2 THE Datit EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, MARCH 29, 1869, SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. EDITORIAL riHIOSg OF TBI LRADIBO JOCBSAUJ VFOK CCKEIST TOPICa COMPILED BTIBT DAT FOB TBI lYMfffla TELBOBAPH. Ihe Stnate Com promise The House Re fuses io Concur. From the W. Y. Herald, General Butler achieved on Friday an im portant victory in tbe House, in the vote of eeventy to ninety-nine whereby that body refused to concur in the Senate's halfway sub stitute for the House bill absolutely repealing the Tuure-of-Olliue law. General Uutler, with the submission of the Senate bill, at tacked it as a deception, contending that it did not meet the case, that the modification is substantially the law &i it stands, and that this unconstitutional act, having served its f urpope, should be utterly abolished that it was incompatible with the rights of thellouse and a usurpation of the powers of the Presi dent. In these general views of the measure General Uutler was promptly and ell'ectually supported by General Logan, and when the Ilouee adjourned on Thursday it was manifest that the Senate substitute for Sutler's repeal would be rejected. On Friday, when the subject came tip in Its regular order, a desultory fight was at once commenced between Butler and his support ers on the one side and the radical anti repealers on the other, And this skirmishing was continued down to five o'clock, when the original motion to refer the Senate bill to the Judiciary Committee was withdrawn, and the direct question of concurrence was reached. The result is the victory of Butler and the repealers, including the Democrats of the House, who wielded the balance of power. The subject now goes back to the Senate, and the question is, "ihall the Senate recede from its amendment ?" Assuming that it will not, a committee of conference on the dis agreement between the two houses will be the next proceeding, and then we shall discover whether the Republicans of the House sup porting Butler will stand firm or yield to the pressure of the Senate or a party caucus of the House. Both houses having adjourned over to to-day, we may expeot some caucus manipulations in the interval; but if the House repealers wonld gain the front rank with the administration in bringing the Senate to the ultimatum of Butler's bill, they will avoid any party caucus on the subject. In the beginning of Johnson's administra tion the Republican conservatives, with the Democrats, had, as they now have, posses sion of the llouee. The policy of Congress and the administration was in their hands, and had they aoted with anything like saga city they could have shaped the measures of Congress and the issues of the Presidential succession. But the Democrats, when brought to the pinch, deserted tbe Republican con servatives and bolted over to "Old Thad Stevens," and hence all the disastrous conse quences that followed to Johnson's administra tion, to the conservative Republicans and to the Democrttio party, with the triumph of the radical programme. All that was left un done by the Democrats to give suooess to the schemes of Stevens was accomplished through the radical caucus system of whipping in. Now, if the conservative or out-and-out ad ministration Republicans of the House wish to hold their ground and become masters of the situation, they know what to do; and they must know, on the other hand, that if they consent to be inveigled into a party caucus their fate will be the melancholy experience of Raymond and his followers of the sessions of ISO'S and 186'G. Power or disgrace i3 thus the alternative now presented to the sup porters of Butler in the House on this Tenure-of-Ollice law. Their only oourse of safety is to stick to the repeal. England and the Rebellion. From the Y. Times. The Northerners them solves, In blockading Southern ports, treated tbe Rebellion as a war, for tbe right of bioc&ade belongs to a state of war alone. The Northerners themselves also treated tbe Confederacy aa a de facto sovereign power: for they exouauKed prisoners with It, accepted tbeir captives an prisoners of war, and In divers ways practically acknowledged the Confederates as belligerents. And yet the lie which tbtir unscrupulous authorities only dared to niter on paper, but dared not act upon in practice, they would now cram down tue throat of England." From the Hamilton Can ada) Timet. This is very great nonsense, and repeating it constantly will not in the least facilitate the settlement of the Alabama question, nor any of our other difficulties with England. To say that a nation cannot close any ef her own ports for purposes of domestic policy, without thereby authorizing foreign powers to take part, directly or indirectly, iu her domestic dissensions, is absurd. The "right of blook ade," technically so-called, as denned by pnb lio law, may be a right of war; but the right to close one's own ports, to exclude foreign aid from internal enemies, is the right of every nation, and is hostile only towards thoBe against whom it is directed. It confers no rights on foreign powers, nor have they any right to construe it into an act of hostility against them. This has come to be one of the favorite arguments by which the hasty and unfriendly recognition of the Confederates as belligerents by England is excused or vindicated. It is just as shallow and worthless as the other plea that by sending back their prisoner, and by taking back ours, we recognized the Rebels as belligerents and gave the British the right to create for them a navy and to send out vessels to prey upon our commerce. The American people are not especially anxious to have the Alabama question settled at present, and tbey will not conseut to have it settled in the way proposed. Samaria or St. Thomas I From the N. Y. 7tmes. Mr. Fabens, Special Commissioner of the Dominican Government, is now, we presume, on the way to Washington, ladeu with his instructions to rent the 15ay of Sauiaua to the f United BtateB. We are informed from Havana, however, that he is pursuing the - Fabian polioy keeping very quiet ana suaay, or, as the telegram more elegantly, if more redundantly, expresses it, "he is very reticent on the subject, and no other particulars as to theobiect of his mission can be obtained." So, then, St. Domingo is to push St. Thomas from his stool; and, wherxas we have just de clined the oiler of KiDg Christian to buy th harbor of Charlotte Amelia, we are expected to welcome the proposal of President lUez to rent his Bay ot Saniaua. Now, supposing it to be granted, for the momont, tht some Wfl.t Indian haibor is desirable for us to ao- quire by purchase which is, of oourse, a preliminary poiBt what advantage du we in rantinflr Sauiana over buying St. Thomas r We get the exclusive right at a low figure in the one case, the rental at a large one in the other. It is true that the necessi ties of Baez, his "anxiety to raise the winl" In order to mt Lis war expenses, will proba bly reduce very considerably the price origi nally named. But we treat with a preoarious power ith a Government on the blink, pos sibly, cf bejuyg. deposed; while,., OU th other hand, half the Dominicans are set firmly against the selling of Saiaaua, and will give us trouble, purchase or no urohase, if they ever I come into power. I Jn Mr Parton's vigorous pamphlet on the Danish Islands, which is wholly directed fiw.ra tltfa nnpfllinn. "Ara vet tinnn.1 In i I u n ..1,111 wm.r 'i - " , " ' " - u .M honor to pay for them f " to which qury he leturns a hearty Yes he introduces, as ba comes a shrewd pamphleteer, one or two rea sons why, independent of "honor," we are lont-d in profit to pay for them. He cites high authorities for the value of St. Thomas, and, amoDg others, a noticeabb' comparison by Sir. L. D. Spalding, of New Hampshire, of tun advantages of St. Thomas over both Samsua aDd Cape St. Nioholas Mole, "it is ready for UEe,"sajs Mr. Spalding; "it is a port aud city bvilt, and no very large amount of money will be rtquiied to lit it for nsval purposes. But to lit Samaba Bay or St. Nicholas Male for such a use would require about as much money as the first cost of St. Thomas. It is very easy of access and departure one mile, and yon are at seal Wherea3, Samaua Bay is very lorg and difficult to enter or depart from by Bailing vessels. audSt. Nijhola Mole is also a deep inlet, with a great depth of water, and its only good anchorage is at the head of the bay." But we do not desire to go into the ganeral question of the desirability of St. Tuota-, still less into that of our moral obligation to pay for it. What we rather meant to allude to is the comparative merits of St. Thomas and Samana as subjects of purchase. If we have possibly taken false step3 in the one case, we have certainly taken no steps iu the ot'ier. To treat Denmark as we already have is some thing; to proceed to buy Samana, after reject ing tit. Thomas, would be worse. If we need to buy anything in the West Indies, we had better take St. Thomas. We are aware that Mr. Fabens comes to us with certain advan tages. The laBt Congress developed the ex istence of a considerable Domiuicau ring (to use the slang phrase of the day) in the House. and the recent Hayti resolution shows that that ring is still there. But neither this nor the Fabian policy of reticence should avail to foist Samana upon us. We declined St. Thomas on the plea of economy and an empty treasury; should we now go to work to buy or hire a neighboring island, or a part of it, it would be adding, for Denmark, insult to in jury. Lubor uud 1'olitics. From the N. Y. Tribune. A very large meeting of workingmen was lately held in our city, by which it was unani mously determined: 1. That labor produces everything, yet st cures and enjoys but a share and that not a fair share of the product; 2. That it has determined that this shall not continue; and 3. That, to secure their full rights, the laboring class will cut loose from politics and politicians, and "go it alone" henceforth, not only in shaping a public policy, but iu choosing legislators and other functionaries to give effect to that policy. (The resolves are now before us; but this is their drift and purport, according to our re collection.) The workingmen are clearly right in affirm ing the preeminent importauce of questions which are practically social over those whiuh are distinctively political. They want steady work, confined to reasonable hours, with fair recompense for doing it. They want commo dious and convenient lodgings, at rates which aie not beyond their limited means. They want sanitary regulations which will protect them from noisome ellluvia and from the re sulting ravages of pestilence. They want good common schools, with ample provision therein for the education of their children. In so far as the State or community shall provide or secure these, it is a blessing to the working men; while in many if not most of the ques tions on which our people are divided into parties, they have but a vague, remote interest. It seems, therefore, not only natural but desirable that the workingmen should meet as a class, and propose measures of Interest to that class, insisting that they shall receive early and thoughtful consideration. We trust that this workingmen's movement is not to end with the passage of last Tues day's resolves, but that meeting after meeting Will be held, in which the rights and wrongs of labor will be more fully and patiently con sidered than they were or could be at the gathering in question. And, as our first con tribution to the sum of knowledge on the general subject of labor reform, we proffer the following frank yet not unfriendly criti cisms on the late proceedings at Cooper in stitute: I. We do not object to the designation of thote who labor for wages as distinctively working men, provided it is fully kept in mind that this is dictated by convenience, and that there are in fact many other working men than vhey. Thus, the brothers Harpers were not only journeymen printers fifty years ago, but they were remarkably hard-working; journeymen, who never dreamed that eight nor even ten hours enioient work exoused them from doing more while work remained to be done and there was daylight whereby to do it. They are rich and powerful to-day because they were specially energetic and frugal while young and poor. So, w cannot doubt, John Jacob Astor, Cornelius Vauderbilt, Alexander T. Stewait, and nearly all our present mil lionaires, made the very utmost of their hours and their pence in their portionless, fiiendlens youth. Now. we are not commend ing these men as models for imitation we do not Insist that every poor man should strive to become a rich one we readily admit that there is force in the statement of those who pieier io "'taKe tilings eacy ana "enjoy life as they go alobg;" but wu do insist that the case f hall be fairly set forth aud clearly uaderetoid. Great wealth is th product of rare capacities or of rare diligence and fru gality generally oi a combination of these. In luonatchies it may, to some extent, be won by royal avor. It is not so here. The fouuders ot great lortunes had to work for them, as truly as though they had wielded the trowel or shouldered the hod. It not this truth be ignored or by groundless clamor obscured. II. The laborers for wages fairly earn their money; but so do ctbers. The bkiltul engi neer who, by Ids original devices, eaves a million days' work in the conduction of a great railroad, as fairly earns the $100,000 paid him lor his services as the digger with pick ar.d epadw earns his per day. It ill becomes either of these useful citizens to dis parage the achievement or prndge the recom-pt-nre ot the other. "Live aud let I've." III. We cannot deem it wice or well to array lain r agniust capital. They are not ne-cesi-aiy antagonists. Th-yare natural allies. We lately vicited auiMinantory atOleubaven, where milk pans, ice-pitchers, and every de scription of tin-ware are daily stumped from plaits or sheets into the des'.red forms at a single blow, dispensing with seams, solder, etc., altogether. The ware is at once much better as well as cheaper than it would be if made by hand. Labor is thus doubly bene fited: it is better paid than formerly, because far more efficient; and it is supplied with cheaper wares. But the machines whereby this is fleeted cost 110,000 to $30,000 each; aud their aggregate cost must exceed half a million dollars. Can any good reason be given lpr antagonism or jealousy between the owner of this machinery and those who work it or those who buy Its products f We insist that there is or should be none, sinos all are sharers in a common benllt. Aud yet ours is not the view which elicits rounds of cluers from assembled workingmen. IV. Though cooperation was alluded to, it did not Beetn to hold a high plana iu the confi dence or the affections of those who nginere 1 tbe workingmen's meeting. We d-eply regret this. To our mind, ciM poration is the trne and only effectual remedy for many of the evils complained of by the laboring class Let us take the case of the journeymen tailors lor illustration, beoausnthey were represented at the rueetibg as worse paid aud more op posed than most others. These live by making up garments, most of which are bought and worn by working men. Their trade requires no expensive machinery or outfit, and hut a few dollars' worth of stock per baud. Let us suppose, then, that one thotiFand journeymen (and women) tailors should this day resolve to drink no more liquor or lager, use no tobawo, and spend neither time nor money in haunts of dissipation, until they shall nave save an average of $100 each, and invested the $100,000 thus accumulated in the stock, implements, ani fixtures of a cooperative tailors' establishment, with a stock of ready-made garments ooustantly re- pitniniea ny tueir own labor, while they should stand ready to do custom-work as re quired. Let manager, buyer, cutters, and makers be paid fair wages each week, aud let any profit that should be realized at the year's end be fairly apportioned between cupital and labor on som seal previously agreed on as just and equitable each stock holder receiving a dividend proportioned to the amount of his stock, and each worker a like dividend, based on the amount of his yearly earnings. Why would not this plan woik ? Why should it not be tried f We believe that there are men among the journeymen tailors who could work out the problem triumphantly; for, if there are not, then the workingmen's clamor about the tyranny of capital is even more senseless than we have ever supposed. If working men will not buy directly of workingmen, preferring the intervention of a "boss," or if they cannot trust themselves to choose lit di rectors of their labor, or if they will not prac tise the self-denial requisite to gain the mode rate capital required, let us ascertain the fact and conform to it; for the steed that will not run the required race without a rider must not complain of that rider's weight But we are confident that cooperation is widely prac ticable, and anxious that the attempt be fairly made. iNot the least, of its recommendations is the fact that it will preclude further con troversy respecting the hours of labor, by rendering each worker th master of his own time, enablinghim to work as many or as few hours as he shall see lit. The United States aud Cuba. From the A, Y. World. Mr. Beecher, in his impetuous advocacy of Cuban independence, at Otemway Hall, was hutiitd by the warmth of his feelings to utter some sentiments which we fear he will not stand by when applied to a similar ca3e. He asserts for the Cubans the right te independ ence, to the free adoption of their form of government and the choice of their rulers. Cuba is territorially of the same size as the State of Georgia, and contains a population somewhat larger, consisting of whites and blacks in about the same proportion. Now, since Mr. Beecher so warmly asserts for the Cubans the right to adopt tUeir own form of government and choose their own rulers, free from outside constraint, we wish he had told his audience why the same right does not equally belong to the people of the State of Georgia. The two are bo nearly alike in area, so nearly equal in population, so similar in the relative proportions of the two races, that Georgia ought to be as capable as Cuba of governing herself wisely. She ought, in deed, to be much more capable; for she is su perior iu education and has had the advantage of a long training in self-government. It does not become Mr. Beecher, nor anybody who acts in the same party with him, to flame up in zealous championship of Cuban self-government, while trampling this right into the dust in our own Southern States. American sympathies are naturally on the side of Cuba in her struggle for independence, as they have uniformly been on the side of all the Spanish colonies in their revolt from the mother country. But history has taught reflecting men to rejoioewith trembling. The mere throwing oil of a foreign yoke is not a benefit worth the blood it costs, unless the insurgent people possess sufficient wisdom, virtue, and steadiness to establish a tolerably good government for their own protection, and to uphold and perpetuate it when estab lished. Unfortunately, experience does not justify any very sanguine belief in the capaoity of the Spanish raoe on this continent to main tain order by means of free institutions. If Cuba should exchange her reoent condition for the anarchy which has so long prevailed in Mexico and tbe Spanish-American republics, considerate men would hesitate to congratulate her on her independence. If the present population of Georgia, blacks and whites, were located on the itdand of Cuba in place of the piesett inhabitants, we should feel no mis giving respecting the practical benefits of in dependence, if it could be achieved. The people would be competent to preserve order, administer justice, protect industry and com merce, and maintain proper international re lations. But republican institutions have not yet had any such success among the revolted colonists of paiu iu this hemisphere as should encourage our Government to take any very active part in behalf of the Cuban insurgents, even if we were restrained by no obligations ot international uw. Mr. Beeober, iu addressing the meeting at Sttinway Hall, disclaimed, with much fervor ot asseveration, any iutoution on the part of th American friends of the Cubans to make the independence of the inland a step towards acquiiiug it ourfelves. Such asseverations have no tendency to raise our estimate of Mr. Leecber's ingebuonnness ttbd sincerity. No well-informed aiuu ctu doubt that the Ameri can people have lobg dehired Cuba, nor that they coLfidnntly expect that it will some day be ours. The geographical reasons for its ac quisition are Very strong, aud nothing but the fact that Spain was too imbecile a power to nse the it-lend for our annoyance has prevented our seizing a possession which she has repeatedly refuMed to Fell. It has long bet the settled aud boldly-proclaimed pnipoee of our Government that Cuba shall never pass from Spain to any other power thau ourselves, except to beoome independent. The island stretches along seve ral hundred miles facing our ooast, separated from it by a channel of no great width, through which our vast coasting trade between the Gulf and the Atlantic cities must pass, as well as the coasting trade between our Atlan tic and Pacific States, which, whenever the Daiien Caual 6hallbe completed, will be enor mous. Cuba abounds in good harbors, and in the hands of a strong naval power, it could be used as a position for annihilating our coasting trade and shutting us out from auy intercourse by water between the Atlantio and the Gulf. Every well-informed American has lorg-regarded the possession 'of Cuba as ah ultimate geographical necessity. Its acquisi tion has been postponed partly for temporary reasons of domestlo policy, and partly because we have nothing to tear from a decrepit power like Spain. As Jobu Quiucy Adams said, more tbau forty years ago, "the pear Is not yet ripe." If Cuba were ouoe independent, it is to certain that we could make it lor her ad vautage to cast her lot with us, that there oan be no reasonable doubt that sh would ere lonir arrl? for Rdmission into the Union. We dare sv that Mr. Beecher himself would be among the lirLt, not uierelv to persnadn her to come, but, if it should prove necessary, to ad vocate bringing her in by force. If Cuba f-hould pain ber independence, slavery in that island is doomed, ani the same problem of "reconstruction" would b prect-nted there as in our Southern States. The Cubans would attempt to establish a re publicsn government; and if left to theui eelvt s, it is by no means certain that they would be euauiond of the radical pattern and build their institutions ou the bais of black suffrage. After emancipation ttiere would be the same classes, and somewhat tli same state of society, as existed iu the South at the close of our civil war. The ex-masters would not be disposed to treat their late slaves as equals. The white race would pro bably organize a government from which the negroes would be excluded. The utter in capacity for representative institutions evinced by the negroes of the British West Indies would naturally have an inllueuce ou the independent Cubans. In Jatuaici tbre was at first a regular legislature consisting of two branches, the lower house elected by universal suffrage and having the power to originate money bills. Although the home government had a negative upou all laws, it was found necessary to strip the legislature, from time to time, of its powers, until finally it became such a farce, and such a marvel of ignorance and stupidity, that it was thought best to abolish representative institutions in Jamaica altogether. At present, there is not an officer in the island chosen by the people, so utterly has negro suffrage broken down and exploded iu the course of a thorough trial under favoring guardianship aud tutelage. Jamaica has become what is called a crown colony. Every officer in it is appointed by the Crown. Even its Legislative Council of thirteen, of whiou the Governor is one, are nominated by the Crown, and subject to re moval at its will. Intelligent Cubans cannot have been inattentive to the collapse of repre sentative institutions in Jamaica, aud they may not incline to try a similar abortive experi ment of black suffrage iu their own island. We wiBh Mr. Beecher had seen lit, in his recent speech, to express his views ou "re construction" in Cuba, and to tell what he would do if, after the independence of the bbnd is achieved, it should proceed to esta blish a white man's government, giving the negrots equal civil rights, but excluding them from all political franchises. Does he believe that the intermeddling radicals of the country would rest easy in view of such a state of things ? Does he not .know, does not every man know who knows anythiog of the temper of that party, that they would get up a fu rious agitation for subverting the indepen dence of Cuba and annexing it to the United States, in order to force negro reconstruction upon the island ? For our part, we should be glad to see Cuba really independent until the negro experiment collapses in this country, if we felt auy eouti dence that the Spanish whites iu that island have as much political capacity as our white fellow-citizens of the South. We should be glad to have the two experiments go on simul taneously under the eye of the world, in order that men might judge, by their comparative success, between the two methods of dealing with the negro raoe in a state of freedom. If negro suflrage should flicker out in disgrace in this country, as it has in Jamaioa, it might be for the general advantage to be able to reour to an instructive example of governing a community with a large intermixture of negroes by a more rational method. At a recent evening churoh servioe in Boston, Whittier's "Two Kabbis" was read at the conclusion of the sermon. TRUNKS. IMPROVEMENT IN TRUNKS. AJU, TRUNKS NOW MADK AT The "Hreat Central" Trunk Depot, Have Simons' Patent (Safety Haop and Bolt, which securely tauieus the Trunk on boibendi with heavy Holt, and in tbe centre with the ordinary loci. Positively no extra charge. GREAT CKNTRAI. TRUNK DEPOT, N. W. Cor. SEVEN ru and CUESSUT Sts. TRAVELLERS, NOTICE. Porch we your Trunks with Slniona' Triple Fasten ng, heavy Bolus; no fear lock breaking, AT THE GREAT CENTRAL, iliSm o. 701 CHESNDT 8treet GROCERIES, ETC. F1 IES1I "FUUIT IN CANS. PEACHES, PINEAPPLES, ETC., GKJtEN CORN, TOMATOES FRENCH PEAS, MUSHROOMS. ASPARAGUS. ETC. ETC ' aLBEBTCROUERTft, Iwaler iu Flue Groceries, U tiro Oor. ELEVENTH and VINE btreela. PROVISIONS, ETC. ICIIAEL MEACSHEU & CO., ISo. 223 South SIXTEENTH Street, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN IPKOVJNIOSN, UVsIKUN. AND WAND I'ltJIK, run r.nii.v usb. TEBUAPINS i6 p;n iozt, ut STEAMBOAT LINES. -fTP- FOR Oil CSTKU, TUKK, AND i-'v'ra-i" WU.&ilNU'ON. Jo ueuM; t?ZTi ZB'i!' Kicuinmu Tick"lt, li i nt . The new swlf' Beuaior f. M J.' KLTOS lvfa CHKfcNUTHireet Wharf at IMS A, &l nd 3 4S P. M,, and Wilmington at ti 6i a. M ana 1 P. M., iiopplug al Chester and liuck each way. u i tit liI-EBKICK & B O N H BODTHWARK FOUNDRY, WO. 80 WASHINGTON AVENUE. Phlladelpli.i. WILLIAM WRIGHTS PATENT VARIABL1 CUT OFF STEAM-IiNGINJl ftemlatciJ by tbe Govornor. MJBKKlCJt'S BABETV HOISTING AIACMIKA Patented Joue, r DAVIU JOY'S PATENT VALVKLK.-V HTKA.M HAMMEJi I). M. Wi.s'ltjfvB PATENT SKLF-C'KilTERING, H tTLP-BA LA NCIiW CENTRIFUGAL SUGAR-DRAINING KACHI SX AMD HYDRO EXTRACTOR, Far Cotton ot Woollen Mannraotu"". 7 inm fj I II C GUARD O, FOR STORK FRONTS, ASYLUMS, FACTO RIES, ETC. Tatent Wire lulling, Iron Bedeteads, Orna mental Wire Work, Taper makers' Wires, and every variety of Wire Work, mannfaolnrud by II. WALKER .& SONS, 2 Sim w I No. 11 N. BlklH aireet. FINANCIAL. UJIOW PACIFIC RAILROAD FIRST MORTGAGE 30 YHAKS K IX PER CENT. GOLD BOaSDS, FOB SALE AT PAR AMD ACCRUED INTEREST. DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES, GOLD, ETC., Pio. 40 South THIRD Street, lit! PHILADELPHIA. QA NKINC HOU8 OF JayCooke&(). Nob. 112 aud 111 South T11IKD Stre PHILADELPHIA, Dealers In all tioTernment Securities. Old 520a Wanted In Exchange for New JL Liberal Difference allowed. 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W. Corner TI1IKD and CUES NUT Sts. Speclul attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS In New York and PUIiadolphla Slocks Boards, etc euj. 2 II Sin Dealers In United States Bonds, and Mem bers of Stock and (Jold Exchange, Keceive Accouuts or Jtauks and Bankers on Liberal Terms. ISSUE BILLS OF EXIMANUE OH C. J. IIAMHIiO & BON. LONDON, B. MKTZLliR, S. B011N & CO., FRANKFORT ' JAMfcB W. TUCKJiR & CO., PARIS, And Otlier rrlncipal Cities, aud Letters cl Credit Available luronghout Europe. FINANCIAL. Union Pacific Railroad. NOW CDML'LKTEB. The First Ecitgage Bonds, IIAV1MJ 3 YEARS TO RUN, Principal and Interest Payable iri Gold, YiE ARE WW SELLIA'K AT FAR AKD INTEREST, Or exchanging tot GOVERNMENT EECUIU Tim ou the following terms: For 81000 1881s, we pay a diOerence of- fl4884 tlOOO 1862s, we r7 UifTureneeof 173 8 tlOOO ISfilH, we pny a dlllVierjce of. 128-84 tl(W0 1805s, Nov., we pny a difT. of 153 34 $1000 MMOs, we pay a diUorence of..... 43-34 1000 lKilofi, J u ly, we pay a d 1 fiareuce of 1 16 84 tlOOO 1867s, July, we;pay a dlfforouceof 118 31 81000 lbbSs, July, we pay a difference of 118-34 Or In proportion, as trie market for Qoveru meni BecurlUeM may lluctuate, .WEE. FAINTER & CO., BANKERS AAD DEALERS UK UOYEUJI MEMS, HOLD, ETC., Ho- 3G South THIRD Streot. 219 FHIIiADFiPHIA. 1,500,000 SEVEN FEE CENT. GOLD BONDS, TIIILI Y YEARS TO RUN, ISSUED B7 The Lake Superior and Mississippi lliver Railroad Company. They are a First Mortgage Sinking Fond Uond, Free of United States Tax, Secnrrd by On Mlllloii Six. Ilnndred and Wlilrty-two Tboiinaiid Acres Of Choice I.nudN, And by tbe Rfu roatf, Ita Rolling stock, and the Franchises 01 the Company, A Double Security and First-Class Inrest mentin every respect, YIELDING IN CUKRENOV NE4.BLY Ten Per Cent. Per Annum. Present Trice Tar and Accrued Interest. Gold, Government Bondi and other Btocka received Id payment at luelr hlglmai market pi lc. JPamuhletaaiid lull information given ou applica tion to JAY COOKE & CO., No. 114 South TII1K1) street, E. VV. CLARK & CO., Ao. 35 South THIRD Street, Fiscal Agenta ot tbe Lake Huperlor and Mississippi Blver Railroad Company. 8 lOSOMp HOME INVESTMENTS. KEADIMl KA1LK0AD SIXES, Clear of BLate, United Slates and Manlolpal Taxes. Pennsylvania and A'ew York Canal and EU. Company Seren Per Cent. First Mort gage iionds, Principal and Interest guaranteed by the ' LEHIGH VALLEY RAILROAD COMPANY. We have bnt a small amount ot tbe above Bod da, aud oll'ur llioirj at a prloe tbat will pay a good Intertill on luelnveuuueut. DREXEL & CO., Bankers, Ko. 34 South T1I1U1) Street, 8 19 tmw4ptf PHIL4 DELPHI A. STERLING a. WILOMAN, BANKEK3 AND BROKERS, Ko. 110 ft. THi:ii fetree:, IMiiludelpbla. fcpeclul Agents lor ihet-aleof Danville, Ilazleten, and Wllkesbarre KK. 11 It ST W((KrAE HUSO, Dated 1KCT, dno in lh87. Interest Bt ve Per Cent., payable half yeailv. ou the llr-t or April aud Urit of October, clear ot H uie ami UuUed hi.ti s Uxei At pitrsenl tbeH bo-.ins are ottered at tbe low price of 8U Woo'WSi" i'6(,o.Uu "r" ia 01 i'.mpbieis con r hi 11 1. r Hxpg, Report", and full In-' formation on tin .a tor dmiribdii u, and will be sent by mull on appnutil'iu. Ciovi rnmetH li hiob And othtr Securities taken la exchunife ttt market rates. Dealers In blocks, liourts, Loans, Gold, eto. 1 201m pa 8. PETERSON & CO., Stock ami Exchange Brokers, No. 39 South THIRD Street, Members or the Ktn York and Philadel phia Stock and Uold Hoards. ETOCK3, BON 03, Klo., bought aud sold on oonmaliislon only ateither city. jjqj FLOUR. ' QHC.CE FAMILY FLOUR. For the Trado or at Retail. EVtUT KAHKKt WIBiKlKi), KEYSTOSK FLOUU MILLS. MOM. 1 Al 1 UIU1BD AVEKPB. ' J imrJ? at of Front " JRj- OHt A HA-VET ER rNABY BOB." .rfSa 1 OKON. treaui all d'seam of borswi and cZ tlo, audallur.ua opraii. witb eiii,.i.. MalwwiAU. buuvt, abuv.YoBiat w no
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers