
Britain would turn agituist the foot which
spurns it. So fur hm ttitir experience reaches,
therein no abusive lanunge of which this
country can be brought to take notice not
even the raving of Senator Suuim r when
actiiig in an t-x'i-iitivn cajiHcity hs member "f
a body which sh.irt-s the treaty-making p.nver.
Th re is no trivisl pretext violently insisted
upon wljcli will not lie civilly discussed.
Tht re is notoin!esi.)i, leli'-rrt,ttiiy intended
on one hide to be humiliating, to which 13ri-tit-li
statesmen luiy not fu l.y bo expected
to reconcile themselves in time. It is
exactly here that tne. danger lies. Arro
gance nijpiecedented iu diplomacy has
not hitheito borne the UHtural fruit of
arrogant clijilouiHcy. Our habitual attitude
touaidH tbo Americans, and their habitml
attitude to us, have produced iu them a siu
g dlar inihconci ption of our national charac
ter. Though ttiey are boue of our b ine and
iletdi of our lli hh, they have come to think of
bh li we bad somehow lost, that dep re
serve of national pride and susceptibility
vibich they arecoLHcious of in themselves. The
darker, therefore, is not that they will declare
war against us; it is even improbable that
they wonld do no under the supreme tempta
tion of finding us eug'iged iu a European
struggle. What is far more likely is that
some itay without looking for consequences
more than usually serious for the sake of
satisfying home local cry or gaining some
domestic political advantage they will put
upon us some intolerable insult which will
chll forth an eruption of indignation from
John o' Groat's to tbe Land's End. Then
will occur in England what Napoleon III as
sert d to have happened in Frauce at the be
ginning of the present war. The couutry
will have escaped from tbe hand of its tem
porizing statesmen, and war will be all but
inevitable. Such an event will perhaps sur
prise and disconcert the Americans; but the
most tremendous struggle of modern times
will not the less be on t he point of beginning.
The sovoreigu security against this great
danger dots not couit in auy .sudden change
of diplomatic policy. There is palpable fool
ishness iu the postponement of auy American
difficulty which can be honorably settled; but
there is no reason for abandoning that eon
sidi lateness towards the United States which
English statesmen have sometimes carried to
the verge of hnbinissiveiiess. Tho first step
is to convince ourselves of. the rooted un
friendliness of the American people to yards
this country so far as they ate represented by
their national organs; tho next is to place
oni selves in such a position tha however we
n ay regret it, we may defy tbe worst
possibilities with which it is preg
nai.t. Tbe true moral of the
American lesson is the same with tbe
moral of that European lesson which we are
hlowly learning. When the British navy, be
sides cumbrous ironclads, contains a sufficient
numbtr of L6avily-armed but light footed
cruisers to make privateering hot work in
every corner of the globe wheu we are iu a
position to throw close upon 100,000 regular
troops into Canada without danger to our own
shores we shall find that th Americans are
neither cowed nor insulted; but we shall find
that their statesmen, and even their dema
gogues, will tnink twice before they deal with
this country in any different spirit from that
which presides over their relations with Rus
sia or with the North German Confederation.
EARLY MARRIAGES.
Fnm the y. Y. Tribune..
All England is stirred to its foundations
just now by a step which the directors of
the London Union Bank have seen fit to take
for the prevention of too earl-, and therefore
imprudent, marrnies among their clerks
Any employe of the establishment venturing
to treat himself to a wife upon a salary of
less man Al.0 a yearn to be summarily dis
missed. The clerks seem willing to submit
meekly enough; but the edict has roused the
indignation of the British public from one
end of tbe island to the other, aud has
dragged open the whole vexed question of
marriage. The directors are warned by all
Kinas 01 remonstrances, sneers, auumenaaes,
that their action is cruel and illegal;
that tho free-born Briton has
a ugLt to a wife and unlimited children.
and a right to starve them too upon
whatever salary, or lack of it, he sees fit.
One of the gravest leading journals, in the
froth and fury of its vehemence, ironically
advises the "maternal directors" to take in
charge still further the interest of their clerks.
and take care that they marry only good
cooks, and women whose tastes run in tbe
direction of bombazine and drab ribbons
''No tradesman or factory hand," it tells ns.
"would submit tor a day to such unparalleled
being gentlemen and the sons of gentlemen,
belong to that educated middle class which.
we are surprised to learn, "is always ready, in
England, to basely submit to any yoke for
me siiKe ol a salary. Marriage, it coes on
to say, is a mystically sacred union, with
i - i . i it . 1 1 . , . .
niiicu umiuruiiuK l-resiuenrs nor uovern-
meuts have arn thing to do.
Now, all this is very independent, and
worthy of the freest British Hotspur. But
tie service of the Union Bank was certainly
not compulsory, ana me nait-Uozen resoeot
able old gentlemen who have raised all this
pother concern themselves, it is most likelv.
very little with either mjstically sacred bonds
or Malthusian schemes. Their object is, most
probably, the business of their bank, and to
provide themselves with the most efficient
workmen to transact it. If experience has
taught them that the unmarried clerk is less
likely to be tempted by the pleasures open to
young men to neglect his work aud defraud
bis employers thau one with a wife, the sus
picion of blame falls, it appears to us, more
upon the extravagant wife than the directors,
This point would be stronger, we aoknow
ledge, if the salary were a trifle higher.
But, in Now York at least, it would require
no great extravagance in ua educated young
couple, with the two expensive drawbacks of
tastes and babies, to live fully up to an in
come of ifc'ToO a year; and common prudenoe
would suggest to "the gentleman or son of a
gentleman" that he should wait until he was
competent to earn that sum, or else content
Limself with a wife not ashamed to oook,
end dress in bombazine and no ribbons at
all. Mystically sacred bonds will not, as the
directors donb'tless know, pay either butchers'
or tailors' bills.
In New York, however, the trouble lies in
tLe other three! ion. The clerk who would
undertake to support a wife with the tastes
which middle-class people boast here upon
such a salary, would be regarded as insul'iog
the common sense of the woman to whom ho
ottered it. A fashionable marriage deiniiu Is
a wedding trousseau and general outset of
expenditure which rises before tho me.tgie
yearly income which is to follow like a stn
ptndons entrance to a misorable tenement-
bouse; and fashionable marriages are now
demanded, we must remember, by every
firade of young people, from the heiress on
. . . . 1 ' J 1.
iMBUison avenue to mo grocsra unugu
ter. When the bride of a millionaire
trails yards of lace tip the aisles of
Grace Church, or furnishes her house with
costly trumpery, she only send back her
overplus of wealth into the hands of work
men and mechanics. But when tho daughter
of Smith, the carpenter, fills her wardrobe
with sleazy sill;B, made strictly after Worth's
patterns, and when tbe clerk whom - she
marries feels that hospitality demands from
him for his friends game suppers and cheap
a lid nasty champagne, they make of mar
riage the straightest path to ruin, and de
giade the life which God gave them for some
sound and practical end into as ludicrous
and tawdry a sham as their gaudy furniture
ni'd paste jewels. Fashion debases men and
women of any grade; but it is in tbe class
tl at substitutes wax beads for pearls, velve
teens for velvet, that it has encroached
among na most fatally upon the true relations
f life.
With this class, unfortunately universal
Among people of small means in our cities,
marriage on narrow incomes is held each
3 ear to be more impracticable.
If the domestio aflairs of our clerks and
poor men's daughters could be put for a year
cr two into the hands of the keen and saga
cious bank directors, the result might be
wLolesome. But who knows? If the "son
of b gfntleman" starving in New York were
told that work and wages were waiting for
him in a thousand Western towns; that .7."0
per annum would command in many of them
a comfortable house well furnished, a sure
living and respectable foothold for his
family would he go or stay here to gamble
for high stakes? Or if a young couple, with
great love and few dollars between them, be
challenged to marry, to strip life for a few
years of all imitation of richer neighbors, to
Jive cheaply, to work hard, finding their
recompense in the higher faith in God and
each other which would grow thereby, would
it be of any use? Would love or fashion win
the day? Doth not wisdom here cry daily in
the streets? Y'et what man regardetb?
THE UNSEEMLY QUARREL OF THREE
BRETHREN.
l'rom the Wilmington (OeL) Commercial.
"finis In their little nests agree,
And 'tis a shameful sight,
When children of One Family
Fall out, aud clildc, aud ligut."'
Fancy, for a moment, what the world
would say, were any of the larger States to
lall so completely into the hands of a single
family as Delaware has done. Suppose that
in the choice of a United States Senator in
Massachusetts, tho only competitors had
been three brotbors named Wilson, and that
their party associates had intrigued, labored,
and quarrelled over the quostion as to which
of tbe three should be chosen. Or apply it
to rew Jersey, and imagine that nobody
was named for this high position but three
brothers of the Frelinghuysen family. In
either case, or in any like it, 6xcept in Dela
ware, would there not have been one univer
sal chorus of ridicule at a people who should
be so subservient as to yield to such narrow
ownership, and of indignant rebuke to the
men who thus so greedily monopolized power,
Fancy New York absorbed by three Conk-
lings, or Illinois by three Logans, and tbe
spectacle is at once absurd and unreason
able.
In any other State than Delaware such a
conoition ot things has never existed, and
ceitainly could not exist. La Delaware, alone,
does it seem possible and natural. But even
here, by analysis and comparison, we mav
perceive how scandalous the circumstances
nre. That three brothers, children of tbe
same parents, natives of tbe same home.
dwellers in the same State, but a few miles
apart, devoted to the same party, and ao
knowledging a common platform of political
principles; laboring together, hitherto, in
one combination, should become the sole
competitors for a high office, and with equal
desire strive to grasp it, is something new in
American politics, as we trust it always may
be. When the struggle fo' preferment is
between brethren, and their intrigues are
one against tne other, when the one who
succeeds does it to the bitter disappointment
ana mortincation ol his brothers who failed,
it is an exhibition neither beautiful nor edi
fjiug.
But even more than this, here was one
who had already been United States Senator
twelve years. Had his services been most
faithful and acceptable, he might well have
been satisfied with a term so long, and have
yielded to his kinsman with ready grace and
1-11 1 "W T 1 . .
coraiai uearc. unaer tne circumstances, his
exertion to reseat himself was most unkind
and most unjustifiable. Speaking from a
neutral standpoint, we unhesitatingly say
that the place justly belonged to Gove
Saulsbury. Willard has not only been Sena
tor twelve years, but he has been Senator in
tbe face of all propriety, and in defiance of
public protest. That he should be again
elected was unreasonable and wrong. He had
no right to think of another term, lie should
have forbidden his friends tbe nse of his
name. With his brother-in-law made Gov
eruor, and his county thus fully honored, he
bhould have respected the well-understood
basis upon which that honor was conferred.
and dealt honorably with tbe brother whose
hand bestowed it.
Governor Saulsbury doubtless feels bitter
and disappointed. In our opinion he has
reason for it. That his brother Willard should
thus have thwarted and injured him is) just
ground for misanthropy. The honor which
he has lost, so unexpectedly and so unfairly,
is a high one, rarely within reach. In six
years more there may be no chance for him
The prize has probably been struck from his
hands forever. That one brother struck it
away, and another seized it, must add in
creased bitterness to his reflections.
And yet, Governor Saulsbury should re
member that none have had a closer grasp on
place thau himself. None have monopolized
honors and profits more greedily. If his own
brothers have well acquired the arts of self
seeking, -and personal aggrandizement, there
is no teacher from whom they have more
probably learned it than from himself.
THE IMPERIAL CROWN OF GERMANY.
tonthH. Y. llti aid.
Now is (.ermany one; like the breath of the storm
The (iad tidings ecbo urouiut.
Now, Kmperor, rise from toy tomb again;
'J lit ravelin arc umlergrouud.
We have published King William's procla
mation, dated Versailles, and embodying a
formal acceptance of the imperial crown of
Germany. The proclamation is ia every
sense worthy of the great oocasion. It is
brief, yet exhaustive. It is full of gratitude.
but it is alBo full of dignity. Y'ieldiner to the
appeal of the German princes aud the free
towns, tho King considers it his duty to accept
the responsibility of tbe imperial dignity and
to restore the German empire, defunct since
1MMJ.
The new Emperor religiously recognizes a
rower higher than bis own, prays for help,
and, in the premises, makes fair promises.
We know no man stupid enough not to be
willing to join in tbe hope that Germany
may reap in lasting peace the fruits of her
bloody battles, and that King William and
bis successors may be able to protect tbe re
stored empire, not by warlike conquests, but
by works of peace, freedom, and civilization.
Ihe restoration of tho German Empire is
one of the grandest events in modern times
w e bad almost said in the history of the
world. It is scarcely fair to call it a restora
tion, for tbe reason that Germany was never
before, under any form or forms of govern
ment, what she is to-day. There has been a
German Empire, a Holy Roman Empire; but
the Geramn or Holy Roman Empire always
was a heterogeneous or incoherent mass from
the days of the First Olho to the days of the
Second Francis. To-day, if we except tbe
Anstro-German States, Germany is one as
bhe never was one before.
Up swells the Belt, tho Baltic Sea ;
I p swell9 the Herman wave;
Ellie rnrm to battle merrily,
And Oder grasps the glaive ;
leckar and Weser tarry not
Aud Main flows cnor on !
All old disunion i forgot
Tbe Herman race Is one.
What Is the German's Fatherland
Ho one need ask to-day.
What Charlemagne and tbe Saxon Othos
and the Franconian Ciesars and the Hohen-
staufiens and the Hapsburgs vainly attempted,
the llohenzollerns, one of the youngest of
the royal houses of Europe, have, in the per
son of King William, been able to accomplish.
The German empire is not so much an old
institution revived as a new institution which
has been sprung upon the world. In one
sense it is a giant awakened from his
slumbers; for in the person of King William
the simpler minds among the German people
recognize the resurrected Frederick of the
Red Beard. In another sense it is a new
giant created afresh and flung upon the world
with powers mightier than auy the world has
known before. The power is reflected from
tbe Hall of Mirrors of the palace of the Kings
of France.
The restoration cannot be properly under
stood without a reference to the past. The
German empire some would date from tbe
year 800, when Charlemagne received at the
hands of Tope Leo the Third the imperial
crown a crown which in the estimation of
the Holy See had not been worn sincoK3on
stantine abandoned ' the ancient Rome of
the West for the new Rome of tbe
East. Others again, and, as we think, with
better reason, date it from the year '.lull, when
Otho the First was crowned by Pope Johu
the Twelfth. Certain it is that tbe empire of
Charlemagne crumbled to pieces under his
feeble descendants. The Bard, tho Stam
merer, the Fat, tbe Simple were unequal to
the task imposed upon them, and tho mighty
fabric reared by the great Charles fell, and tho
fall was groat. The restoration, or rather tbe
re-establishment of the empire which then
unquestionably became German as well as
Roman under Otho proved more enduring;
for, in spite of the change of dynasties aud
the Bocial and political revolutions which
marked the interval, the empire established
under Otho virtually remained until tho year
of our Lord 800. During all those years the
German and Holy Roman empire was a grand,
living fact, and a mighty power the associate
and companion of the Papacy. The history of
the world for well-nigh ten centuries was the
history of the German or Holy Roman empire.
In the year 180U the successes of tbe First
Napoleon, and his ruinous innovations in
Germany innovations which culminated in
the act of the Confederation of the Rhine
Francis the Second bowed to fate, aud by a
declaration dated August the oth resigned the
imperial dignity and retired to tbe govern
ment of his hereditary dominions as Emperor
of Austria. The crown then let fall was
the crown of Augustus, of Constantino, of
Charles, of Otho, of Barbarossa, of Maximilian;
tight hundred and seventy years after Pope
John had crowned the first Saxon, one thou
sand and six years after Pope Leo had
crowned the Frankish monarch, eighteen
hundred and fifty-eight years after C;esar had
conquered at Tharsalia, the German, or, as
we must again call it, the Holy Roman
empire perished. From that day Germany
became less a unit than ever.
The German people, however, believed in
and loved tbe same Fatherland, as they spoke
the same language, and their desire of
national unity was strengthened, not weak
ened, by the fall of the empire. Their poli
ticians schemed and worked for this unity;
their philosophers dreamed of it; their poets
Korner and Arndt and Ruckert and the
rest sang of it; their historians read and in
terpreted history in favor of it; their soldiers
have ever been willing to fight for it.
Hitherto dynastic jealousy has been too
strong for popular sentiment and desire.
The year 1848 seemed for a moment to have
brought about a realization of German dreams;
but the year 1848 in German, as elsewhere,
proved a year of revolutionary failures. The
year 1800 startled Germany herself. It tore
her asunder, but it revealed to her her
strength. The Hapsburgs were found to be
weak, but the llohenzollerns were found to
be strong. The war which still wages has
done more for German unity than all the
dreams and schemes and projects of all tbe
past. The war is not ended; but the French
ravens have disappeared from the brow of the
hill underneath which the Great Frederick so
long has slept; the 'Emperor ' himself lives
again; the resurrection is complete, and Ger
many is one. In this year of our Lord 1871,
and just one hundred and seventy-nine years
since the coronation of the first Prussian
king, the head of the house of
Hohenzollern becomes Emperor of Germany.
After a lapse of sixty-live years tbe empire
of Otho and of Charlemagne is revived; but
the new empire is not and will not be in any
sense Roman or holy. King William has
made a very sensible proclamation. Let us
hope that the German empire will prove
blissful to the German people; and let us also
hopo that the German people, united, will be
powerfully instrumental in advancing the
great cause of human civilization. They have
yet an unfinished task on their hands. The
result is not doubtful. Privilege and respon
sibility are both great with them. It will be
well for them, and well for humanity, if, in
me nour ox ineir iriumpu, tney remember
mercy rather than judgment. A great people
greauy lavorea can auora to be magnani
mous.
' ATTACKS UPON THE TREASURY.
From the X. Y. Times.
The present session of Congress, unprofit
able as it promises to be in respect of uiea
sures conceived in the publio interest, fur
nishes rather more than its share of bills in
volving an expenditure of -publio money.
The laud-grant bills are numerous and bad
enough, and it is already evident that there
ere members willing to swallow their pledges
and defy publio opinion by appropriating
tbe choicest portions of the publio domain
for tbe benefit of railway schemers. Sepa
rately, these projects would have no cbauce
cf success. But combined they represent so
many sinister interests that there is no tell
ing what power they may not acquire before
the session ends. The promoters of subsidy
schemes iuvolving money and not land
will, however, make the first attack. They
are organized and not over scrupulous, and
all the virtue of Congress will be needed to
protect the National Treasury from their
assaults.
Of steamship enterprises there is a formid
able list, and tbe opening trial of strength
in their behalf will come off this week.
They are eight in number, and take in nearly
nil parts of tbe world. ihe bandwicn
Islands' service is the most modest of the
group, contenting itself with n request for
!y i o,000 annually; tbe American and Euro
pean and the American Mil and Ocoan
Steam Transportation Company aro the most
rapacious, the money they ask for amount
ing yearly to $1, '200,000 for each. The
aggregate of the subsidies covered by
the eight projects exceed four and
a half millions yearly a heavy
demand in prosperous times, and a very seri
ous one in times like these. The utmost
that can be said in support of the principle
is, that it is debatable as a method of foster
ing a steam marine. But there are two sides
to the question, and one of them is strength
ened by the popular demand for reduotion of
taxation, to which ervery fresh subsidy is
more or less of an obstacle. The danger to
be apprehended is the formation of a ring,
with a popular lobby to help it tbe asso
ciated influences boding no good to the Trea
sury or the tax-payers.
Ihe gigantic scheme of the day is that of
which the economical Mr. Hamlin has made
himself the sponsor. For the purpose of
cheapening the cost of transportation from
the West to the sea-board, a railroad is pro
jected from Portland to Chicago; and to faci
litate its construction the bill provides for a
Government loan of fifty thousand dollars per
mile for the whole extent of the road. As
the distance cannot be less than a thousand
miles, we have here a drain upon the national
credit amounting to intty millions of dollars
Mr. Hamlin is not addioled to praotical jokes
in the Senate Chamber, and we must there
fore conclude that he introduces this monster
scheme in sober earnestness. We adduce it
as illustrative of the tendency to press extra
vognnt demands upon the Government, with
an inexcusable indifference to tbe effect upon
its credit and the business interests of tbe
country.
Compared with an undertaking of this
magnitude, tbe never-ending Sutro Tunnel
seems a model of disinterestedness. It
conies, this time, neatly wrapped in a bill
"to create a fund to be known as 'the mine
ral land fund,' and for other purposes,'
and Mr. Nye exerts his ingenuity in finding
pretexts for its passage. We think he will
not succeed. A loan of three millions to the
Sutro Tunnel Company is a bagatello by tbe
side ot Air. Hamlin s htty millions; but it is
three millions too much for the furtherance
of private interests, which Bbonl I bo quite
cajiable of caring for themselves. Expatiate as
Mr. Nye may upon the scientiho value of tho
tunnel, tbe fact remains that tbe Sutro Com
pany is no more entitled to publio aid than
scores of other corporations, and that its
legitimate reliance should be upon the Ne
vada raining companies, whose hidden riches,
we are told, surpass description. Properties
which, according to Mr. Nye, have yielded
more silver than all Mexico, and are yet but
at the gateway of their treasures, should
surely not be afraid of a three million ex
penditure, which is alleged to be essential to
their development. At any rate tho country
is under no obligation to redeem from loss
mismanaged ventures on the Comstock Lode,
or to Bwell tbe dividends of those that havo
been more fortunate.
If we are ever to bring back tho days of
hard money and light taxation, it is plain that
Congress must resist attempts to fasten upon
the Treasury plans involving the expenditure
of its money, or an application of its credit;
for the furtherance of corporate enterprises.
We advise Senators and members to remem
ber that the strain upon the Bation's credit is
Bevere enough already, and that there can be
no restoration of confidence until tbe subsi
dizing system is firmly and consistently dis
couraged. WATOMES. JEWELRY, ETC.
-WIS LADOMUS & CO
WATCHES, JEWKLKY A SU.VEll W .il'.K.
. WATCHES and JEWELET REPAIRED.
gOSChOBtngt St., f hUi
Would Invite attention to their large stock of
Ladles' and Cents' Watches
Of American and foreign makers.
DIAMONDS in the newest styles of Settings.
LADIES' and QENTS' CHAINS, sets of JEVVELKx
Of the latest styles, BAND AND CHAIN
BRACELETS, Etc. Etc.
Our stock has been largely Increased for the ap
proaching holidays, aud new goods received datly.
Silver Ware of the latest designs la great variety,
for wedding presents.
Repairing done hi the best manner and guaran
teed 61 1 fmws
TOWER CLOCKS.
U. IV. UI NSLLL,
Wo. 22 NORTH SIXTII STKKET,
Agent for STEVENS PATENT TOWER CLOCKS,
both Kemontolr & Graham Esoapement, striking
boar only, or striking quarters, and repeating hour
on full chime.
Estimates furnished on application either person
ally or by malL b 28
WILLIAM B. WARNS A CO.,
Wholesale Dealers In
WATCHES, JEWELR. AND
a Slyl SILVER WAKE,
First floor of No. 63a CUES NUT Street,
8. B. corner SEVENTH and CUESNUT Streets.
LOOKING CLASSES. ETO.
ron
LOOKING-GLASS EG,
RELIABLE AND C HEAP,
JAMES S. EABLE & S0KS,
No. 816 C1IESNUT STltEET,
WANTS.
LARGE FRONT ROOM, WITH BOARD, IN
a private family, where there are uo children.
Location between Eighteenth and Elghta and Mur-
ktt and Fine. Address A. 15., at tula Omce. 1 13
REAL. E8TATE AT AUCTION.
-VTOTU K.-BY VIRTUE AND IN KXKOUriOF
1 of the powers contained In a Mortgage exe
cnted by
'iHE CENTRAL FASSKNOER RAILWAY. COM-
rAiNr
ot the city of I'Mlarieiplilu, bearing date of elfrh
iceuin oi April, iMis, auo recorne.i in ine ouioe tor
recording deeds and mortgages for tne city and
eoui.iy vi rti.iadeiphia, in Moi tynge hook a. .;. 11.,
No. MS, pae 4fiG, etc., the undersigned Trustee
namtd In raid Mortcnee
WILL SKI.l, AT riT.I.IC AUCTION,
at. the MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE, In the city ot
I'liliaclelplilii, by
MKS!hN. THOMAS A SONS, AUCTIONEERS,
at jx o cioiK iti., on i i jlmjai , mo. rourteentn aay i
vi vconinry, a. i. ibii, me property described in
and conveyed by the said Mortgage, to wit.:
No. 1. All these two contiguous lots or pieces of
ground, with the buildings aud Improvements
thereon erected, situate on the cai-t sldo of Hroai
street, in the city or 1'liiladelphla, one of them bo
glimliig at the distance of nineteen feet seven inches j
and live-eights southward Irnru tho southeast cor- ,
lu rof the said Broad and Coates streets; t,h"ii o ,
extending eastward at rinlit ungles with said lwal :
street eiKiity-cii;nt rect one men aim a nair to ground
now or late of Samuel Miller; thence southward
alcrg said prouml, and at right angies wun said
Coates street, scveuty-two left to the northeast
comer of an alley, two feet six Inches In width,
leadlt.g southward Into I'eDti street ; thenco west
ward, crossing said alley anil along the lot of ground
hereinafter dtseribed and at right. angles wltn said
Broad street, seventy-nine tret to the east side of
the sold Broad street ; and thence nortli ward along
the east line of said Broad street seventy-two feet
to the place of beginning. Subject to a ground-rent
of 120, silver moiicy.
No. 2. The other of them situate at the northeast
corner ot the said Broad street and I'enn street,
roiitaming In front r breadth on the said Hroau
street eighteen feet, and In length or depth eastward
along the north line of said Penn st reet seventy-four
lec tond two Indies, and on the line of said lot paral
lel with said I'enn street, seventy-six feet live Indies
abd three-fourths of an. neh to said two feet six
inches wide alley. Subjtct to ground rent of T2, sil
ver money.
No. 8. All that certalnl ot or piece of ground be
ginning at the southeast corner ol Coates street aud
J'.road street, thence extending southward along
the snid Broad street nineteen feet seven Inches ana
live-eighths of an inch : thence eastward eighty feet
one Inch and one-half of an inch; thence north
ward, at right angles v it h said Coates street, nine
feet to the south side of Coates street, and thence
westward along the south side of said Coatc i street
ninety fet to the place of beginning.
No. B. The whole road, plank rouC and railway of
the said The Central Tassenger Railway Company
of the city of riilladclphla, and all their laud (not
Included iu Nos. 1, it and 3), roadway, railway, rails,
Tlghtof way, stations, toll-houses and other super
structures, depots, depot grounds and other real
estate, buildings and Improvements whatsoever,
and all and singular the corporate privileges and
franchises connected wlt:i said company aud plank
road and railway and relating thereto, and all the
tons, lucerne issues and protits to accrue from the
same or any part thereof belonging to said company, f
and generally all the tenements, hereditaments aud
franchises of the said company. And also all the 1
ears of every kind (not included In No. 4), machinery, '
tools, Implements ami materiuls connected with the j
proper equipment, operating and conducting of said
road, plank road and lailway ; and all tun personal
property of every kind and description belonging to'
the satd company.
Togttherwlth all the streets, ways, alleys, paoV
snoes. WHters. wnter-coiirRCH. eimemetils. fran
chises, rltltilR, liberties, privileges, hereditaments,
and appurtenances whatsoever, nruo auy of tliej
above-mentioned premises and estates belonging
and appertaining, and tho reversions and remain-V
uers, rents, issues, ana prouts tnereor, ana an the
estate, right, title, Interest, property, claim, and de
mand of every nature and kind whatsoever of the
said company, ss well at law na In equity of, la, and
to the same and every part nnd pan el thereof.
TERMS OF SALE.
Tho nvAtiortliia urill 1 .1. u in narinla a a nnm
bet ed. On each bid there shall be paid at the tluief
the property Isjstruck oil On No. 1, SHOO; No. 8
f'200; No. 3, $300; No. B, 1 1 00, unless the price e
less than that sum, when the whole sum bid shall
be paid.
W. T. SCHAEFER, 1 Trustees. '
W. W. LOEGSTRKTILf iru8tcea.
M. THOMAS A SONS, Auctioneers,
Nos. 13!) and 141 S. FOURTH Street. 1
12 6 COt
SAFE DEPOSIT COMPANIES.
OECUUlTJr FROM LOSS liY BURGLARY
(
ROBBERY, FIRE, OR ACCIDENT.
The Fidelity Insurance, Truat nri
Safe Deposit Company
OF PHILADELPHIA
IN TUEIR
Now Marble Fire-proof Building:,
Nos. S'29-331 CHESNUT Street.
Capital subscribed, I l.ooo.ooo ; paid, 8800,000.
i
t'lES,
COUlON BONPS, STOCKS, SECITR1TI
FAMILY PL&TK, COIN, DEKUS, and VaLUaBLE.4
of every description received lor safe-keeping, ondej
guarantee, at very luuueiaie raie.-i.
The Company also rent SAFKP INSIDE Til Ell
BLROLA K-PROO V VA I 'LTB. at Di'lces varvlmr iroi
15 to S'D a year, according to size. An extra sizl
for Corporations and Bankers. Rooms and deal
aCJolnlDg vaults provided for Safe Renters.
DEPOSITS OF MONEY RECEIVE') ON INT
REST at three per cent., payable by check, witaoiit
notice, ana at iour per ten'., payable by chuck,
ten da) s' notice.
TRAVELLERS' LETTERS OK CREDIT furnlshe-d
INCOME COLLECTED and remitted for one por
cent.
The CorrpaDy act as EXECUTORS, ADMINIff
TRATOBS, and GUARDIANS, aud RECEIVE at
EXECUTE 'I RUSTS of every description, fromtl
Courts, corporations, aim luuiviuuaia.
N. B. BROWNE, President.
V. U CLARK, Vice-President.
ROBERT PATTitBSON, Secretary aud Treasurei
lHRECTOltS.
N. B. Browne, . Alexander Henry,
Clarence H. Clark,
John Welsh,
Charles MacaleBter,
Stephen A. Caldwell
Ocorge F. l'yier.
Henry C. (Jlbson.
Edward v . ciars,
J. Ulhlngham FelL
Henry Pratt McKean. ft 13 tm
CROOERIES, ETO.
SHOT WELL
BWEET CIDEU
v
ALBEUT O. ItOREKTS, V
t
Dealer la Flue Groceries, f
li i
Corner ELEVENTH and VINE Sta.1
WHISKY, WINE, ETO.
Ko. 128 Walnut and 21 Granite Ct
IMPOHTKKS OF
Brandies, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Ect
VUOLE8&LK DEALERS IN
PUME RYE WHISKIB
IN BOND AND TAX PAID. UtU
OORDAOE, ETC.
CORDAGE.
Manilla, SUal and Tarred Oorda?,
At LowMt hw York Prioa wad Freight
KDWIN U. KITI.EK Ac C O.,
?M)tor,TKRTU6t. and GKRMANTO WB ling
filers. No. S3 H. WATER bt. and il N DKLAWAh
Avail a.
'ill2m PHILADELPHIA
MILLINERY.
K K. R. DILLON
111
NOS. 823 AND 331 SOUTH bTREET,
FANCY AND MOURNING M1LLINEKY, CRAP
VEILS.
Ladles' aud Misses' Crape, Felt, Gimp, Hair, Sat,
Bilk, btraw and Velvets, Hats aud BmiueU, Frvu
Flowirs, Hat and Bonnet Frames, rapes, Lam
Silks, Satins, Velvets, Ribbons, fashes, Oruaiueu1.
aud all kinds of M illluery Uo jds. i