6 GPIR1T 01 TUB PRESS. XEsTOBlAl miOHS OF TEH LKADING1 JCrHNAlfl ; VVOM 0CBBH1 TOPKfJ COMPILED BVKB1 ' ' ai fo tbi irsma telegbaph. The New Phase or tbe Revolution la Cuba Jm ISe N. T. Herald. titty breath of tidings that cornea to iu from the "Gem of the Antilles" brings lntelli mm of multitudes fleeing from the island. Sba of wealth are conveying their families and their fortunes to other land; men of note la Beoietjr and government are seeking safety jatof therortex of Cuban politioa, and men Of aotlon are hurrying to and fro preparatory to the eomlng strife. The latest breathing f the telegraph is that Don Jos6 de Armas y pedes, the head of the peaoe oommlaalon ppoiuted by General Duloe, the confidant of kia plans and powers, after long joarneyings Md conferences with the revolutionary leaders im the central and eastern districts of the Island, has returned to Havana and departed , thence for the United States, saying that he is stagnated with the Btate of affairs. These are ot the Indications of a retnru of peaoe; they are the mutterings- of the oomiDg tempest. "What this is to be and what course it will take are subjeots worthy of inquiry. I'bapa there may be found natural causes that will indloate the probable oourse of the storm. When Cespedes pronounced In October last at Yara la favor of absolute independence for Cuba, he etrnok a living chord in every Cuban fcoeom. Tbe idea spread with tbe rapidity of Wild fire through the Eastern Department of the bland, and in a very short time the petty Spanish garrisons were driven to the coast or nuddled together in a few interior towns. The Central Department qniokly followed the lead of tbe Eastern, and from Cape Mays! to Moron the island blaied with the fires of revolution. The hilltops around the Spanish elties of lefuge were covered with insurgents, and panto prevailed In every Spanish boaom. With these achievements one-half of the island was In possession of the new order of things; But here the revolution, without any visible heck, came to a halt. The Western Depart ment, the ereat seat of population and Health, did not follow its sisters in the move Kent. Disagreements on questions of greater r lesser vitality to the revolution sprang up twtween the leaders of the centre and tbe east. Inaction ensued among the insurgents, and as a natural consequence large numbers of the people, uncontrolled by discipline and wanting in the inspiration of a logically pro claimed and common oause, returned to their homes. The Spanish population of the island took new heart and filled the ranks of the Government foroes with volunteers. Uaneral Dulce arrived, commissioned with extraordi nary powers from the new Government of Ppain. Throwing open the prison doors to large numbers of political dlenus, he pro claimed a general amnesty, freedom of press and speeou, and representation in the Cortes for the island as an integral portion of the Spanish monarchy. Before these ostensible causes tbe revolution is seen to dwindle; large ambers of men aocept the amnesty, and yet the living exodus points to the faot that fears of the future, not tbe assurances of peace, prevail in the Cuban mind. There is, then, an nnavowed if not secret cause for this state of things, and it lies In the-logio of events, which is ever stronger than the promise of words. In the first rapid varoh of revolution its promoters took ad vantage of all tbe elements which presented themselves to their grasp, and not a few slaves and contracted Chinese laborers engrossed the files of the insurgents, to the utter de moralization of productive labor. This was tbe first great faot, and not any effort of the Spanish troops, which prevented the extension f the revolution through the west. Follow ing this came the proclamation of General Cespedes, giving a conditional freedom to the laves.' Though carefully worded and very Suarded in its clauses, tltia was the torch of ltoord to the revolution. The Eastern De partment, with few slaveB, and but a limited number of these engaged la agricultural labor, embraced at onoe the new idea. The oentral portion of the island, with greater interests at stake, divided Bpon It, and the western, where the slave in Testments preponderate over all others, re jected it altogether. Herein lies the secret of the present condition of affairs in Cuba. Wader the pressure of the slavery question the revolution has changed its charaoter from a War for Independence to a struggle for uni versal emancipation. Nor is the danger eon ftsed to tbe limits of a popular struggle. The pressure of events and Ideas in Spain is pre paring a new danger for General Dulce, and the political and social system he seeks to stabllsb.'Jn the probable abolition by the Cortes of lvery throughout the Spanish dominions. The oonfliot which portends is a purely Amerioan one, and among the great cjoestlons upon which General Grant and his administration will be required to take new point of departure, that of Cuba mi iu relations to the Union is one of the most Important and most urgent. This island, with a population of a million and a aau of souls, lying in close proximity to our thores and along the immediate line of our Jaamense Atlantio coastwise commeroe, is to ay the toene of a revolution whloh will In evitably sever the island from the dominion of Jpaln. We say that it will produce an inevi table separation, because Spain herself is on eve of a civil war, which already precludes ef from sending to Cuba the foroes necessary to triumph over tbe present revolution, and WW consume all the resources she can pos iy command for a long period of time to erne. Herein lies the true point of view for Gene va! Urant and his Cabinet to take. The prin ciple cf diplomatic intervention is everywhere admitted In the school of European politics Jten a threatened conflagration in any Btate portends danger to the interests of its neigh w; .!Mgl04! rule, and holds good in ifo2?W"UfcM 1U EarPe' TL Proximity M oi wri-"ft"0 ffotcd by her Shioh haTr!vh? a ? litical oombluations srtaL and -Hi Btad iQ lhe Paat d0 ,.7 d eTer continue to exist all tKlV01 on ourpS? To Chow that this is not an imaginary al we seed cite only the faot wWh i 7 !' I U the family WitK o( AiFT Z that in 1820-30 the United h,E, rter ai order to croUnt u. tate9 waa 'oroed, aetUement where the oitv or r.i v .tends. A policy of aZ foan rvZLnl7 therefore, imperative to n'IiX,1'' anance. and conditions oomCe to forced apoo the immediate attention of th in t a&ar.tion. The first step sutld .hesitating adoption of such a course ot action M will at once Impress upon Spain the conviction that she will not be permitted atterly to destroy a purely American comum aity because it will not consent longer to be governed under ber antiquated sixteenth cen tury notions of pnblio policy. In adopting this course General Grant has the opportunity to lay the corner-stones of the ocuung great and American party in our na THE DAILY E tional politics on foundations as broad and an secure as were those laid by Jefferson an I Jackson. The tone and temper of tbe people require such anew party organization, whloh tball ignore old party lines and be free from old party corruptions. The circumstances of onr publio affairs, both domestio and foreign, are favorable to it, and General Grant himself has tbe prestige necessary for its sno. HBsfal accomplishment. President Ty lor tried to do this thing, and he failed, because the people were not prepared for it. President Johnson also tried it, and he failed, because he had not the requisite personal prestige. The opportu nity is now oflered, by a concatenation o great event, to General Grant, and as he olveS or fails to acept bis mission will he go down to history as a Jefieraou or a l3?a. ,r f Tyler or an Andy Johnson. The initial step is involved in tbe Cuba question, and General Grant should be prepared to give it an early and a prompt recognition The Monnou 1'roblom and its Tropoaci Sol ui ion. from the N. T. Timet. It is felt by many people, and perhaps by none more keenly than the Mormons them selves, that the late of Mormonlsm certainly as a political power, and probably as a reli gions movement now hangs trembling in the balance. Postponed by the intervention of our civil war, and again respited by the wrangle over reconstruction, the Utah ques tion must soon, it is clear, receive positive treatment. Were there no other considera tions at stake, the steady tide of population flowing westerly into immediate contact with Moimondom. and the new transcontinental oonduits of traffic and travel on the eve ef opening, would make the decision of the pro blem imperative. Thus it happens that, alter nigu upon two score years of strange and eventful history. this extraordinary politico-religious vagary, which has never ceased meanwhile to grow in strength as it has grown in age, approaches a critic. It is forty years, save one (namely, April (J, lt30), since six persons formed the nucleus of this widespreaamg estaoiisnment, . of which it is just to say that it has illus trated, as never did any other organization, the harmonious interplay of religious and secular authority a perfect union of "Church and State." If we new proceed to "disesta blish" tbe Mormon Church for that is just about what one Congressional plan, at least, contemplates we must confess that we sap an institution which has showed no sign of internal decay, and which, contrary to uni versal prediction, is to-day stronger than ever. We may, perhaps, set down the Mormon population ot Utah, in round numbers, at 100,000 souls; we may, probably, though at an outside estimate, set down the Mormons soatteied elsewhere throngh the world at 200,000 bouIs or, to be within bounds, let us reckon all Mormondoin to consist of 250,000 men, women, and children. Cipher as we will, and with all the multiplication of tables to Malthus to help us, this astonishing growth from six people to a quarter of a million, In less than forty years, means preaching rather than polygamy it means a zealous and well organized system of missions, in which hun dreds of miniatt rs labor constantly for the conversion of souls to Mormonism. These 100,000 sonl3 in Utah are gathered into 100 settlements, or thereabout. About one in ten of these constitute the farming population, who cultivate 150,000 aores, pro ducing, among other things, a yearly crop of 600,000 bags of Hour, of which a good part goes to supply the less steady populations of adjoining territories. At tbe head of this strong, compact, thriving, aud busy minia ture nation stands Brigbam Young. With not a dollar of debt, with a treasury (the re sult of a strict system of tithing) reckoned in tecs of millions under his sole control, with a fanatical people ready to follow him wherever he leads or to go wherever he bids, this ambi tious potentate has built up a Commonwealth which it would be a orime to attempt to de vastate, and which it will require great jinesst and great legislative wisdom to manage as it must be managed. Two solutions have been proposed for the Mormon problem. We say two, because that third alternative, once in favor, of "smiting the heathen hip and thigh," desolating their fair fields, turning their garden to a desert, Backing their hundred cities, and shooting down every soul that rasi3t3, finds no advo cates now, even among the surrounding set tlers, who would be greedy for the spoils. One of these two solutions is that offered by Mr.- Ashley's bill, now before Congress, to divide Utah save a narrow zone in the neigh borhood of Great Salt Lake City into various parts, and transfer these to the neighboring States and Territories. The other is to trust to the influence of "Gentile" admixture, to overthrow the worst feature of Mormon ism, and finally to do away with the whole system. The introduction of Mr. Ashley's bill pro mised to create a feeling in favor of the former of these two solutions. But, if we mistake not, it lias been atlowet to pass beyond the day for which its consideration was set down on the calendar. This would indicate reluot anoe to take measures so decisive aud per emptory as those contained in the bill, and a disposition to allow the changes expected to be wrought by the Pacific Railroad to have a fair chance. In any event, it is dear, as we have already said, that the turning-point of Mormonlsm, at least as a politioal power, id nearly reached, and that its fate as a "na tion," if not as a "Church," will ere long be decided. Army Ucform. Fromtfit If. T. Tribune. We have nsuallyt'ound General Garfield of Ohio so sound a thinker and so wise a legisla tor, that our surprise fully equalled our regret at finding him reported as saying, last Friday, in the House, that "Many of these men whom the amendment of last winter woulJ strike from the rolls ot ttie army have known on other deity for twenty yeair; their wnole livas have been sptiero i iuto me (tunes or military me. Ami it in quite another luluu lo turn them adrift in their old Re, with notnlng to 1 11 bjck upon but tiielr poverty and their go-tj namin, with m prolog felon, aud pnrlxnpH iui upcctul aptitude to enter upon one. 1 nay mat iu equity llrtro Is a re;imm In llila thlnu. abd lam wllJinir to staud hv tho Jubtloe of ihtit rouHon " Here General Gmfield. if we understand him, plants himself distinctly on the proposi tion that certa'n army oflioers should be re tained in coramliiriii'U. not beoause they are neeaea in tue servico, nut tec ansa they need tbe pay, and could hardly get on without it. In oiher words, tbe army is regarded as a giganti sonp houpe, to be kept np to the present standard teoanse certain officers could not otberwise make a living. The injustice of thij position is plaoed in a Strong light when we consider that these offi cers were educated at the nation's expense not merely provided with an education, but paid fer taking it. When .it was finished, they were at perfect liberty not to enter the army, bad that Ix'en their choice. Hut they chore to afloept the rank and pay of army ofliters, and to enjoy them until they could do oiU,r,iMn have not et one better; J?. U5 tW at tL nation's oost. and have thus far employ, and paid Ithenl, we Y KG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 18C9. are in duty bound to keep doing so, whether we need their rervices or not. We dnstiut. Understand that we presnme the laborer to be worthy of bis hire. We would pay the oflioers, not because they need, bat beoame they earn their wages. We do not kuow that there are too many now on the rolls of the army, though we believe there are. I! it, be tbey many or few, we Insist that thy are to be retained, if at all, beoause they are needed, not beoause tbey are needy. A diUureut rule would degrade the service and dishonor tho-e who follow it. lhe Kailroad War. from the t)t. Louis Democrat. That man can have no soul at all for a fight who does not take a lively interest in tbe battle of tbe railway giants. Thursday's des patches gave us information of a new mau o uvre, and within a short time another great charge will either prevail or be repuLied. On tbe face of things there appear four freat trunk lines between the East and West, 'he New York Central has an interest in the route from Cleveland via JieTlefontalne and Indianapolis to St. Louis, and in auother via Toledo and Springfield. The Toledo route is unbroken; the Bollefontatne