TIIE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1870. BrzzizT or tixxi ruses. Editorial Opinions of tho Leading Journal! upon Current Toploa Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. TIIE LOSS OF THE CAPTAIN. rrom the IT. F. World. The sinking of the iron-clad Captain off the Spanish coast on Thursday morning last, with all on board, is a calamity such ai has not befallen the British navy sinoe the Royal George, with Kempenfeldt and twice five hundred men, went down at her anchors at Kpithead. At night the vessel rode the waves the fineBt war ship perhaps that ever sailed the sea. At dawn her consort swept the horizon in vain for the least trace of her. Only later in the day some stray spars and small boats that the great deep had given up attested her dismal late. In the face of so terrible a disaster as this a disaster which not only swallows up the most superb speci men of naval architecture ever known, but carries down with it five hundred gallant Eng lish sailors it may seem harsh to' dwell on mere points of technical precision; and yet in the interests of humanity it is proper that the build of the Captain should be touched on, that the revelation of its now lamentably well-proven defects may help to avert such dreadful casualties in the future. In its build, its plan, its armament, the Captain was, up to the hour it foundered, to all human insight simply perfection. It was a huge ship of 4272 tons burden, armed with a battery of Bix guns 300-pounders, if we are not mistaken which had in their trials penetrated every obstacle; and, in order that its defensive armament might equal its offensive, the ship was clad in a mail of eight inoh wrought iron. Moved at great speed by engines of l00-horse power, manned with a picked crew of COO men, and steaming out under the banner of St. George for a trial trip on the French coast, no wonder the pride of England was stirred by so magnificent a witness that she still was "Captain" of the glory of the sea. By any adversary of human oontrivance the great ship would pro bably have been irresistible; but the wind rose, and in a storm that many a wooden whaler would have laughed at the iron leviathan went down. Under the stress of a sudden squall the staunchest iron-clad ever put in commission sinks as swiftly as one of her own shot, and by so sinking de monstrates that the limit of naval armoring has been fatally reached. Like the Admiral Earl of Sandwich, she was carried down by her armor of proof. Hanging from 8 inches in the most exposed portion of her hull, to 7, 4, and 3 inches as the exposure lessened, the weight of her protection became her deslr ac tion; and in contemplating that destruction it would be well for the British Admiralty, and for that matter naval constructors every where, to take instant pause. With 8 inch armor the Captain succumbed to a squall, and yet there are now in the English dockyards the Invincible, iron .Dune, fowiftsure, Triumph,, and Vanguard, all to have a like maximum plating, with a G inch armor as minimum, double the Cap tains minimum; the Hercules and sultan to have 0-inch armor; the Hotspur to have 11-inob; and the Glutton to have the mon strous thickness of one foot. With the evi dence afforded by the terrible fate of the Teasel which has just feundered that the armor limit is overstepped for safety at eight inches, no matter what the calculations may eay about sufficient buoyancy under that or greater thioknesses, it would surely be crimi nal for the naval authorities of Christendom not to arrest the further construction of ves sels so heavily plated as to be but mere man traps in reality, however imposing or efficient to the fancy or tne eye. ine sea will not sustain fabrics that with the offensive also possess the defensive strength of forts, and the sooner tne enort to realize tnat impossi bility is abandoned the better for life and art. Naval architecture must recognize the facts of nature; and such disasters as that of the Captain a disaster originating obviously from a system, and not, like the loss of the Itoyal George, in an abnormal circumstance of carelessness must cease to appal nuuia nity. Five hundred men dragged down down in an instant of time, in an iron box is a ter rific commentary on over-armoring. It is simply awful to reflect on what must have been the oiroumstances of this frightful casu alty. One lurch, and all must have been over. Perhaps but a single wave was shipped, and under that weight of water the ship, already burdened to within a hair's breadth, of her resisting power, went down like lead. No rocket was shot, no gun fired, not so much as one boat was cleared. When we consider how brief a time is required on a man-of-war for either of these operations, we can dimly realize the heart-rending sudden ness with which the finest vessel in the world disappeared forever. At night, says Auiuiiu iiuiiie o rtiiupij paiueuo uespatcn, the Captain lay "near us." At dawn "she was missing. THE NEW ASPECT OF TIIE WAR. From the N. F. Times. So long as the Empire existed, the moral strength enlisted in the war was on the side of ttermany. It took up arms in self-defense. and made war against Napoleon and his dynasty as a souroe of constant danger to the peace of Europe. With the overthrow of the Empire, and the establishment of a republio, the aspect of the whole question underwent a change. The de clared cause of Prussia's offense had been removed; the purpose it set out to accomplish had been effected. The revolution which uprooted a dynasty essentially altered the conditions which until then controlled the current of foreign sympa thy. There was no longer resting ground for the plea that had justified aversion to Napo leon and distrust of his policy, and on the other hand had sustained with approval the ideas whioh united Germany and Bhaped its course in the oonfiiot. The contest ceased to be one between a free people, solioitious only for their national consolidation and develop ment, and an amDitious usurper, who sought in trivial inoidents a pretext for assailing the territory of a neighbor. Free Germany re mained the same, save that brilliant victories bad added to its vrestigt and proved its power. Bat France is no more the same. Instead of A dynasty we have a disenthralled people; in the place of an empire we have a republio. The necessity for restraining a Napoleon is ever. The war, which was righteous while waged against an aggressive despot, will, if continued, endanger me existence of a gov ernment aun to our own. Until these changes ooourred, the determi nation of Germany to exact guarantees for the future maintenance of peace was intelli gible and fair. The annexation of Alsace and Lorraine would have been regarded as a cot unreasonable territorial adjustment, what ever might have been said as to the policy of absorbing a large population against their will, Qt the acquisition of Straabarg and Metz, and their retention as assurances of frontier safety, would have been aooepted as a prudent and not immoderate proceeding. It, in addition to either of these conditions, Germany bad demanded peouniary compen sation for the oost of the campaign, few out of France would have deemed the demand extortionate, or, in its nature, unjust. How far are these considerations aueotea by the altered position of Franoe 7 The Pro visional Government declares that the policy of the Republio is peace, and is understood, as an evidence of its sincerity, to be willing to reduoe the military and naval establish ments to a pence standard. The expression of the purpose is, no doubt, much easier than its realization and in the meantime it must be taken for what it is worth. We may further assume that the republio would con sent to pay as indemnity any sum not inor dinately extravagant. But the relinquish ment of fortresses and territory implies a degree of national humiliation to which the government dare not be a consenting party. Un either Blue me repuuno is Desei wiin dancer. If it be required to submit to terri torial sacrifices, it is in jeopardy from the re sentment of the French people, who may not discriminate as to responsibility between the Empire that is gone and the Republio that exists. If, impelled by a sense of what is due to the pride of its people, it resolves to co ntinue the struggle, in spite of the over whelming odds that are against it, nothing but Borne sudden and marvellous turn of for tune can save it from destruction. Its only hope of life rests upon peace. And the pro babilities of peace are measured by the gene rosity of King William s nature and the mo deration of his counsellors. We should have greater expectations of magnanimity on the part of the King if the new France were aught else than a republio. To royalty, republican institutions are not usually objects of admiration. We rely more on the sagacity of liismarcK and the pruden tial suggestions of other advisers. They are not likely to overlook the democratic element that runs through Germany, or the odium that would follow a war of destruction begun against an Emperor continued against a re publio. Nor can successive military triumphs blind them to the possibilities which are al ways hidden behind war. The German armies are not prepared tor an indehnite continuance of the hardships they have endured, or the climatio vicissitudes incident to the season. There is a report that cholera has already appeared among them, and against enemies of that sort even the wondrous strategy of Yon Moltke cannot adequately provide. Besides, delay makes complications possible. A dis position to crush France and an attempt to exact impossible terms would be equivalent to an attempt to destroy the nation may rouse other powers to the necessity of making common cause with the republic. The rumor wLich ascribes to Russia a willingness to en tertain the idea of an alliance is probably premature, but, at least, it implies nothing essentially unlikely. And Bismarck is too wise to despise these contingencies. Ue knows that it is not the interest of United Germany to make of Europe a common enemy. A formal Congress for the settlement of the territorial question is an alternative which r ranee can acoept only as a last resort. It is objectionable more by reason of danger to the Kepubiio than to the boundaries ot France. In such a body, moreover, this could play no part. The only Government in the world on which republican France should be able instintively to rely, would be powerless in the adjudication of its fate. The fact should stimulate President Grant to the prompt exercise of all the inlluence he can command as a mediator in the cause of humanity and freedom. FALSE AND TRUE ISSUES. From the if. Y. Tribune. It is quite apparent that the Democratic party hopes to be able to wage the coming canvass in this otate, la some of .its most lm portent aspects, aocording to methods which have become chronio with it in spite of their repeated failure that is, by avoiding real issues and parading false ones. Its besetting weakness is that it sutlers itself to be led by men who regard one moiety of the people as void ot intelligence and the other of principle. Such a classification is but a poor compli ment to its own party, and it is libellous ap plied to the rest of the people of the State, Acting in this belief, however, the organs of the party put forth the most baseless and un candid statements, notwithstanding the fact that unimpeachable evidence of their true character is within reach of all who oan read The mob of Paris grows restive, now and then, under the false reports uttered by its own Government; but the Democratic press here perpetrates even more audacious frauds upon its readers and escapes their censure. buch as rely wholly upon that source for poll- tical information and advice, and especially on the leading prints, cannot well have any other idea than that the main issues to be tried at the approaching election in this State are suoh as, whether Governor Holden has administered the btate Government of North Carolina wisely; or whether Colonel Kirk had properly!? or improperly aided the civil by the military power? Questions of this sort, however pertinent to the people of that State, are not to be decided by the result of an election in Mew York. Moreover, the courts of the United States are even now en gaged in reviewing the transactions com plained of, and if error has been committed it will be rectified: if wrong has been done it will be rerdessed by tribunals of competent jurisdiction. If the people of this State should mulct themselves in the oost of two more years of Democratio rule, not a Ku- Klux would be indemnified to the extent of penny of the resulting plunder. Tammany Las tears and lies in profusion for the Turoos and Spahis of its party in the South, but no money. It robs and cheats for its own ac count. u was not uov. uoiden wno issued a pro clamation, in advance, designed to mask the very frauds by which he was himself to be elected; it is another Governor who will be tried for that performance. Neither was it Gov. Holden who, when so elected, signed the Erie Railroad bill; it is another Governor who will be required to answer for that, too No citizen of this State can complain that he has suffered in person or privilege at the hands of Col. Kirk or his subordinates, or that he fears any such thing. The Republican party of the State of New York will not per- i J...I. i V- I J -Ail 1 . mit liaeu io uo niriugueu at me inquest pro. posed for alleged misdeeds of its party in other aud distant btates; nor will it hold the Democratio party of those States to any responsibility for the acts of its party in this State. Nothing that has happened, or may happen, in Georgia or Mississippi, can nave any bearing on the present con dition of the New York canals, or on the policy which is rapidly transforming them from sources of revenue into publio burdens. It is the Democratio party of thit State, not oi some other, whose administration i chargeable with the grave misuse of per etd breach of trust whioh dy by day diminish the efficiency of the canals, and supplement their decaying revenues with in creased and profligate expenditure. With less business and less income, the cost of operating them is aggravated, and their corps of officials so reinforced that, if it were arranged in line on the towpath, the array would reach from Albany to Buffalo, each leech within touching distance of Another. It is the Demooratio party of this State that elected and controlled the Legis lature which, refusing or withholding the most needful and salutary legislation, put on the statute-book enactments bo monstrous in principle, and so corrupt and wioked in purpose, that the disgust and alarm of honest men caused by it at home was even surpassed by that excited abroad. This statutory ini quity, which impelled a foreign nation, spetking the same tongue and following max ims of law and morals nearest resembling our own, to send hither a commission to remon strate against bo obvious a breach of our own laws and professions, on tue laitu oi wmon it has made large investments among us, owes all its efficiency to the official approval of the Governor elected by the same party, and pro posed for nomination again. The wrongs ana injuries suuorea and threatened by reason of unclean legislation, fraudulent elections, abuses of publio trusts, waste of the publio property, squandering of the publio money, free rum, and.- sectarian schools, will occupy the publio mind in the coming canvass, and impel it to seek relief in the present and security for the future by the peaceful mode provided by law. The policy and the candidates of Tammany and its ring will be scouted by the people, and all arts will fail to substitute Holden for Hoffman, or Kirk and Bergen for Tweed and Sweeny. TEACE NOW A NECESSITY. F-om the A'. F. llcrald. The burden of the news on Saturday morn ing, as, indeed, it has been lor some days, is encouraging for the lovers of peace, lhe success of the armies of Germany has fright ened Europe into a sense of propriety, bo long as the two countries at war seemed equally matched, so long as there was a rea sonable hope that the war might end, leaving the European balance of power very much as it was, the other powers oould afford to look on calmly and philosophically. Now, how ever, that Prussia has beat down France, the big powers begin to tremble. Russia is at her wits end and Ureat lintain cries out like a sick child. So much are Austria and Russia and Great Britain brought into community of sentiment that an armed alliance is no longer a mere possibility. J. he enorts now being made by Russia and England to bring about peace are, perhaps, as much the result of jealousy of the alarming power of Prussia as of a desire to put an end to the unnecessary destruction oi me and property. Jealousy or fear of Prussia is not, however, the only reason why enorts, likely to prove successful, are being made to secure peace. The French republio has made a good start, lhe revolution so tar has been easy and bloodless. Although we sae no good reason to believe that the republio will ever be able to repel the invader, still, it is not to be denied that the prolongation of hostilities will give to the Italians and Spaniards an op portunity which they wen know how to use. Unless something is done within the next few days to bring about a suspension of hostili ties we shall expect to hear that Spain has become a republic, that Portugal has imi tated her bigger sister, that Italy has followed suit, and that King Victor Emanuel, with all the princes and prinoelings of the South of Europe, have set out to keep Queen Isabella and the Emperor Napoleon company. The monarchies hate republics. Much as the great powers dread the growing strength of Germany, they dread republics more. But both causes combined give force to the move ments of Great Britain, of Russia, of Austria. The latest news does not encourage ns to believe that France can offer the in vader any very effective resistance. The new Government, in spite of some demonstrations to the contrary, seems alive to this fact. If King William and M. Thiers can come to any satisiactory arrangement, an armistioe is pos sible ueiore tne nrst gun nas been hred on Paris. Prussia is, naturally enough, a little imperious, and too much disposed to override all reason. It will not be well, however, for Prussia to despise the publio sentiment of Europe. Publio sentiment has, so far, been on her side. Her victories, in consequenoe, nave been easy, it she proves too impe rious publio sentiment may go against her. Besides, Prussia ought to remember that re spect was paid to her voioe in I860, just as she herself listened to the voice of France in 18CC. It is her privilege onoe again to be the victor. It ought to be her pride once again to listen to the voioe of reason. It is our belief, considering the situation in France, considering the growth of republican sentiment an over the boutn of Europe, con sidering the no longer concealed sentiments of the other great powers, and considering the negotiations wmon are now going on, that peace has become a necessity and that the war will soon be ended. Prussia can well afford to be magnanimous. She can boast of the most magnificent campaign whioh was ever conducted by any people, is ever was the science of war so brilliantly and effec tively illustrated. Never was so muoh done by an army in so brief a space of time. It will be well if Prussia give evidence to the world at once that she is not vindictive, that she does not fight for the sake of national aggrandizement, but in the interests of peace. If Prussia is not now willing to listen to the dictates of reason it will be bad for Europe; it may not be good for Prussia. A continental war a war which will array the peoples against the dynasties is not to be provoked rashly. ENGLAND AND THE BELLIGERENTS. From the London Saturday Review. We in England are convinced how sincere our neutrality is. We take a calm, and, as lar as we can, an impartial view of the com batants, and distribute our praise and blame as justly as our means of judging permit. But it is notorious that we do not please either side. Both think us cold, unfriendly, and dead to our own highest interests. Both think our neutrality too favorable to the other Bide. This, it is truly said, only proves how impartial we are, and how sincere and exact our neutrality is. Still, if we are to learn from foreign nations at all, we must learn from them when they criticize us, and the judgments which are now being passed in Germany and Franoe on England are not without instruction. The conduot, the in stitutions, and the political position of Eng land are not thought very highly of at present, and it is at least a rather in teresting inquiry for us to ask why this is so. In the first . place, why, as a neutral, does England always give offense ? We think that there is no doubt as to the true answer. It is the English press thkt makes England disliked. A time like the present entitles us to realise whit the English press is like, and how it differs tr ra the press of other countries. It is not merely that it is free. The press of tho United States is perfectly free, but it creates no ene mies because it in for the most part beneath the level of what is best in American thought and literature. It is more abusive, fanatical, and sensational than the best Americans show themselves to be. The Continental press in either official, or it is imbued with the spirit of a clique, or at best it is so very thin and fragmentary that there, is really scarcely any thing to read in the best foreign papers. But in England the press is as good as anything there is in England; and it has never shown its excellence more evidently than now in dealing with the present war. The exertions made to get in formation, to present it in a lucid form, and to pass an accurate judgment on it are enor mous. The views taken by different papers vary of course; but in all the papers of any standing there is a most indisputable wish to present a vnst variety of information, and to discuss both the military and the political situation with perfect fairness. The Daily Nens deRerveB ppecial mention perhaps for the rapidity of its intelligence and for the copiousness and value of its military narra tives. But it does cot stand alono. I he Standard is very French, and furnishes many facts and some fictions that tell on the French side. But its daily criticism on the war is not only masterly, but is rigidly im partial. The history of the war, accompa nied by free but honest and carefully con sidered criticism on the war, its causes and consequences, is being written in England, and in England only. The belligerents de test this, and it needs no explanation why they detest it. They are in far too excited a state to like having their dot n u&Io.d and judged. Admirable as the English press is in many ways, and determined as we all may be not to iorego the pleasure it affords ns, it has, it must be owned, the drawback of inspiring a great amount of enmity against England in foreign nations. English institutions, again, do not much commend themselves to either belligerent at this moment. The particular point on which Englishmen now insist most fully and trium phantly is that the military despotism of the Second Empire has collapsed in the hour Sf trial, and that all that has ever been said against it has been justified. But then how does the system of i'arliamentary govern ment stand just now? The minds of the belligerents are naturally full of war, and the test they apply is whether this or that politi cal system gives strength in war. When they apply this test to England the result is not very encouraging. e have wealth, a high national spirit, fondness for adventure, and plenty of men. But we have nothing like military organization. Our mili tary system is mere chaos. Every day we tell ourselves and all tho world that our national army of defense is no army at all. In case of a real danger the men would not know what to dot, the officers would not know what to do, the commanders would not kno-v what to do, and the Government would not know what to do. But is it at all cortain that any change for the better win be made.' mil our Parliamentary institutions permit that it should be made? e confess that wo are not at all sanguine, it is true that the press is supposed to be a great power in the country; and on this particular subject of the army the whole press is, strange to say, unani mous. Its whole power is being brought to bear yn the official world; but we are forced to own that in the long run the offioial world may beat it, and may succeed in getting things lelt as they are. We are not speak ing merely of the persons now in office. lhere is not the slightest reason to suppose that tho Opposition would do any better. All Parliamentary people take the Parliamentary view. The sole Parliamentary effect of the outbreak of the war was to raise an interminable quarrel as to whether the Liberals kave or have not got a handful of regular troops more at a less total cost than the Conservatives inflicted on the country. It is needless to say that we in England see how great in other respects the advantages of Parliamentary government are; but we are speaking now of how this form of government is likely to strike French and Germans; and it must be confessed that, with our Parlia mentory wrangling about an additional force that might perhaps suffice to garrison Tool or Pfalzburg, with our militia and volunteers left useless, and with our Sovereign happily buried far away from business in a remote part of Scotland, we do not present ourselves in a very bright or attractive light to nations engaged in a gigantio war. England is also supposed to be at present the centre of diplomatio action. The rumors of immediate intervention or the purpose of giving useless advice have indeed most fortu nately died away lately. The reception they met with was so very discouraging that noth ing more has been said about them. Still, as England was, for the moment at least. offered aa the arbitress of peace, the bellige rents were led to consider tue position or England, and they certainly have expressed their conclusions with the utmost freedom, In the present war navies are of scarcely any use. and what use, they ask, would be the tiny contingent England oould offer to either side, and how oould it control the aotion of cither. There is much truth in this, and why should we not reoog size it ? England is a great maritime power, it is a very great Asiatio power, jt might easily have a magnificent defensive army. But it can never play more than a small part in continental wars. The saying attributed to Mr. uiaostone, that we must take care that the conqueror did not beoome trm fit rone, has fortunately been emresslv repudiated, so that we shall not have to eat our big words; but so long as they believed that the Premier had used this language, the Germans, with whom victory seems likely to rest, naturally asked how we proposed to take the fruits or victory away from them Both belligerents are aware that if we could arrange the terms of peace we should think of our own interests, and it is obvious that our interests pull ns different ways. France is the only nation that oould do ns any serious harm. No other nation oould dream of invading England. We there fore see it to be to our interest that Franoe should not be too strong. On the other hand, Franoe is the only nation that is likely to be able and willing to help ns in defending Con stantinople, and therefore it is to our inte rest that Frame should be a great power Whenever, therefore, we interfere, if we do Intel fere diplomatically, we shall be thought to be leaning to one side or the other from a calculation of what will be to our advantage, and, however impartial we may mean to be, our impartiality will be always suspected. In no respect is it more necessary to boo our selves in tne tigut in wmcn others see ua, than in the quality oi mediators aud peace makers. We must take things as they are, and candidly examine how we are placed, and then, if we do not do asmuch good to others as we hhould wish, we may at auy rate derive tome btcent tor ourselves. INBURAN&E.. Life Insuiance for the People! HOMESTEAD LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY OF ri!rl SYLVAN IA, OFFICE: Ko. 701 CHESNUT Street, PHILADELPHIA, To place Lire Insurance within reach ot all, has adopted a system of MOfiTHLY PAYMENT OF PREMIUMS Peculiarly adapted to the ability of ALL WORKING FOR SALARIES OH WAGES, Special attention Is called to this Company's GRADUATING POLICr, An original feature, designed to protect shareholders In Building Associations, and all others who have borrowed money or purchased property payable In Instalments extending over a series of years, by CANCELLING any balance of Indebtedness remain ing UNPAID in case of DEATH. THIS COMPANY ISSUES All the ordinary forms of Life and Endowment Poli cies at low rates of Premium, on the Participating Plan, with but few restitutions as to occupation, and NONE AS TO TRAVEL OR RESIDENCE. Pamphlets containing full Information may be ob tained at the Company's office. WILLIAM M. 8EYFERT, President. LAURENCE MYERS, R. W. DORPHLBY Vice-President. Secretary. B. E. DAMS, Superintendent of Agencies. 4 9 6m Active and responsible men wanted as Agents. DELAWARE MUTUAL SAFETY INSURANCE COMPANY. Incorporated by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, 1833, Office southeast corner of THIRD and WALNUT Dtreein, rnuaneipnia. MARINE IN.WRANCE3 On Vessels, Cargo and Freight to all parts of the worm. INLAND INSURANCES JT1 goods by river, canal, lake and land carriage ail roiu ui liiu uuiuii. FIRE INSURANCES Merchandise generally; on Stores, Dwellings, Houses, etc ASSETS OF THE COMPANY November 1, 1B6. 1100,000 United States Five Per Cent. Loan, ten-forties fais.OOO-OO 100,000 United States Six Percent. Loan (lawful money) 107,750-00 0,000 United States Six Per Cent. Loan, 1881 M.OOO-OC 00.000 State of Pennsylvania Six Per Cent. Loan 113,000-00 100,000 City of Philadelphia Six Per Cent. Loan (exempt from tax) 100,938-00 100,000 State of New Jersey Six Per Cent. Loan 02,000-00 0,000 Pennsylvania', Railroad First Mortgage Six Per Cent. Bonds 400-00 55,000 Pennsylvania Railroad Se cond mortgage Six per Cent, Bonds IB, 636 -00 18,000 Western Pennsylvania Rail road Mortgage Six Per Cent. Bonds (Pennsylvania Railroad guarantee) 10,000 -00 0,000 State of Tennessee Five Per Cent-Loan 15,000'CO T.OOO btate of Tennessee Six For - Cent. Loan 4,870 -00 11,600 Pennsylvania Railroad Com pany, 8fi0 shares stock 14,000-00 1,000 North Pennsylvania Rail road Company. 100 I hares stocx MOO-OO 10,000 Philadelphia and Southern Mall SteamshlD Com. pany, 80 Bhares stock T,B00-00 m,uu ioana on ona ana wort cafe. Hist liens on Cltv Property 4o,t00O0 H.331,400 Par, Market value, i,sco,B70-o COSt. ll.aiB.8'23-9'1. Real Estate 86,000-00 Bills Receivable for Insurances made... 133,700-78 Balances aue at Agencies : Premiums on Marine Policies, Aocruod Interest, and other debts due the Com pany K,W9S Orrva!- CnHn sv4 Cnn,. AImmvam tlora, 14706. Estimated value 1,740-aO vasa in uanx ius,3is-8S Cash In Drawer...... 79 -94 169,99111 11,863,100 -04 DIRECTORS. Thomas c. Hand, Samuel B. Stokes, William U. Bouiton, Edward Darlington. H. Jones Brooke, Edward Laiouxcada Jacob Rlegel, Jacob P. Jones, James B. MoFarland, Edmund A. Bonder, Theophflus Paulding, James Traqualr, Henry Sloan. Henry C. p&llett, Jr., "ames C. Hand, William C. Ludwlg, Joseph H. Seal, Hugh Craig, John D. Taylor, George W. Bernadoa tiuoaua r. u-yre, Spencer Mcuvaln, II. Frank Robinson. J. B. Semple, Pittsburg, A. B. Berarer. Plttsbnrar. wuuem u uonswn, D. T. Mortran. Plttaburfl invjmjxo j. haihu. rresiaenfc JOHN a davis, Vtoe-Presldeat HENRY LYLBURN, Secretary. HENRY BALL Assistant Secretary. 11 1829 CHARTER perpetual. JgJQ Franklin Fire Insurance Company vi tuimuaiiraui Office, Nob. 435 and 437 CHESNUT Bt Assets Aug. I , '70$3,009,88 S'24 CAPrrAL 1400,000-00 ACCRUED SURPLUS AND PREMlUMS.9,609,838-84 INCOME FOR 1870, LOSSES PAID IN 1869. L.oe paid since 1829 orer $5.500,000. Perpetual and Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms. The Company also Issues policies npon the Rents of ail kinds ot Buildings, Ground Uents, and Mort. he "FRANKLIN" has no DISPUTED CLAIM. DIRECTORS. Alfred G. Baker, A urea inner, Thomas Sparks, William b. Grant, Thomas S. Kills, Baniuekurani, George W. Klcharda, Isaac Lea, rjonrva FttleE. UustavQi 8. Benson. . BAKER. President. ALFRED O UKORUB FAXES. Vice-President. JAMES W. MCALLISTER, Secretary. 19 19 THKODORB M. K&UKR, Assistant Secretary. F IRK ASSOCIATION, INCORPORATED MARCH 17, 1830. f OFFICE, No. 84 NORTH FIFTH STREET, INSURE BUILDINGS, HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, AND MERCHANDISE GENERALLY , Frem Lobs by fire (in the City of Philadelphia only) AS8KTS.MANUABY. 1 1870, 1.3ri,T3i THISTKE4. William n. HamlltoB, John Oarrow, George L YouBg, Jos. 1C LyndaU, lvi V. Ooata, Charles P. Bower, Jeitue LlghUoot, Robert Shoemaker, Peter Arinbriutor, M. U. Dickinson, Samuel Sparhawk, Peter Williamson, Joseph E. bcheli. WM. H. HAMILTON, President, SAMUEL SPARHAWK, Vlce-Pretildent. WILLIAM F. BUTLER, Secretary. INSURANCE INSURANCE COMPANY or NORTH AMERICA. JAKTURT 1, 1970. Incorporated 1794. Charter Perpetual. catital tsoo,ooe ASSETS ., 783,681 Losses paid since organization. .133,000,000 Receipts of Premiums, 1809 $l,99t,B87M Interest from investments, 1369 114,49614 $2,106,534-19 .t 1,036,334 -34 Losses paid, 1SGP. STATEMENT OF THE ASSETS. First Mortgages on City Property United btates Government aud other Loan Bonds Railroad, Bank and Canal Stocks Cash In Bank and Onlce Leans on Collateral Security Notes Receivable, mostly Marine Premiums Acctued Interest Premiums tn course of transmission Unstttled Marine rremluuis Real Katate, Otllce of Company, Philadel phia 1766,450 1,193,816 65,70 947,620 6i,6M 831,944 90,3!7 Rft.lM 100,900 80,000 li,7S3,BSl DIRECTORS. Arthur O. Coffin, Samuel W. Jones, John A. Drown, Charles Taylor, AnibroBe White, William Welstl, S. Morris Wain, John Mason, George L. Harrison Francis R. Cope, Kdward U. Trotter, Kdward H. Clarke, T. Charlton Henry, Alfred D. Jcssup, Louis C. Madeira, Charles W. Cushinan, Clement A. Griscom, William 11 rock la ARTHUR G. COFFIN. President. CUARLKS rLATf, Tlee-Presldent. Matttjus Mtms, Secretary. V. II. KRBVE8, Assistant Secietary. 8 4 ASBURY LIFE INSURANCE CO. NEW YORK. LEMUEL BANGS, President. UKOKUK ELLIOTT, Vice-Pres'tandBec'v. EMOKY McCLINTOOK, Actuary. PENNSYLVANIA STATE AGENCY, JAME8 M. LONGACRB, Manager. 11. (J. WOO", JK., M. v.. Medical Examiner. Office, 302 WALNUT 8t, Philadelphia. REV. S. POWERS, Special Agent. JAMES M. LONGACRtf, General Agent, D !3 mwfly No. 809 WALNUT Street, Philadelphia QHARTER PERPETUAL. ASSliTS $200,000 , MUTUAL FIRE INSURANCE COM PANY OF QEEMANIOWN. OFFICE, No. 4829 MAIN STREET. Trta riska in Philadelphia, MonUrorosrr. and Bnoka ooonues, on tlia most fmorable terms, npon Dwellings, tfarns, irieronanaiM, runuturo, xmrmiDg unpiemonta, Hay, Grain, straw, eto. eto. DIKECTORS. Spencer Robert, Jobn btaliman, Albert Asbmead, Joseph Handbuiy, William Ashmead, M. D., Nicholas Rlttenhouaa, fJatnan L. Jonaa. James F. t Jinx troth. Oharlea Weiss. Joseph Boucher, AbramKex, Oharles Miilmt, .no Charles H. Btokes. SPRNORR ROBERTS, President. OHARLE8 H. STOK ES, Secretary and Treasurer. WM. H.LEHMAN, Assistant Secretary. S9mw3m THE PENNSYLVANIA FIRS INSURANCE! COMPANY. Incorporated 1825 Charter Perpetual. No. CIO WALNUT Street, opposite Independence Square. This Company, favorably known to the commu nity for over forty years, continues to Insure against Ions or damnge Dy fire on Public or Private Build ings, either permanently or for a limited time. Also on Furniture, stocks of Goods, and Merchandise generally, on liberal terms. Their Capital, together with a large Surplus Fund, 1b Invested in the most careful manner, which ena bles them to oiTer to the Insured an undoubted secu rity in the case of loss. vituniviis, Daniel Smith, Jr., Isaac Hazleliurst, Thomas Robins, Thomas Smith, Henry Lewis, J. GUllnghara Fell, Daniel Haddock. John uevereux Franklin A. Comlv. DANIEL SMITH, Jr., President. G. Crowell, Secretory. 80 WM. rpiLE ENTERPRISE INSURANCE CO, OF L PHILADELPHIA. Office 8. W. cor. FOURTH and WALNUT 8treeta. FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. PERPETUAL AND TERM POLICIES ISSUED. CASH Capitol (paid up In full) 9200,000-00 GASH Assets, July 1, 1870 050,789-90 DIRECTORS. F. Ratchford Starr, i J. Livingston Errlngcr, Naibro Frazler, James L. Claghorn, John M. Atwood, Wm. G. Bouiton, BenJ. T. Tredick. Charles Wheeler, George H. Stuart, Thomas U. Montgomer John H. Urown, 'James M. Aertsen. F. RATCHFORD STARR, President. THOMAs H. MONTGOMERY, Vice-President. ALEX. W. W1STER, Secretary. JACOB E. PETERSON. Assistant Secretary. F AME INSURANCE COMPANY, No. 809 CHESNUT Street. IK CORPORA T!D 1856. CHARTER HRPZTU4X. CAPITAL 1200,000. FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. Insurance against Loss or Damage by Fire either Perpetual or Temporary Policies. DIHKCTUHB. Charles Richardson, Robert Pearce, John Kessier, Jr., Edward B. Orne, Charles Stokes. John vy. Everman, Mordecal Buzbv. wuuam ii. itnawn, William M. Seyfert, John F. Smith, Nathan Hllles. George A. West CHARLES RICHARDSON. President. WILLIAM IL RHAWN, Vice-President. Williams L Ulawchabd, Secretary. 7 938 TMPEIUAL FIRS INSURANCE CO., LONDON. KSTABLISHKD 1S0. Paid-op Capital and A cc omnia ted Fundi, 08,000,000 IN GOLD, PREVOST & HERRING, Agents, 49 k Ko. 10T B. THIRD Street, Philadelphia. CHAB. M. FRgVOBT OH 48. P. HRHRIWO FURNACES. Established in 1835. Invariably the r? attest success over all ompatitioa whenever and wherever exhibited or need in taa UMITKO STATES. CHARLES WILLIAMS Patent Golden Eagle Furnaces, Acknowledged by tbe leading Arohitecta and Builder be tbe moat powerful and durable Furnaces ottered, antf the most prompt, aratematio. and largest house in Una of basin ess. HEAVY REDUCTION IN PRICES, and only flrat-olaaa work turned out. No. 1132 and 1131 MARKET Street. PHILADELPHIA. H. B.-8FND FOR BOOK OF FACTS OR HKAT AND VENTILATION. " PATENT. " STATE RIGHTS FOR S ALE. STATE RIGHTS of a valuable Invention just patented, and for tbe SLICING, CUTllNG, and CHIPPING of dried beef, cabbage, etc., are hereby oiTored for sale. It Is an article of great value to proprietors of hotels SDd restaurants, and it should be introduced iota every family. STATE RIGHTS FOR 8 ALU. Model can be seen at TELEGRAPH OFK1UJS COOPER'S POINT, N, J. 1 IIU MUNDY h HOFFMAMt - t
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers