THE DAHii EVENING TELEGRAPHPHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 5, 18G8. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. EDITOR'AI" FIHIOFB OF THE LEADING JODBNALR UPON CURRENT TOPICS COMPILED KVKRY PAT FOB TBI KTKNINd TELKOKAl'tt. (Jrant and the Civil Service. fiom the N. Y. Nation. There are rumors afloat already that the Jenckes Civil Service bill begins to tind nnox peoted favor in the eyes of politioiana at Well ington, and we have little doubt that the number of its supporters will, now that it is plain that Grant does not intend to work under the old system, grow every day, and lhat the measure will, early in the Forty-first Congress, beonnie a law. Not that we should Jaave despaired of succes even if Grant had Sot been elected, and his place during the coming four years were to be filled by one of the regular party hacks. It would have taken more time to bring about the desired result, but the result would still have been certain; the outrageous misconduct and in competency of the present tribe of office holders would have made the necessity of the reform plain to the public, even Without the aid of Bet expositions from its friends or the active support of the new President. ISut without the aid of the Presi dent the task of "educating" the regular poli ticians "up" to the change would, we admit, have been diilicult. They themselves enjoy, mightily, "educating" the people "up" to the level of their own crazes, but they are ex tremely chary altout receiving ideas that seem likely to lessen their importance to the State. There is probably nothing in the whole po litical Celd more provoking, and at the same lime more amusing, than the air of drunken doubt and disapproval with which "the men Inside politics," as they call themselves, look down from the stump on all reformatory labors cut of which no "capital" is to be made. Any change which seems likely to lessen tha nuni Juer of things they can promise and there fore their weight with their followers or the support of which involves the denial of something to somebody, or the utter ance of unpleasant speeches about the ma chinery of their own party, they en deavor to treat as visionary, and laugh Over it as long as they dare. Bat the minute they Aid that it is to be, that there are influences working for it against which they cannot make head, their conversion becomas $0 rapid that the difliculty is to baptize them last enough. Had they succeeded in putting one of their own number in the Presidential chair, they would, owing to the enormous amount and value of the patronage now in the hands of the Government, have offered a KsistaEce to any change which nothing but an overwhelming outburat of popular indigna tion could have overcome, and we should probably have witnessed four years of cor ruption in every possible form, which would compare with the corruption of the last eight years as the finished work of a man-compares .frith the tentative eiforta of a boy. It must be remembered that "the whisky thieves," whioh now seems to be the generic Same of the vast and growing class who de Vote themselves to .plundering the Govern ment as to a profession, have been, until now, comparatively unskilled in their work. It took some years to discover the various de Vices by which the Government could be cheated, officials bribed, evidence destroyed or covered up, and to draw into the business the leading rogues of the country and the Vast body of oapital which is now literally in Vested in the robbery, just as it has taken ten years for the rogues of this oity to find out the use for their purposes that might be made of an elective judiciary. It is no exaggeration to gay as those who know most about it assure us most earnestly that there is no "interest" in the United States so strong, so compact, so well organized, with bo much jnoney and so much skill and ingenuity at its command at this moment, as the body of per sons who are engaged in defrauding the publio treasury. Their creatures swarm in every de partment of the publio service, except the army and navy, and do their bidding without hesitation. Their "lobby" is so powerful that thev find no difficulty in arresting and delay ing any pieoe of legislation that seems likely to diminish their profits. Kay, they are strong enough, as we have recently seen, to stay proceedings in ine courts, close me nps 01 me tmblio prosecutor in the very midst of a pro cess, and hurry him away to become himself a culprit elsewhere. Moreover, there is ' no chance whatever of bring ing the party machinery into play against them, because they take care, we need hardly Bay, to oommit no breach