route is broken at Indianapolis, for the Indianapolis aud Terre Haute road, after a sharp fight some time ago, was wrested from the control of the New York Central by lien. Smith, and is now in the in terest of the Pennsylvania Central. Therefore, the New York Central has talked, surveyed, and threatened a new line between Indian apolis and Terre Haute. Meanwhile it has its oonneotions unbroken with Chicago. The New York Oentral we shall call Vanderbllt. Tbe Erie, under Gould, has control of a oomplete broad gnage route to Cincinnati and St. Louis, and is now fighting for the control of routes to Chicago. A little while ago, Gould and VauderbiUwere fighting; now there is more than a suspicion that they have united their interests for a common object. Tbe Baltimore and Ohio, having reoently secured tbe Marietta and Cincinnati road, has a consolidated line to Cincinnati and oonneo tions via Indianapolis with Chicago and SU Louis. Hut tbe control of the Indianapolis and Terre Haute road was needed to make its line to this oity complete, and therefore it joined interests with Vanderbllt to get that road. Jieateu by Ben. Smith, it probably has an interest in the projected new route. Here, then, are these powerful interests virtually working together, for what f To oripple and destroy the Pennsylvania Central say Scott, "for short." The Gould ma nauvre was to get control, in the Interest of one or the other of the three allies, of every road by which Scott could reach Chicago, St. Louis, or Cincinnati. Accordingly, the Atlan tio and Great Western was Becured by Gould; the Ohio and Mississippi by Gould, and the proposed change of gauge stopped; the Pitts burg, Fort Wayne and Chicago was to be grasped; the Columbus roadd westward were to be seized; and poor Scott, thus shut in on all bands, would be deprived of all Western connections. Exactly what the allies would then have done for the benefit of the pnblio, we do not know. The first failure was when the Een. Smith combination gained the Indianapolis and Terre Haute. Smith had a road from Colum bus to Indianapolis, then another via Logans port to Chicago, and with the Terre Haute road, he became a power in the land. Hence the fight for tbe control of Smith, in which Erie was beaten, Scott and Smith having now joined hands. The new line from this point to Terre Haute will Boon give the Penn sylvania a oomplete route to this city; with the Smith roads it has a oomplete route to Chicago, and it is now fighting for the control of the Columbus and Xem'a and Little Miami, by which it can reach Cincinnati. So far, then, Soott resists all efforts to tie him up. There remained the great Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago road, his best and most natural route to the Northwest, the direotors of which are now in the Soott interest. The danger was that the Gould combination would get control of the road. Stook has been bought, proxies have been obtained, agents have been sent to Europe to get control of stock held there, and the boast is openly made that the Erie already has a certainty of carry ing the next eleotion of director?, to be held in March. Hut the schemers counted without their hoat. They forgot that Scott not only owns a railroad but also a legislature, for on Wednesday a little bill was introduced in the Pennsylvania Legislature, and passed both houses and was signed by the Governor before noon, which reads as follows: "IiBhall be lawful for tbe board of directors of the Vl'tsbnrg. Fort Wayne, and Chicago Hall.oaJ Company, by lot or otherwise, to bo classify tbe members thereof that one-fonrtb,na near as may be, euall terminate their otllcial leriiii as directors. At the nret next annual meeting after being tnus classified the Hiook and bond holders shall elect only loembora of the board of d lreotors noceHsary to fill vacnuoles eauMd by tbe expiration of Uie period of ser vices fixed as aforesaid." Accordingly, the New York people will be able to elect only one-fourth of the directors this year, if they do get a majority of the stock, and will then have to hold their stock and proxies a year longer in order to get con trol of another fourth which puts Soott ano ther point ahead in the game. Meanwhile, a proposition has been made by the Little Miami to lease its road to tbe Columbus and Xenia, which is soon to be voted on, and If that car ries, both roads will then be leased to the Pennsylvania Central. Such is the fight as it stands. Gould is sharp, Vanderbllt is strong, and the New Yorkers control a mint of money; but tbey find it no easy job to kill off the Pennsylvania Central. And, since competi tion is tbe only hope of the pnblio, we are very glad of it, and hope that neither may succeed in crippling the other. "Let us not Lave peace," but low prices I Universal L'xtraYrtK:iuK-o Wtcnx the HC. Louie Jtepttbtican. Only a few days ago the telegraph informed the country that Grant had begun to maki inquiries in relation to the frauds commute I on tbe revenue, and that it waa h's determi nation to reform that branch of the pnblio service. This certainly must have been gruti fvinf news to the tax-pavers