of the party canons. They are all, or nearly all, "sound on the main quest ion;" in fact, in the matter of orthodoxy, they usually outdo everybody else, and are as intolerant of heresy as the crand inquisitor himself. With one of them selves in the Presidential chair, or with any man in it who was thoroughly broken to the party yoke, they would have proved for the present invincible, and they would, on the opening of the new term, have gone to work with all the advantages of eight year' train ing and experience. Grant comes, therefore, into the civil ser vice of the oountry as he came into oommaud- in-chief of the army, after three years ot hlundering and disaster, literally as a savior; and, in the former as in the latter case, he comes to meet a crisis for whioh his career and training seem to have especially prepared him. tiad he reached his present elevation, as most of his more recent predecessors have reached it, after having "filled every ollioe in the gift of the people, tioia village alderman," etc, or after haviug begun his political edu cation in the ward caucuses and worked up into State or national prominence through the hidden and orooked ways in which so many so-called statesmen lay the foundation of their fame and earn their reputation for wisdom, he would have learned, as most of them have learned, to look on party usages, the most debasing as well as tue most useful, as part of the oreanlo law or American society, ue would have learned to regard the best plaoes in the publio service as the "inalienable right" of those who do the work of the canvass, and the party managers as the heaven-born dis pensers of the publio patronage, and resist ance to their will or d'srgard of their advice as at best a sort of mild lunacy, if not down rinht treachery. Luckily he has learned his duty to the oountry in a school in which truth and oourace are still the highest virtues. in which the publio money is held sacred, and in whioh the habit of looking on the sacrifice of life for the country as an obvious duty makes defrauding the country euem one or the mean est of vises, aud in whioh the political art practised in caucuses excites only disgust Although the political tone of the American army is not, owing to the social infiueuues by which military circles were governed before the war, perhaps all that could be dosired, U is permeated by a morality which we shall have to infuse into the civil service if we are to save the Government. Moreover, Graut has not been chosen by the party, in the sense in which candidates for the Presidency are usually sail to be cliopen; he has been, in a measure, forced upon it; no other nomination was possible Without almost the certainty of defeat. Ue did sot the nomination either, and during the i at. vans refused steadily to oontraot obli gations to anybody for helping to get him elected. Anybody who "workel for Grant," therefore, did so on his own responsibility; so that Grant can now meet all Republican ora tors, writers, and bill-stickers, drummers. Ecene-phifters, stage-carpenters, and rollers of thunder-barrels with an unolouded brow and A eenee of perfect independence. The re mit is that there is an extraordinary and almost nnprebedented absenoe of rumors about offices; an almost unprecedented scarcity of oflice seekers in Washington. In the course of the next year we confidently ex pect to see the theory that the present system of appointment to office has anything pecu liarly "American" about it, or that any oon- liderable portion of the publio is attached to it, proved to be a fallaoy and thoroughly ex ploded. The number of persons who take any real interest in the present system, or would mourn for one hour over its destruc tion, is in reality exceedingly small, and it forms a class without the least weight iu the community, either as regards character or ability, lhe doctrine, too, that there is something peculiarly democratic in rota tion in office that is, In the periodical dis missal of one set of publio servants for the purpose of giving a fresh batch of citizens a share in the profit of politics is one which has equally little hold on the popular mii.t and the success which those who live by it have had in persuading people that the ooun try was attached to it is simply a striking illustration of what may be done by noise aud impudence. This success thus far ha 3 been due simply to the tact that the exceedingly small amount of work which fell to the share of the Federal Government before the war prevented the abominations of the system from staring people in the face as they do now, though it did not prevent people from con sidering office-holders and oihee-seekers as on the whole a shiftless class. The only argument we have seen anvwhere put forward against reform is that it will ruin the Republican party, by leaving thein nothing to offer those who do the work of electioneering by way of reward. We believe, on the con trary, that it will simply substitute a good class of workers for a very bad class. It will cause, no doubt, the retirement iu disgust of a large number of wire-pullers and 6rator3 of the baser sort; but, ou the othr hand, it will bring into the field a larger and larger number of the men who built up the Republican party and who now kep it alive those who have faith 111 its laeas, and who beloug to it not as an end but as a means and a larger aud larger number of men devoted to practical legislation, who, like Mr. Jenckea, have made a conbcientious study ot subjects, and want to use the party as a mean3 of putting their conceptions into practice. The men. even now, who do the party most service du ring a canvass are not men who entertain any expectation of reward in the shape of Federal cilices, lhey are either men who have al ready won, or who are seeking by honorable acts, such honors as the people can bestow by election, or else men for whom no office what ever has any attraction, and who serve on the stump, as many of them had served in the field, tor the sake of the famous "Old Cause" for which Sydney prayed on the soaffold. and which in our day seems to run as much risk from knaves and blatherskites as in otherdays it ran from Kings ana priests. The Kctlrcment of Disraeli. From the V. Y. Tribune. Disraeli retires with dignity, lie feels that the results of the elections present no honor able alternative. He might have continued iu office and made a factious administration, and allowed some of his colleagues to earn pen sions, and probably create one or two noble men and bishops. He retires, and, instead of seeking a snug retreat in the Lords, returna to the Commons to tight. In the old House of Commons he was justified in assuming that upon any new question, especially one like the disestablishment of the Irish Church, he was as much in accord with the Lnglish peo pie as his opponent. The elections destroyed this, lie appealed to the people upon his own issues and was fairly beaten. He made a gallant fight, and achieved a greater success than many close observers ot the canvass anticipated. The voice of England is not in accord with Mr. Disraeli, and he bows to it gracefully. The retirement ot Mr. nisraeii is an event of the century. His party has been beaten before, and under his own generalship. The issues then were auxiliary, and his opponents were in many cases men whose Liberalism was assumed, who believed in the Whig dootrines because Whiggery meant power, and whose real interests were as much with the Tories as those of the Earl of Derby. Disraeli defeated by ralmerston and Lord liusseu was a con servative Tory jostled out of plaoe by a on- servative Whig. It was one class of aristo crats succeeding another. Bat Disraeli beaten by Gladstone has a grave significance. Glad stone Is a champion of the popular will of England. He is successful in spite of a Tory Kelorm bill. He triumphs over the generally successful appeal of "fto Popery." It has always been a cry of more than usual meaning to the English masses. The Eng lishman believes in his church with a coarse fanaticism that has withstood all tempta tiou. lie thinks that Catholicism means su perstition, fraud, and tyranny Bloody Mary returning with laggot ana quartering-bioeK. The conservatives appealed to this prejudice very much as the Democrats, during the last election, when they insisted that to vote for Grant and Colfax was to give the negroes all the land and to compel white men to give them their daughters iu marriage. We pre sume that it the Irish Church question had not been controlling the canvasa, and Disraeli had not had an opportunity of flaunting the poor old Pope before the eyes of terrified Kug lish Churchmen, the triumph of Gladstone would have been overwhelming. Prejudices and all have failed. England is willing to trubt her Church in the hands of a man who certainly has no higher fame than that of being among the purest and noblest champions of Episcopacy. The Englishman sees that the salvation of the Episoopal Church does not depend upon the perpetuation of a corrupt and useless hierarchy in Ireland. The anomaly of compelling a people to aooept and Eustaia a church establishment in which but one man in eight believes is hideous. This, however, is but one issue iu many. When Mr. Lincoln triumphed in 18b'0, the main point in the canvass was that the Southerners should not be allowed to oarry their slaves into the Territories. None but extreme Re publicans contended for anything more, and the orator who spoke of emancipation was looked upon as a dreamer and an enthusiast as one who spoke long before his time. But this concession was the surrender of everything. The North was not oontent with placing a barrier to the advance of slavery. It compelled its destruction. We do not think that England will be content with a victory over the Irish Church. The grave mistake of defeating the candidates of the laboring party is already producing its results. We have seen Russell hurrying to the front to propitiate with au insincere letter the neu whom he should have frankly ao cepted as allies and clothed with power. The Utowly-eufittuchUed Englishman boos that, not withstanding the new Reform bill, the Hotn of Commons is still a Parliament of social pooition, of wealth, aud aristocratio power. He sees a statesman B3 pure aud high-iuiu Wi ai John Stuart Mill driven from his eat bv a speculator in periodicals, while youug lord lings like Grosveoor deprive the lirst thicker of Parliament of the "blue ribbon" of West minster. The Liberal party is of necessity a party of action and of progress. Disraeli's retirement is merely an obr-tacle removed. lie will Ih stronger in the opposition thauhe would hav been as Premier. With his wuudurlnl power ol scrutiny aud attack, his knowledge ef Parlia mentary management, aud a large party behind him, he may lie able to assail Gladstone ai effectively as when be defeated him ou the question of reform. These are vague specu lations, however, and merely represent the current of English sentiment as it appeared to us in the last malls. The liberal party has advanced one step, but its work is unfinished. J.rgland will never be free until every man is a citizen and every citizen votes by the bal lot. Intellect and labor must reign. Perfect freedom cannot be secured under the present Jaws. Disraeli retires, Gladstone triumphs; that is one fctep. To-morrow the Irish Churou fall ; that is a secend step. The cause must advance, and soon we expect to see ou the banners of the English Liberals: "We de mand the ballot and mauhood suffrage I" The Frordmcu aud the Government. From the X V. Timet. General Howard's refusal to be a party to a movement for extending the operations of the Fieedmen's Bureau is couched in terms which will commend themselves to the judgment of the country. It is easy to invent excuses for the continuance proposed. As a mere eleemo synary agency, doubtless the Bureau might have ample employment throughout the w ni ter before us. And as a partisan auxiliary, reasons might always be found for prolonging its existence and enlarging its power. From these interpretations of its purpose aud work, the Bureau is effectually vindicated by its Commissioner. Its ruling object he asserts always to have been "to give relief iu such way as to prepare the freudman for his new condition, to aid him during the transition period from slavery to freedom by a United States agency presumed to be iron from local prejudice, to protect him in the enjoyment of his natural aud acquired lights immediately consequent upou emancipation, to iaangurate and secure to him a system of t'r.' n labor, and to foster and develop L.N education." These are aims worthy of a Government alive CO the responsibilities incident to emancipation, aud tha peneral fidelity with wh;ch they have been adhered to iu the administration of the Bureau's affairs is the best answer to the ae- persions with which its managers have been availed. The organization as thua defiued was a ne cessity. Though primarily iu the intereits of the freedmeu. its working has from the first been beneficial to th whole Southern people. Its charities were not circumscribed bv color. Sulleiing whites shared with suffering blacks the sustenance it provided, lhe trying period immediately alter the war was made endur able to multitude of both races by the libe rality and beneficence of its arrangements. Not less prompt nor less efficacious were its measures for reducing to order the industrial chaos produced by the sudden stoppage of slave labor. Iu this respect the re sults of the Bureau's operations con trast favorably with the resulta achieved in a corresponding time under the British policy of emancipation. Amid difficulties far greater than those encountered in the West Indies, we have succeeded in educating colored labor up to the point of steady effort, and in establishing between it and. property a relation which promises a renewal of pros perity. The freedmaq has been taught the necessity of labor, and has got through the initiatory stages of a difficult experiment under a protection which, without imparting self reliance, haa secured him in most cases sub stantial justice. The wrongs inllioted upon him in some of the States the refusal to re cognize him in law courts, a3 a suppliant for redress for Rebel outrages the Bureau haa been often unable to overoome. Still, it has in the main secured him fair terms with the planters, has in every State frustrated many efforts to hoodwink and defraud him, and has laid the foundation of an educational system, over whose usefulness General Howard will continue to watch. A large part of the work assigned to the Bureau has, then, been completed. It has carried the ireedmen through the critieal era of sudden and untutored freedom. It has fin filled the reasonable promptings of philan thropy by oaring for the negro in his condition of comparative helplessness, and has laid the foundation of an Industry before which the pride and prejudice begotten of slavery will gradually disappear. Except as an educa tional agency, therefore, the Bureau may be dispensed with, as the law provides, after the 1st of January; and ueneral Howard, in op posing its extension, is at once kind to the negro and just to the country. For, the pri mary purposes of the organization having been fulfilled, its further continuance would be calculated to create a feeling of dependence on the part of freedmen, to take from the States the motive to action properly belong ing to themselves, and to make possible that perversion to partisan uses which the true friends of the freedman and of the South would above all things avoid. The military authority which rules in Vir ginia, Mississippi, and Texas is, as General Howard contends, quite equal to the service heretofore rendered by the Bureau, as well in watohing over destitution as in exacting jus tice from the ordinary tribunals. Indeed, the efficiency of the Bureau in the latter respect has always been contingent upon the support of the District Commander or his subordinates; and these may now be safely entrusted with the entire responsibility. "All that is seeded is a good set of officers with the right man in command," declares General Howard; and his testimony should be conclusive. The qualify ing condition with which he justmes the with drawal of the Bureau from States not yet re stored will surely be fulfilled under the coming Administration 01 ueneral ixrant. The Confederate Uovernnientnot De Facto, From the AT. Y. World. In the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Virginia, Chief Justioe Chase has just delivered an opinion, in the case of the administrators of Catharine C. Keppellvs. the Petersburg Railroad Company, which establishes, so far as a circuit court judgment can establish there being an ap peal to the Supreme Court the principle that btotkholders in "loyal" States have a right to dividends declared during the war on stock held by them in Southern railroads, notwith standing the confiscation of such stock and dividends by the Confederate Government. The opinion the reader may peruse for him self. In it are two points which demaud atten tion. The first is that the Chief Justice of the United States sees fit, In his official capacity, to ignore the name and style of this Govern ment as established by that Constitution he is sworn to eupport. Speaking of the Confede rate government he says: "It never held the national capital. It never asserted any autho rity to represent the cation." It would be iubtrucjive to know what the Chief Jus'icn uiraris by "the nation." and where "the rational capital" is to be fouud. Authority for this nomenclature ia nowhere to bt hvl in tli CeiiStltution. The preamble to than lu- Mrnuient says: "We, the people of the Uuitd States, eto , etc., do oidain and establish tlii Constitution for the United Stales of America." This, then, is the offioial designation ot th republic, and we have a right to expect that the Chief Justine will pay that much respect to bis conDtry as not to call it out ot its name. Surely he would not have a case entered on his docket as "The Nation vs. AD," aud wherefore, theu. eniulov a mis nomer at the termination of a suit that he would not admit at its beginning f As to "thu national capital" aud "the national authority" and "the national goverumut," the same ob- lection holds. Jbecllmial designation of all thene mntters is set forth in the Constitution, and the Chief Justice is not above the duty of regard thereto, as "the seat of government of the United States" (Art. I., sec. 8, Pir. Hi; Art. AIL Amendments, par. 1), and ot the national capital; "the authority of the Uuitil States" (Art. I., seo. 6, par. i!; Art. VI., par. z) not the national authority; and "lhe Gov ernment of the Uuited States" (Art. I., Peo. 6, par. 10, 16., par 17), not the National Gov ernment all of which latter are bosh, and. while exceedingly unbecoming in the mouth ot the Chief Justice at any tit are most especially so when, as iu this case of Keppell vs. The Petersburg Kauroai Company, the giSt of hia opinion turns upon legal herme nentics. He is discussing the nature of a da facto government, and how impertinent, le gally speaking, iu such connection this ait) of unwarrantable colloquialisms! lhe second point made by the Chief Justice Is, so far as it is possible to discern a cloudy meaning, that the Confederate Government was not a de f acto government. Aa it is also his opinion that it was not a de jure govern ment, what was it f It ia undeniable that, in the words of the Chief Justice himself, iu this very case, it was "actually organized aa a government, and actually exercising the powers of a government, within a large extent of territory, not merely in hostility to the legular and lawful government, but in com plete exclusion of it from the whole terii- tory subject to the insurgent control;" aud it would Btem that, on this showing, it was, beyond all doubt, de. facto, but the Chief Jus tice hesitates a doubt. Perhaps he thinks it a myth, for myth it was unless a de facto or a da jure government, aud he oannot ex actly concede, that it was either. The poiut is of importance for this reanon. In law, allegiance aud protection are reciprocal, aud where a government fails or refuses to protect the citizen, such fault or inability works, for its continuance, a solution of allegiance. 8 the Government of the United States was unable for some years to protect many citizens, those citizens it is contrary to public law to now punish for acts then done in obedience to that Government whioh, pro ttnqtore, prevailed, the presumption being always that each citizen would have been faith ful to his allegiance unless therein prevented by what is technically known as the vis major, or lorce. ihia lust, sensible, aud teu- der rule originated iu the wara of the Roses, and of force in English law for four centuries Chief Justice Chase sees fit to trample under foot, aud, at a time when peane ia the heart's desire, to reopen the keenest sores of the war. Interest reivublkce finis sit litium is the rule that should receive its weight; but, to far from this, a direct invitation is extended in Keppell vs. The Petersburg Railroad Com pany to the institution of the most annoying, complicated, and, for the most part, worthless suits. Before the floodgates open, it is to be hoped the Supreme Court may have the op portunity to review so very remarkable a de cision. lhe Four I'epublican llinjs. From the X. Y, BeraltX. There are four Republican rings in New York, all anxious to serve their country under the new dispensation, and to control General Grant's administration. Jiach ot these rings has its organ in the city one headed by Greeley, another by Raymond, a third by Dana, and a fourth by Weed eaoh ha3 its' game to play, the stakes being the comfort able pickings from the brokerage 01 the Fede ral patronage, and the rich drippings from whisky, tobacoo, and revenue matters gene rally. Their first point was to obtain some Eort of official recognition irom the r resident elect; and when he was in this city all the rival organists waited upon him at hia hotel in the hope of being enabled to make some sort of public announcement indicating that they had gained the inside track in the great raoe. But they could get nothing but a polite "good morning" and the pleasant whiff of an excel lent cigar as he stepped into Bonner's hand some wagon, to be whirled away on the road inside a two-iorty gait. Thus bamed,the heads of the rings next set themselves to work to create the impression that they had been ohosen as the seleot and special organ grinders of the new administration. Two of them caused it to be given out that they were about to be come the proprietors of the whisky ring paper at Wathmgton, which was to be recognized aa the offioial mouthpiece of General Grant; while a third desired it to be understood that his own Washington bureau was all the organ that General Grant needed or desired. All of them got mixed up in an impertinent discus sion of the domestio eoonomy of the White House, and entered into a general scramble for the position of chief cook and bottle-washer of Grant s kitchen cabinet, iney are now par ticularly engaged in nominating themselves and their friends for the best offices in the gift of the new Federal administration, and are likely to prove as monopolizing in this direotion as were the Blairs in the good old days, or as would be the Washburnes in these modern times. The first pitched battle between these four rings will be fought in Albany in January next, over the question of the United States Senatorship. This struggle opened some time since With a great oontest between Fenton and Morgan, which seems to have had a termina tion similar to that resulting from the famous combat between the Kilkenny oats. At all events. Fenton has been finally disposed of, with not even the most extreme point of his tail left to tell the story of his valor, and if Morgan still lives it is only through the gal vanizing properties of gold-bearing Govern ment bonds. The Greeley ring, originally inolined towards Fenton, have gone back on their favorite in his hour of need, and will nfnnt,ntr&ta their strength upon Noah Davis. of Orleans, who was pitted against Roseoe Conkllng in the last Senatorial struggle, but only served to kill off Ira Harris. The Dana ring aud the old Tammany Hall Joint Stock Real Estate aud Mutual Admiration Society are prepared to bet their pile on Morgan, win or lose. Raymond and hia combination would like for Senator Attorney-General Evarts or any other good-hearted gentleman who is easily managed, believes in the United States EaBtern district for the State of New York, aud does not credit all the idle gossip about revenue frauds, veed is, as usual, beating about the bush, willing to pick up Marshall (). Roberts and his stamps, or any other man. and to claim the candidate as hia own si'tcial rrorsity, whoever he may be. There a - 218 & 220 S. FRONT ST. is a rumor floating around that this bunch of BRANDY, WHISKY, WINE, ETC.! patriots actually contemplate doctoring up -i Secretary Seward, cuttimr hia oorns. aul en- flARSTAIRS a McCALL.' tering him for the Senatorial sweepstake. j The struggle between the four rings over the Kos. 120 W JJ'UT anfl 21 tiRAMTE StW w&iinet appointment wnicu is expected to ia.u to the thare of New York, and for the rich impobtkus cf office of Collector of the Port, will be post poned until after the Senatorial contest shall Unnidics, V. IneF, (iln, Oilve Oil. Ltc EteJ have been decided. The victory in Albany 1 -'t will be half the battle. In the meantime the expectant secretaries 01 the treasury ana rosi- COMMISSION' IVT KWr. a intd tiifiatar.l lanurn a will liavd tn tvAt.ili anil rrxv. 4. i,j and the aspirants for the Custom House will '0R Tn& BAJja be compelled to occupy the anxloua seat. It 1TKE OLD Jtt'F. WHEAT, AAD HOUR, would be curious, alter all, if General Graut ... ehould discard all these rings as bogus, and iUJ MUlfrkllaL t m . Bhould refuse to have anything to do with me M gilt enterprise Epeoulators who offer them on JQrtOiJlA 'JVIfJE COfrlPAFtY the market. .,.,..,.. .... ., . Puro California Wines. Th'a CotxipaDy oC.-r fur sale pure California Wluea. iMtr. A T-1A A, 218 8 220 b 4 jS. FB0.-1T 3T 5V ' OFl'EH TO THK TRADB, IN I.OT3, FIXE RYE 1M) B0U11B0H WII ISEIE S, O Oi 1WOG, 1WOO, UCJ7 and 1868. ALSO, ITJ E HIVE UVE AAD B0U1.BOX WniSKlES. - Of GREAT AGE, ranging from to 1S.; J IUoeral contracts wlU b nterc into tor lour, in 6ond ml DirOUary, ottuu .ua' r&tnaraotaf t 4 Y. p. ia. Y. P. Y. p. n 1 TOl'NtrN 11 UK HiLT WHISKY. youau'n ! i ui: tMi. r n iiiNiir, Tel'NU N I'UIill 3IA1.T WlllMiV. Thf r m no onoitlon relntlve to tnis merits of t'ifl CelebraUd Y. P M. It IS Uih I UI fni riimlliy of Wnlnkr. ti KiiulBtured from trip hrm graa f.n.iui"i nv 1 in Flillhiie'lililn market and It Is sola fit. tn low m'o 01 j iJtr gallon, or 11x1 p- r qnnri, ai loenuiwruuuui 11 IS Ji5 PUI-ALz-bPHIA. xv t: 1 1 1., A1AWI1A, MIIKUl, A-1.1CA MtM.tTEl,, WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. -fcWlS LAD0MUS& CO .WATCHES and JEWELEY EEPAIEED, ?02 Chestnut St., Phi?' Watches, Diamonds, iu4P Jewelry, Solid Silver & Plated Ware. WEDDING-RINGS. We have for a long time made a specialty of Solid 18-Earat Fine Hold Wedding and Engagement Rings, And In order to Bapply Immediate wauta, we keep A FULL AjbbOBTMEST OF SIZES always on hand. FAItB A BROTHER," MAKERS, 11 UamtbSrpi No. 814 CHKSNUT St., below Fonrth. FRENCH CLOCKS. a. W. RUSSELL, No. 22 KORTII SIXT1I STREET, Importer and Bralerln FINE WATCHES, JEW- E-UY, AND BILVEU-WAIUC, offer the Urges aaaorlmeut of 16 I In P-lladeipula.JVVlioleaalo and Retail. FURS. JJANCY FURS 1 FANCY FURS I U.A KJUDUiaiUiN 1JN fitiUHia. JOHN PAREIRA, Athlaold and well-known FUR HOUSE, IVo. 71S A11C1I Street, Ia now closing out tbe balance of hU Immense absoi tuient of IT'.A.IVCY FURS, For Ladies' and Children's wear, at a great rtuueuou 01 prices. Tills stock muul atl be sold before New Year to make 100m lor great alteration) in our esu bilbtiuient next eur. Tue character of my Furs In 100 well known to require praise. Kerueinber the name ana nuinoor. JOHN PAREIRA, No. 718 ARCH STREET, 11 30 241 rp PHILADELPHIA. CLOTHS, CASSIMEBES, ETC. 18G3. cloth house, STRAWBRIDGE & CLOTHIER WUh to keep before tbe publio the fact tnat they aim to keep tbe largeut and most varied Block of all utcripilo ot CLOTHS TO BB FOUJND IN PHIL-DELPHI. UEN'B COATINGS AND CAB-IMERK9, WOUUH WK BO Yd' WEAR, ADI-B' CLOAKINH- Ok' KV-UY KIND, Always on band, STRAWBRIDGE & CLOTHIER CEKTRAJL CLOTH HOUSE, COB.E1GIITU AND MABUKT STREET, X PHILADELPHIA. JEAVKiiS, CHINCHILLAS, ETC. BTC rrnn ; ka.it, ukaxdy, Wliolcjal uar-il. mi 01 it, ir own r nvl-c and grm'e11 C0"lam t,olj"iK ""l Hie puro Julie of 1L9 J 1 H iS lit WUAlb, Ag. mi, 12 1 tf OOO fS AMD HOE3. L A D I E 3' SHOES. NliW STOKE. ! HENRY WIREfVlAW, MANUFAC'ITKKU AND IMPORTER OP LADIES' JiOOTS AXD SHOES, Xo. 118 South TIIIRTIESTU Street, S. W. Comer Sixth aud Uulloanood Sts., PHILADELPHIA. AND 487 Eleventh Street, Washington, I. c., Haa opened his KLKOANT KKW STORE, No. 118 ouulu liuiH-uiu fcueet, betwoea Ouesnnt and Walnut oueetdi lih a large aasonoiuiit ot tke FlNkST QUALITY OP L&.DIKH' HOOT- AND t lOi4, of bis own xiiar.u'acturi". Also, JUdT lilCU-IVJiD ROM PAB13, large a&sort-tc-t ol Ladles' Boots, Shoes, and Slippers, Made expressly to order by tbe beat and meet cele braicd ranulacmi8ig, u 7 irarp HAV1G ALTEKED AND ENLARGED M blore, Ko, wu NINTH otreet, I Invite atu.11 lion to my lucreuoed stock (of my own aiauuiaoiuret ol line B0OT0, biiOKo. UAlTd, Jtic.. of tbe lui yiB, and at tbe loweat price. -- la BRNB8T BOPP. FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&Q Ha 8a Ka Qa Harris' Seamless Kid Gloves. EVERT PAIM WABBANTEO. JCSCLUBIV-K AGENltJ OR GENTS' GLOVES. J. W. SCOTT & CO.. pAIUM T SHOULDER. SEAM SHIRT MANUFACTORY, AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STORE. Pi-lliKCT FITTI&U BHIRTS AND DRAW-UtS made liniu measurement ai Vttry tburt noiluu. All olbttr aruclta of GNl'Li.LN'tJ DRESS GOO 'b lu full variety. WINCHESTER & CO., . HI No.7inCH.K3N UT -tree. DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N. 1 Corner of FOURTH and KJ.CE Sts., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OJT White Lead and Colored Talnta, Potty VamicJieb, Etc AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED FBEJiCIl ZLNC PAINTS. DEALERS AND CONSUMER? SUPPLIED AT LOWEST PRICJUi POR GA-H. Ut STOVLS, RANGES, ETC. JAMES & LEE, WO. 11 MOBIU SECOND MTBEBT, Bicn of the Golden. Lambi Are now receiving a large assortment of Hearers, Chinchilla, and other Orercoat lugs. Also, a full lino of 3-4 and 6-1 liluck Doeskins, ail of the best makes. Tbe attention of Merchant Tailor and Clothier are tltclally Invltod USD AT WHQLEdALSjAND RETAIL. KOTICE. THE UNDERSIGNED worn, call it. auenilon ot tbe publio to hia NKW ouLliiK A(i UKNAC'K. Thin 1. an .nLirMlv uew iiiitr. Uii iii mh. (truvted as 10 atooce cu irueud lueli logeueral favor, belug a ciiubinailou ot wrouit-t a-d caat lrou. It la very dimple In it conNtruciiuu, aul la perfectly air t)Ktt; elf-cleanlug. havMlgluo r ipen or druui8 to be taken out aud uli anetl. ll is o arruuged wllu upright filli. a. Ill lirnflllfH lunrur .nifinikL.tf iiu.t r.ni ... came welgut ol coal than auy furnace now In una. I Tbe bygiumetlo oouulliun ot tbe air ui pruduoed by i my new arraLgeaitut ot evaporation will at onoe d niviiitrale that It la tie Only Uut Air Furnace that will prtauce a pielctly beauuy anuutphere. 'IiohmIu wautot a oomplete He Hug Apparatus would do well to call aud examine tbe Uoldau Eaitle. CHARLES WILLIAMS, Hoe. 1182 auu UU MARK ET tUreet, . . Philadelphia. A large auortment ol Cooking Range, fire-board BUve,I.ow Down Urate, Ventilator, eto., alway N. D. Jobbing of all kind promptly done. J lo DR. KINKEL1N. AFTER A RESIDENCE! and practice of thirty year at tue Northwest corner of Third and Union street, ha lately re moved to bk'uth ELEVENTH btreet. betweeu MAR KET nd t'H EBN (J T. Jil superiority la the prompt and perfect enre ol all rfruIlL. rtirnntn liu-.I jwiiiaLlLiitlim l tfkw tlon ot a special catnro. 1 proverbial. . ' 'J lti.i a K . . . . i .. i. I., m nnnnrtjl 4M 1 firenl form, totally eradicated; menial and physical weakntwa, and all nervous debilities aulentldoally aud ucctatuUy treai-d. OiBue bout Irom li,u mr.M, QEORGC PLOWMAN, CARPENTER AND BUILDER, KtlttOVLl) TO Ko; 134 DOCK Street, U PHILADELPHIA Ml t
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