of the country. Hut we need not only a suppression of fraud end peculation; for, great as these are and have been, the extravagance that now per vades all branches of the public service is equally burdensome and pernioioas in its in fluences. Our Government to day is the most expensive on the globe. The entimated ex pense for the two houses of Congress alono for tbe coming year is $5,300,000, more thau enough to build our bridge across the river or a railroad from here to GalveBton. This f iitire sum is expended upon the members of Congress, excepting only about $1G,000, whloh is used for the Congressional Library. Of this sum over $730,000 is for the benefit of the eeventy-two Senators, or aboutiflO.OOOapieoe. How this amount can legitimately and honestly be expended is a question for the tax-paver. The Congressional printing costs over 1 400, 000, oertainly a nice round sum. The balance, $3,170,000, is used by tbe House of Represen tatives, tbe BO-called popular branch of the Government. Thus the pnblio funds are squandered I Is it astoaishing that under Bach circumstances the national debt, instead of decreasing, actually increases, despite tbe euormoriH taxation impoverishing tbe coun try f When the nation was out of debt, and tbe national exchequer was filled to over flowing, such extravagance might have been pardonable. It is different now, and inevita bly leads to finanuial rnin. The expanses of Congress for tbe fiscal year of lbGtj were 4,'204,000. At tbe time, this was considered enoimous and unprecedented. In the short space of two years, however, our radical legis lators have succeeded in increasing the ex pences $l,00ti,000. If the increase continues in tbe same ratio, the entire taxes collected will soon be needed to defray tbe expenses of the National Congress. If we compare the estimates of 1669 and 1861, we discover a still more startling fact. In lfiGl the appropria tion for the members of Congress was fl,41P,PCl. This was the first appropriation made after tbe commencement of the war, and far surpassed any made under a De mocratic administration. Compared with the appropriation of the fisoal year 18(19, it sinks into insignificance. Since 18G1 the increase of tbe cost of our National Congress has been 3,8fcl, 039 surely a wonderful aud rapid increase. Is this the promised economy of which the radical newspapers and politi cians said so much before their advent to power T However, if we look back to the early days of the republio, aud compare the expenses of Congress tbeu aud now, we will notice a still more remarkable contrast. The cost of Congress for ten years, from 1792 to 1801, was only $1,578,31(1. In other words, the expenses of Congress for ten years then were hardly more th.in one-third of the sum now required to support the national legislature for one year. Are not such facts calculated to astonish the people? 13nt these vast expenses of the national legislature are not all paid by the people to their legislators. Every State has a State legislature, which, of oourse, on a smaller scale, reflects the condition of affairs in tbe National Congress. In every State we find cities and counties governed by still smaller legislative bodies, and here also the condition of affairs Is the same. Extravaganoe is the order of the day. Economy is unknown. Is not this condition an evil as great as fraud and pe oulation t Fraud and peculation are demoralizing in their influence; so extrava gance. Fraud and peculation impair the na tional credit; bo extravagance, li it not, under snoh circumstances, one of the most undenia ble evidences of general corruption, that ex travagance, instead of decreasing, daily grows more enormous ? How shall the vast publio debt be paid, if the money collected is use lessly squandered f Will not a universal crash finally be the result f By Conimaud of the President." From the Jf. Y. World. If we are to believe the Tribune, General Grant proposes to administer the Government of the United States precisely as he adminis ters the army. He has discovered the politi cal leaders of the Republican party, the men by whom he was Belected as their candidate for the Presidency, to be a set of scurvy and self-seeking incapables, "clamorous, uneasy, and eager," says the Tribune, "'for mere ad vancement," and bo he has made up his mind to make his Cabinet "a personal staff." This determination the Tribune impliedly applauds, speaking of it with; we will not say with reverential awe, but at least with bated breath, quite in the tone in which the semi-official or "officious" journals of Paris twenty years ago were wont to speak of the words and measures and the supposed purposes of the Prince President, then silently preparing himself for his decisive struggle with the Assembly. There is much plausibility in the Tribune's statement of General Grant's intentions. If General Grant was preparing to organize a constitutional Cabinet after tbe manner of his predecessors in the Presidential olDoe, it is all but certain that its leading members must ere this have come to be known in political circles. If a Cabinet were a conspiracy, it might well enough be got together secretly as Guy Fawkes brought his gunpowder barrels into the vaults of the Parliament House, or as Louis Napoleon initiated his friends and "personal staff" in the project of the coup d'Siat of December, 1851. But there 13 nothing necessarily shameful or frightful in tue consultations or a mau who is shortly about to assume the Chief Magistracy of a re public with the men upon whose intelligence and whose experience ha is to rely for the assistance necessary to make his adminis tration a success. A President who has a great party at his back In a time of peace is not a military commander planning a cam paign. The publicity which would tend to disaster in the case of the one personage is a very important element of success in the case of the other. Unless General Grant Is ashamed of the men whom he foresees that he will be forced to call into his "personal stall'," or unless he has really determined, as the Tribune tells us he has, to make lor himself a 'personal staff" and nothing but a "personal stair' of his constitutional advisers, there need be no explanation cf the extraordinary cloud of mystery in which he has thus far shrouded his plans that would not be discredit aple to his common sense. It has no precedent in onr own history, and no precedent in the history of any other country, save in such cases of secret and am bitious plottiiigs after the usurpation of power as we have alieady cited. The Tribune' absurd allusion to the ap pointment of Alexander Hamilton by General Wafcbington as an instauoe in which the head of the republic selected his advisers on the theory which it now declares to be the theory of General Grant, cannot even be pretended to cover this aspect of the affair. General Wash ington made no secret of bis intention te call Hamilton into his counsels. Hamilton en tered upon his duties as Secretary of the Treasury in November, 1789; but, months before that, Wolcott and others were recom mended to him for office in his department; and the country at large knew very well who the President's advisers would be, even before it had been fully settled upon what their teVeral functions should be. Of course we need bsrdly add that when Washington called Hamilton to the Treasury he did not "detail him" to duty from bis "personal staff," for the very good and sufficient reason that Washington bbd ceased to have either a mili tary command or a "personal staff" long before he was raised to the Presidency. The truth is that General Grant, properly f peaking, is our first strlotly military Presi dent; be is the first ef our Presidents, that is, who, having received a purely military edu cation and won bis popularity exclusively as a soldier, bss been oalled to the Chief Magis tracy directly Irom the army. Geueral Wash ington belonged, by his habits of mind aud it we may n-e such an expression without being misunderstood by his caste, to civil quite as much as to military life. He was a tountiy gentleman, familiar as the country gentlemen of Virginia in his time were with ilvil duties and legal responsibilities; he had Htrved iu law-making bodies. General Jack eon was a trained lawyer and legislator. He bad served the State and beoome respectable as a judge before be became celebrated as a general. General Harrison was a Northwest ern politician and a civil official both before and after tbe episodical military career which finally commended him as an available person to the Whigs, hungering for a candidate. General Taylor was an officer of the regular army; but be bad entered the army from civil life; be bad large interest tn Louisiana, which brought bim into uonRtaut relation with the most rerlons and instructive aspects of civil life. Even General Scott received his earliest influence, from treatises not on Infantry Tao tics and Cavalry Drill, but frem Hlaokatone and Coke oton Littleton. General Grant, still comparatively a young mar, was edneated at West Point, and paed at occe from the Academy Into the field. With the exception of a few years of his life, of which it i not necessary tor us to speak more particularly than to say that even his moat ardent rnpporters have never pretended to arstrt that their experiences were of a kind likely to develop In him any special fitness for public office or any extraordinary claims upon the confidence of bis fellow-oltizens, General (irant has been nothing and knows nothing of the wcrld save as a soldier. If we may once more use an exactly descriptive epithet without being misunderstoood in regard to tbe meaning we desire to have put upon it. General (irant is "by caste" a soldier, and only a soldier. His, conduct in regard to tbe offioe upon which he is about to enter is precisely what might be expected either from a soldier of deep abd dacgerons ambition, determined to avail hlmf elf of the forms of the Government confided to him for the purpose of subverting its foundations and establishing a personal government of his own, or from a soldier of benest intentions but limited civil capacity who finds it impossible to conceive of and to adjust bimfelf to the profound differences be tween the methods by which executive autho rity is enforced aud maintained in civil aud in military life. We leave it to those who are more direotly interested in the fate of his administration as tbe responsible authors of its existence, just now to decide which explanation is the more accurate. When once the secretaries of the various exeoutlve departments shall have been "assigned to duty by command of the President," the country in general will have both a keener interest in knowing and better facilities for ascertaining the exaot truth on this point. INSURANCE COMPANIES. UNITED SECURITY LI FG INS IHASOE 1SD TRIST COPPArtY, cr PEN NSYLVANIA. OFFICE: b. t. Vomer FIFTH ana CUES-NUT Sts., FHTLADBLPHIA. CAPITAL, S 1 ,000,000 DIRECTORS. PHI LAh ICLPHr A. OKOKOK H. STTJAAT, KOKCK W. CHIA.1'H. ANTHONY J. UUEXEL J08KPH PATlKheiUA. FHAMCIH A. DUEXEL, Bou. WM, A. rOKTUB. Hon. ASA PACHEIt. THOMAS W. UVaMS, WM. V. McKEAN, SIDNEY J. HOLM, WM. C. HOUSTON, i. H. HOKOTMAJSJS, KKW VOHK, J A MRS M. MORMtON, President Manhattan Bank. JObiO'H b'XX'AKT, of J. J. btuart ft Co., iiankors. BOBTON. HON. . 8. TOBEY. late President Board c;T.ue, CINCINNATI. A. E. CBAUBKBLAIN. of Chamberlain A 00, OHICASO. Jj. Z. IiF.ITKR, of Field, Lelter A Co. C. H. biilTH, oi Ueo. O. builth A Brothers, Bankers. BT LOO 18. JAMF8K. YEATHAN, Cannier Merchants' National Bank. BALTIMORE. WJLLIAM PRE6COTT BMITH, Bnperlntflndeul Consolidated ltallway Uae, New York to WaablliKtou. UiOKGE H. STUART, President. O F. BETTd, Secretary. J I LUDLOW, Consulting Physician. WilSiA B., Medical Examiner. C. BTCART PATTERSON,!,, ... RICHARD LUDLOW, JCOuneL This Company Issues Policies of Lite Insnranoe upon all tbe various plans that have been proved by tbe experience of European and American Com panies to be safe, sonnd, and reliable, at rates as LOW AND UPON TABUS AS FAVORABLK AS THOSE OF ANY COMPANY OF EUUAL BTA BILITY. All policies are non-forfeltable after the payment of two or mot e annual premiums. H 13 imw3mrp QFFICB OF THE GUARDIAN Fire and Marine Insurance Co , No. 428 WALNUT Street. Philadelphia. January 29, 169 Tbe foKowlnsstaieuieni or tue UUAKdIam i'iHK AND ilARIr- K JNbUKANUK COMPANY of iheir coooillou on the 818t oay ot Decern oer, jiM la uuo llnbed lo accordance wlib an act of Assemb'y: A nlborlMMJ 1 aptial (50U roo Amount paid lo W.M) AStatKTAI. Bonds and mortgages f82,0O0 00 tal emaie. lliai-oiats properly In Jstw York......... . 23,000 00 Waj ue County Raliiod boudi&xf: 22.600 00 Instalments cn slocks due aud belog paid S 501 00 I aiuiice due by aguiue S SM 84 Caub In bank 2,600 00 t!09WS4 BECF.IPT8 FOB laS. Premium on fire rlskr '81 LtlftMKM, EXtKNK, ETC. Fire losses psid 17.90126 Lipents. reiit, adve. llteuuei i, gerclt's, e'C 11,729 08 (owmtsslons to atul 8,443 is 28, HI 48 Totil amount a' rl-k i,3iu.7'. (.7 I.or uuadjiinied and sot due........... , 8 Mrt 01 Accounts.,..,.. n 8.4-w A. N. AlvooO. J. V. Rstcnr. JIulJ. u. v. Lawrence, U ill-iu E. Owens, B. C. Woritili.ulou. Nutban He I nun, ou. John Tllua, K. A. Thomas, James J. Mullen,' H. K. Hudum, Hnu.rt. T. Wilson, James Rlobmoud. C. R. wale. 11, u. aiwooa, A. IS.'. AlUimTI P11ei,t SliulLBSw H. K HUrbON, Secretary. rpiIB ENTERPRISE JlNSCRANCS 00. OF -L PHlLADRLPHl. IfliceP'Utbw'St Cur. t'uUHTlt ai d WALNUT His. FlKE liNHIiRANCK XCLUMIVULY. PHU-hl UAi. AND TERM PoLICIEj ISSUED. I at 11 us plla' ... ....2.iO (Kw iO tabb Aisels January I. 189 47a 283 3 F Rater. ford Marr, DliikUlUMH. J. Livingston Brtlnger, John 1". A two. d. B-tJ.T TretHek, ie m H iMuart, jarues u. uiagnorn, Wm. u Hooltou, Cliarie! Wneelrr, Tlios. If Mouigoniery, 1 b Ci lui auv Insures niilv HrHt.oiara r'dlta, taking jui u 11. jsrowu, James M. AA'ixeu. no 1 pi dully bssaidous rinks whatever, auou as fuoto rits, luills etc. . V. R TCHFOttDRTARrt Prosldent. THOH. H. MONTUOMKRV, VlOd-Prssldsn'. Aim, W. Wisiaa. Beeretary. t COTTON SAIL DOCK AND CANVAS, OF all nnnibeis and brands, lent, Awnlug, and "Wssou-t'over inck. . . , Alao CPaPt-r Mnunsctursrs' Drier Fe'ts, frirni thirty luc es loisveuiy-six Inchet 7 Wftft"11" tnir Kail Twine. fl(0. JOHN W, hVKHMANk lug. ball Jiu CHURCH Street, city ttwres, INSURANCE COMPANIES. T ELAW A K E MU1U4U SAFETY INHUR. 1 J JlKHKsXU ,VuurA'' asvi yi WbVU VJ IQft Legislature of Pennsylvania, 116. Office B. K. corner of THIRD and WALNUT Utrnla PhtlnilMlnhln MAHIKB IflftURANGK On Vessels, Cargo, and Freight to ail part of the world. fi.mTi 1 m u rr h a tv mra On kooda by river, canal, lake and land carriage to all parts of the Union. riHK J. p BUM A I VIMS On MercnandlBegenernliy; onmorea.D-TelUoKft, llounes, etc ASSETS 0 THE OOMPABT, November 1, 1H08. United Btatea Five Per Cent. Loan, 10 40s United Biatee Hix Per Ct'nt. Loan, 1881.... Unlicd HtAlca Hlx Per Cent. Loan (lorl'acldo tt). Btate of Pennsylvania BLx Per Oni, Loan ; City of Phlla. Hlx PerOent. Loan (.exempt irom tax). 81 ale of New Jersey BiX Per Cent. Ixian Penn. Hull. First Mortgage Bix Per Cent, Bonds Ftnu. II. Becond Mortgage Hlx Per Cent. Bonds Western Peuu. H. Mori. Hlx fer Cent. Bonds, (f. K. K. KUBruuiee) Btate of Tennessee Five Per Cent. IHn Btate of Tennessee Bix Per Cent. Loan G rniHutown Una Co., prin cipal end Interest guttri-n- tetd by Ctij of Flillaa'a, SOOsliHres Mtock Penn'a Itatlrnnd Company. 200 an ares Btnek Nortb Peno'a Railroad Co., lOO'Bhares Htoclr. Pblla aud Hnutbern Mull Bleu tu. Co., SOshareR Stock Loans on Bond and Mort- 5 age. first liens on City Jropertlee . 200,000 120,000 60.0C0 200,000 125.000 6'!,00 20,000 23,000 25,000 60,000" 7,000 lo.OCO 10,000 5,000 20,000 2U7.900 f208.600.00 136,800-00 50,000-00 211.870 00 128,50100 61,500 00 20,20000 24.09000 20,62500 21.000 00 5,03125 15,00000 11,300 00 3,60000 15,000 00 a07,900-00 81.1C9.000 Par. Market valuo, 1,130,325 -25 UOHt, 1,UW,0U4 2U. Real Estate 86,000 00 Bills rectlvuble for lnourance made 822,lb0Di Balances due at at-encles, premiums on marine policies, acctned Inter est, and otber debts due tbe com pany 40.178'88 Block, and scrip of sundry corpora tions, 31.r)6. Estimated value 1,813:00- Cash In bank (116 150-08 CasU In drawer 413-o5 116,563 73 11,647,867-80 DIRECTORS. Thomas O. Hand Kdmand A. Han or Jobn C. Davis, James O. Hand, Tbeopbllns Paulding, Josepn H. Beal, Ungb Craig, Jobn R. Penrose, Jacob P. Jones, James Traqnalr, Edward Darlington, H. Jones Brooke, James B. McFarland, Edward Lafourcade, bamuel K. Blokee. Henry Sloan, William (J. Ludwlg, George G. Ilper, Henry C. Laliett, Jr., J ob n D. Taylor, George W. llernadon, William G. Boulton, Jacob Rlesel, Spencer Mcllvalne, L). T. MorgaB.Pitmbiirg Joshua P. Eyre, v. B. Berger. THOMAS (J. HAND. Prei iuuu j. ot 111 pie. President. JOHN C. DA VIS. VlnA.PraalrlAnf.. EENRY LYLBURN, Secretary. HEN R Y BALL. Assist ant Beoretary. flO 6 . ggg-CIIARTEB PERPETUAL. Franklin Fire-insurance Co. wr raiAjLAijiAauiau OFFICE! Nos. 435 and 433 CHESKUI STBECle assets on jajTcabt r, issi. CAPITA 1. ACCRUED SUSJ'JtUS ENHETTL&X) VhAJMH, LNCOatiS roH 1867 33.003'BB sase.ooo-oa. MtVMMStt fAlD SIACB lsu UYUM 500,000. Perpetual and Temporary f olioies on JUberJ Tarau SLftUCTORS, Charles K. Fanr-kgr, Alfred Filler, 3iuuel Uraut, ilbomaa Sparks, George W Klcnards, I Wtuiam a, urani, InaaoLAa. I Allied 3. Baker, aeorge Jfalea, (Thomas e. AllUI CHARLES N, ajsoj4.u,k, President, UhajRuK FaUh, VlreBiaanu JAS. W. MoAWaiJtK, BretiiV pro SSST ijioept at Lexington, Kentnoaj, UUS IXuananviti no Agencies West of fi.utOurg. wmpanyiii OFFICE OF THE INSURANCE COMPANY OF .NUR1H AMERICA, No. WALNUT Bireet.Pbliaueipbiu. Incorporaieu 1794. Charter rerpetueJ. Capital, 8300,000. 'Dlu Assets , 82. 3SO orwi M ARib E, IN LAN D, A N D Fl RE IN la J RAN uS. OVER 820,000,000 LOSSES PAID SINCE I1B ORGANIZATION. t",UB' . DIRECTORS. Arthur O. Opffln, George L. Harrison. Bamuel W.Jones, Francis R. Oupe. Jobu A. Brown, Euwjird H. Trotter.- Charles Taylor, Edward B. Clarae. AmDrose White, X. Cbarltou Henry. ' Richard D. Wood, Alfred D, Jess up. William Welsh, John P. Wjiite, B. Moirls Wale, Louis O. Madeira, John Alafcou, Charles W. Cusbman. ARTHUR G. COFFIN, President. CHARLES PLATT, Vice President. MATTHiab Makib, Secretary. 2 1 IRE INSURANCE EiCLUBlVELY THH J;JLH.tJkLVAf.jA Flits, lAbUBANOK COM 'AS71,!Sf,'orM,a "UO-Chartet Perpeiaal- (10 WALo. bT bum, opposite Independence bqoare Tbls Company, favorably known to tb oommunltv ror over lony years, OunUunea to inoore agamTi T iS or dajua by nra on Publio or Prlvai BuUdlni? either periiiaiiently or for a limited UmZ Atoen furuHure. Blocks 01 floods, and JtexcnaAdsen. rally, ou liberal terms, "".uunaujj, areas. Tbelr Capital, together with a lare Bnrplna Anna ls Invested In tbe moat earetul manner, wlUoaanVtwZ! them 10 offer to Lbs Insurea an BAdoobted aeoariT. 1 tbe case of loss. wuiikj im . DIKXVroB Daniel Bnitth, Jr., 1 John Deveretm Alexander Bensoa, . I Thomas bmtUL Inaau-iiazlehurst, I Henry iwlb XucifcM bjjulel H JddocJ,jiWharaiJ 3TRIOTLY MUTUAL. PROVIDENT LIFflND TRUST 00. OF t-HILAHJCLPHIA. OFFICE. NO. Ill H. fOUBTU STBCJBT1 Uranlaed 10 promote UJtti AJNoUh a imim u-.. members of tbe aoatj BOCIBTT OF FRIENW3, Sood risks of any class aooepted. Policies Issued upou approved plans, at the 10WCM (aleo. President, BAMTKL K. WlilPLKY. Ylce-Presldeut, wLi.iAnt C. Lonu.strkth. Actuary, ROWLAND FABJEtTl Tbe advantages offered by tbls Company ire ' pttCEftlX 1NSUHAKCE COMPANY OP X fBlLADKLBBlA. W INClJBrOttAl hD 1MH CHARTKB PlOBPHTTJAt. a, H. WW HT Hire I. oppoolte the JUolianaaT' This Company Iubuilb irom ions or damagebv , Jb 114 Si, ou llbtial terms, on bondings, merobandiso, tarnltaM.' etc., lor limited perioda, and permanently on h.iiMT Ii lb by dt-poiflt ol premium i. 'lbs Ci mpauy bha been lu active operation tnr m tbanfrlXTV V KA Its, daring whloh alUoMh been promptly atUu..ttd and ual 1, V DlUkCTOBtJ. John L. Bodge, ,lavid Lewis, l. B. Alkboijy, Benjamin Kiting. Tnomui It. Powers A.B. MrRenry. Juliu T. l ewis, Wll laui B. Urant, ilobt rt W. l.ekmlug, I). Claik YVbaHon, k.dn utid Lawrence Lewis. Jr. JOHN R. TU .11 Jn . '.' . . r.7,..;,.r,"r,s. IlirERIAL FIItE INSUn,iNCECO.. LONDON. . EN TAB LI Mil ED 1803. Paid-up Capital and Accumulated Funds. 8,000,000 IN QOL D 1HEVOST & llEKIlISKJ, Aajente, No. 107 Booth THIRD Street. Phllada,- OHA8. M. PRIVOBT. CHA', p. IIKRRLxa .
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers