THE DAHii EVENING TELEGRAPHPHILADELPHIA, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 5, 18G8.
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
EDITOR'AI" FIHIOFB OF THE LEADING JODBNALR
UPON CURRENT TOPICS COMPILED KVKRY
PAT FOB TBI KTKNINd TELKOKAl'tt.
(Jrant and the Civil Service.
fiom the N. Y. Nation.
There are rumors afloat already that the
Jenckes Civil Service bill begins to tind nnox
peoted favor in the eyes of politioiana at Well
ington, and we have little doubt that the
number of its supporters will, now that it is
plain that Grant does not intend to work
under the old system, grow every day, and
lhat the measure will, early in the Forty-first
Congress, beonnie a law. Not that we should
Jaave despaired of succes even if Grant had
Sot been elected, and his place during the
coming four years were to be filled by one
of the regular party hacks. It would have
taken more time to bring about the desired
result, but the result would still have been
certain; the outrageous misconduct and in
competency of the present tribe of office
holders would have made the necessity of
the reform plain to the public, even
Without the aid of Bet expositions from its
friends or the active support of the new
President. ISut without the aid of the Presi
dent the task of "educating" the regular poli
ticians "up" to the change would, we admit,
have been diilicult. They themselves enjoy,
mightily, "educating" the people "up" to the
level of their own crazes, but they are ex
tremely chary altout receiving ideas that seem
likely to lessen their importance to the State.
There is probably nothing in the whole po
litical Celd more provoking, and at the same
lime more amusing, than the air of drunken
doubt and disapproval with which "the men
Inside politics," as they call themselves, look
down from the stump on all reformatory labors
cut of which no "capital" is to be made. Any
change which seems likely to lessen tha nuni
Juer of things they can promise and there
fore their weight with their followers or
the support of which involves the denial
of something to somebody, or the utter
ance of unpleasant speeches about the ma
chinery of their own party, they en
deavor to treat as visionary, and laugh
Over it as long as they dare. Bat the
minute they Aid that it is to be, that there are
influences working for it against which they
cannot make head, their conversion becomas
$0 rapid that the difliculty is to baptize them
last enough. Had they succeeded in putting
one of their own number in the Presidential
chair, they would, owing to the enormous
amount and value of the patronage now in
the hands of the Government, have offered a
KsistaEce to any change which nothing but an
overwhelming outburat of popular indigna
tion could have overcome, and we should
probably have witnessed four years of cor
ruption in every possible form, which would
compare with the corruption of the last eight
years as the finished work of a man-compares
.frith the tentative eiforta of a boy.
It must be remembered that "the whisky
thieves," whioh now seems to be the generic
Same of the vast and growing class who de
Vote themselves to .plundering the Govern
ment as to a profession, have been, until now,
comparatively unskilled in their work. It
took some years to discover the various de
Vices by which the Government could be
cheated, officials bribed, evidence destroyed
or covered up, and to draw into the business
the leading rogues of the country and the
Vast body of oapital which is now literally in
Vested in the robbery, just as it has taken ten
years for the rogues of this oity to find out
the use for their purposes that might be made
of an elective judiciary. It is no exaggeration
to gay as those who know most about it
assure us most earnestly that there is no
"interest" in the United States so strong, so
compact, so well organized, with bo much
jnoney and so much skill and ingenuity at its
command at this moment, as the body of per
sons who are engaged in defrauding the publio
treasury. Their creatures swarm in every de
partment of the publio service, except the
army and navy, and do their bidding without
hesitation. Their "lobby" is so powerful that
thev find no difficulty in arresting and delay
ing any pieoe of legislation that seems likely
to diminish their profits. Kay, they are strong
enough, as we have recently seen, to stay
proceedings in ine courts, close me nps 01 me
tmblio prosecutor in the very midst of a pro
cess, and hurry him away to become himself
a culprit elsewhere. Moreover, there
is ' no chance whatever of bring
ing the party machinery into play against
them, because they take care, we need hardly
Bay, to oommit no breach of the party canons.
They are all, or nearly all, "sound on the
main quest ion;" in fact, in the matter of
orthodoxy, they usually outdo everybody
else, and are as intolerant of heresy as the
crand inquisitor himself. With one of them
selves in the Presidential chair, or with any
man in it who was thoroughly broken to the
party yoke, they would have proved for the
present invincible, and they would, on the
opening of the new term, have gone to work
with all the advantages of eight year' train
ing and experience.
Grant comes, therefore, into the civil ser
vice of the oountry as he came into oommaud-
in-chief of the army, after three years ot
hlundering and disaster, literally as a savior;
and, in the former as in the latter case, he
comes to meet a crisis for whioh his career and
training seem to have especially prepared
him. tiad he reached his present elevation,
as most of his more recent predecessors have
reached it, after having "filled every ollioe in
the gift of the people, tioia village alderman,"
etc, or after haviug begun his political edu
cation in the ward caucuses and worked up
into State or national prominence through the
hidden and orooked ways in which so many
so-called statesmen lay the foundation of their
fame and earn their reputation for wisdom, he
would have learned, as most of them have
learned, to look on party usages, the most
debasing as well as tue most useful, as part of
the oreanlo law or American society, ue
would have learned to regard the best plaoes in
the publio service as the "inalienable right" of
those who do the work of the canvass, and
the party managers as the heaven-born dis
pensers of the publio patronage, and resist
ance to their will or d'srgard of their advice
as at best a sort of mild lunacy, if not down
rinht treachery. Luckily he has learned his
duty to the oountry in a school in which
truth and oourace are still the highest virtues.
in which the publio money is held sacred, and
in whioh the habit of looking on the sacrifice of
life for the country as an obvious duty makes
defrauding the country euem one or the mean
est of vises, aud in whioh the political art
practised in caucuses excites only disgust
Although the political tone of the American
army is not, owing to the social infiueuues by
which military circles were governed before
the war, perhaps all that could be dosired, U
is permeated by a morality which we shall
have to infuse into the civil service if we are
to save the Government.
Moreover, Graut has not been chosen by
the party, in the sense in which candidates
for the Presidency are usually sail to be
cliopen; he has been, in a measure, forced
upon it; no other nomination was possible
Without almost the certainty of defeat. Ue
did sot the nomination either, and during
the i at. vans refused steadily to oontraot obli
gations to anybody for helping to get him
elected. Anybody who "workel for Grant,"
therefore, did so on his own responsibility; so
that Grant can now meet all Republican ora
tors, writers, and bill-stickers, drummers.
Ecene-phifters, stage-carpenters, and rollers of
thunder-barrels with an unolouded brow and
A eenee of perfect independence. The re
mit is that there is an extraordinary and
almost nnprebedented absenoe of rumors
about offices; an almost unprecedented
scarcity of oflice seekers in Washington. In
the course of the next year we confidently ex
pect to see the theory that the present system
of appointment to office has anything pecu
liarly "American" about it, or that any oon-
liderable portion of the publio is attached to
it, proved to be a fallaoy and thoroughly ex
ploded. The number of persons who take
any real interest in the present system, or
would mourn for one hour over its destruc
tion, is in reality exceedingly small, and it
forms a class without the least weight iu the
community, either as regards character or
ability, lhe doctrine, too, that there is
something peculiarly democratic in rota
tion in office that is, In the periodical dis
missal of one set of publio servants for the
purpose of giving a fresh batch of citizens a
share in the profit of politics is one which
has equally little hold on the popular mii.t
and the success which those who live by it
have had in persuading people that the ooun
try was attached to it is simply a striking
illustration of what may be done by noise aud
impudence. This success thus far ha 3 been
due simply to the tact that the exceedingly
small amount of work which fell to the share
of the Federal Government before the war
prevented the abominations of the system
from staring people in the face as they do now,
though it did not prevent people from con
sidering office-holders and oihee-seekers as on
the whole a shiftless class.
The only argument we have seen anvwhere
put forward against reform is that it will ruin
the Republican party, by leaving thein nothing
to offer those who do the work of electioneering
by way of reward. We believe, on the con
trary, that it will simply substitute a good
class of workers for a very bad class. It will
cause, no doubt, the retirement iu disgust of a
large number of wire-pullers and 6rator3 of
the baser sort; but, ou the othr hand, it will
bring into the field a larger and larger number
of the men who built up the Republican
party and who now kep it alive those
who have faith 111 its laeas, and who beloug
to it not as an end but as a means and a
larger aud larger number of men devoted to
practical legislation, who, like Mr. Jenckea, have
made a conbcientious study ot subjects, and
want to use the party as a mean3 of putting
their conceptions into practice. The men.
even now, who do the party most service du
ring a canvass are not men who entertain any
expectation of reward in the shape of Federal
cilices, lhey are either men who have al
ready won, or who are seeking by honorable
acts, such honors as the people can bestow by
election, or else men for whom no office what
ever has any attraction, and who serve on the
stump, as many of them had served in the
field, tor the sake of the famous "Old Cause"
for which Sydney prayed on the soaffold. and
which in our day seems to run as much risk
from knaves and blatherskites as in otherdays
it ran from Kings ana priests.
The Kctlrcment of Disraeli.
From the V. Y. Tribune.
Disraeli retires with dignity, lie feels that
the results of the elections present no honor
able alternative. He might have continued iu
office and made a factious administration, and
allowed some of his colleagues to earn pen
sions, and probably create one or two noble
men and bishops. He retires, and, instead of
seeking a snug retreat in the Lords, returna
to the Commons to tight. In the old House of
Commons he was justified in assuming that
upon any new question, especially one like
the disestablishment of the Irish Church, he
was as much in accord with the Lnglish peo
pie as his opponent. The elections destroyed
this, lie appealed to the people upon his
own issues and was fairly beaten. He made
a gallant fight, and achieved a greater success
than many close observers ot the canvass
anticipated. The voice of England is not in
accord with Mr. Disraeli, and he bows to it
gracefully.
The retirement ot Mr. nisraeii is an event of
the century. His party has been beaten
before, and under his own generalship. The
issues then were auxiliary, and his opponents
were in many cases men whose Liberalism was
assumed, who believed in the Whig dootrines
because Whiggery meant power, and whose
real interests were as much with the Tories as
those of the Earl of Derby. Disraeli defeated
by ralmerston and Lord liusseu was a con
servative Tory jostled out of plaoe by a on-
servative Whig. It was one class of aristo
crats succeeding another. Bat Disraeli beaten
by Gladstone has a grave significance. Glad
stone Is a champion of the popular will of
England. He is successful in spite of a Tory
Kelorm bill. He triumphs over the generally
successful appeal of "fto Popery." It has
always been a cry of more than usual
meaning to the English masses. The Eng
lishman believes in his church with a coarse
fanaticism that has withstood all tempta
tiou. lie thinks that Catholicism means su
perstition, fraud, and tyranny Bloody Mary
returning with laggot ana quartering-bioeK.
The conservatives appealed to this prejudice
very much as the Democrats, during the last
election, when they insisted that to vote for
Grant and Colfax was to give the negroes all
the land and to compel white men to give
them their daughters iu marriage. We pre
sume that it the Irish Church question had
not been controlling the canvasa, and Disraeli
had not had an opportunity of flaunting the
poor old Pope before the eyes of terrified Kug
lish Churchmen, the triumph of Gladstone
would have been overwhelming.
Prejudices and all have failed. England is
willing to trubt her Church in the hands of a
man who certainly has no higher fame than
that of being among the purest and noblest
champions of Episcopacy. The Englishman
sees that the salvation of the Episoopal Church
does not depend upon the perpetuation of a
corrupt and useless hierarchy in Ireland. The
anomaly of compelling a people to aooept and
Eustaia a church establishment in which but
one man in eight believes is hideous. This,
however, is but one issue iu many. When
Mr. Lincoln triumphed in 18b'0, the main point
in the canvass was that the Southerners
should not be allowed to oarry their slaves
into the Territories. None but extreme Re
publicans contended for anything more, and
the orator who spoke of emancipation was
looked upon as a dreamer and an enthusiast
as one who spoke long before his time. But
this concession was the surrender of
everything. The North was not oontent
with placing a barrier to the advance of
slavery. It compelled its destruction. We
do not think that England will be content
with a victory over the Irish Church. The
grave mistake of defeating the candidates of
the laboring party is already producing its
results. We have seen Russell hurrying to
the front to propitiate with au insincere letter
the neu whom he should have frankly ao
cepted as allies and clothed with power. The
Utowly-eufittuchUed Englishman boos that, not
withstanding the new Reform bill, the Hotn
of Commons is still a Parliament of social
pooition, of wealth, aud aristocratio power. He
sees a statesman B3 pure aud high-iuiu Wi ai
John Stuart Mill driven from his eat bv a
speculator in periodicals, while youug lord
lings like Grosveoor deprive the lirst thicker
of Parliament of the "blue ribbon" of West
minster.
The Liberal party is of necessity a party of
action and of progress. Disraeli's retirement
is merely an obr-tacle removed. lie will Ih
stronger in the opposition thauhe would hav
been as Premier. With his wuudurlnl power ol
scrutiny aud attack, his knowledge ef Parlia
mentary management, aud a large party behind
him, he may lie able to assail Gladstone ai
effectively as when be defeated him ou the
question of reform. These are vague specu
lations, however, and merely represent the
current of English sentiment as it appeared to
us in the last malls. The liberal party has
advanced one step, but its work is unfinished.
J.rgland will never be free until every man is
a citizen and every citizen votes by the bal
lot. Intellect and labor must reign. Perfect
freedom cannot be secured under the present
Jaws. Disraeli retires, Gladstone triumphs;
that is one fctep. To-morrow the Irish Churou
fall ; that is a secend step. The cause must
advance, and soon we expect to see ou the
banners of the English Liberals: "We de
mand the ballot and mauhood suffrage I"
The Frordmcu aud the Government.
From the X V. Timet.
General Howard's refusal to be a party to a
movement for extending the operations of the
Fieedmen's Bureau is couched in terms which
will commend themselves to the judgment of
the country. It is easy to invent excuses for
the continuance proposed. As a mere eleemo
synary agency, doubtless the Bureau might
have ample employment throughout the w ni
ter before us. And as a partisan auxiliary,
reasons might always be found for prolonging
its existence and enlarging its power. From
these interpretations of its purpose aud work,
the Bureau is effectually vindicated by its
Commissioner. Its ruling object he asserts
always to have been "to give relief iu such
way as to prepare the freudman for his new
condition, to aid him during the transition
period from slavery to freedom by a United
States agency presumed to be iron from local
prejudice, to protect him in the enjoyment of
his natural aud acquired lights immediately
consequent upou emancipation, to iaangurate
and secure to him a system of t'r.' n labor, and
to foster and develop L.N education." These
are aims worthy of a Government alive CO the
responsibilities incident to emancipation, aud
tha peneral fidelity with wh;ch they have
been adhered to iu the administration of the
Bureau's affairs is the best answer to the ae-
persions with which its managers have been
availed.
The organization as thua defiued was a ne
cessity. Though primarily iu the intereits of
the freedmeu. its working has from the first
been beneficial to th whole Southern people.
Its charities were not circumscribed bv color.
Sulleiing whites shared with suffering blacks
the sustenance it provided, lhe trying period
immediately alter the war was made endur
able to multitude of both races by the libe
rality and beneficence of its arrangements.
Not less prompt nor less efficacious were its
measures for reducing to order the industrial
chaos produced by the sudden stoppage of
slave labor. Iu this respect the re
sults of the Bureau's operations con
trast favorably with the resulta achieved
in a corresponding time under the British
policy of emancipation. Amid difficulties
far greater than those encountered in the
West Indies, we have succeeded in educating
colored labor up to the point of steady effort,
and in establishing between it and. property
a relation which promises a renewal of pros
perity. The freedmaq has been taught the
necessity of labor, and has got through the
initiatory stages of a difficult experiment under
a protection which, without imparting self
reliance, haa secured him in most cases sub
stantial justice. The wrongs inllioted upon
him in some of the States the refusal to re
cognize him in law courts, a3 a suppliant for
redress for Rebel outrages the Bureau haa
been often unable to overoome. Still, it has
in the main secured him fair terms with the
planters, has in every State frustrated many
efforts to hoodwink and defraud him, and has
laid the foundation of an educational system,
over whose usefulness General Howard will
continue to watch.
A large part of the work assigned to the
Bureau has, then, been completed. It has
carried the ireedmen through the critieal era
of sudden and untutored freedom. It has fin
filled the reasonable promptings of philan
thropy by oaring for the negro in his condition
of comparative helplessness, and has laid the
foundation of an Industry before which the
pride and prejudice begotten of slavery will
gradually disappear. Except as an educa
tional agency, therefore, the Bureau may be
dispensed with, as the law provides, after the
1st of January; and ueneral Howard, in op
posing its extension, is at once kind to the
negro and just to the country. For, the pri
mary purposes of the organization having
been fulfilled, its further continuance would
be calculated to create a feeling of dependence
on the part of freedmen, to take from the
States the motive to action properly belong
ing to themselves, and to make possible that
perversion to partisan uses which the true
friends of the freedman and of the South
would above all things avoid.
The military authority which rules in Vir
ginia, Mississippi, and Texas is, as General
Howard contends, quite equal to the service
heretofore rendered by the Bureau, as well in
watohing over destitution as in exacting jus
tice from the ordinary tribunals. Indeed, the
efficiency of the Bureau in the latter respect
has always been contingent upon the support
of the District Commander or his subordinates;
and these may now be safely entrusted with
the entire responsibility. "All that is seeded
is a good set of officers with the right man in
command," declares General Howard; and his
testimony should be conclusive. The qualify
ing condition with which he justmes the with
drawal of the Bureau from States not yet re
stored will surely be fulfilled under the coming
Administration 01 ueneral ixrant.
The Confederate Uovernnientnot De Facto,
From the AT. Y. World.
In the Circuit Court of the United States
for the District of Virginia, Chief Justioe
Chase has just delivered an opinion, in the
case of the administrators of Catharine C.
Keppellvs. the Petersburg Railroad Company,
which establishes, so far as a circuit court
judgment can establish there being an ap
peal to the Supreme Court the principle that
btotkholders in "loyal" States have a right
to dividends declared during the war on stock
held by them in Southern railroads, notwith
standing the confiscation of such stock and
dividends by the Confederate Government.
The opinion the reader may peruse for him
self. In it are two points which demaud atten
tion. The first is that the Chief Justice of the
United States sees fit, In his official capacity,
to ignore the name and style of this Govern
ment as established by that Constitution he is
sworn to eupport. Speaking of the Confede
rate government he says: "It never held the
national capital. It never asserted any autho
rity to represent the cation." It would be
iubtrucjive to know what the Chief Jus'icn
uiraris by "the nation." and where "the
rational capital" is to be fouud. Authority
for this nomenclature ia nowhere to bt hvl in
tli CeiiStltution. The preamble to than lu-
Mrnuient says: "We, the people of the Uuitd
States, eto , etc., do oidain and establish tlii
Constitution for the United Stales of America."
This, then, is the offioial designation ot th
republic, and we have a right to expect that
the Chief Justine will pay that much respect
to bis conDtry as not to call it out ot
its name. Surely he would not have a case
entered on his docket as "The Nation vs.
AD," aud wherefore, theu. eniulov a mis
nomer at the termination of a suit that he
would not admit at its beginning f As to "thu
national capital" aud "the national authority"
and "the national goverumut," the same ob-
lection holds. Jbecllmial designation of all
thene mntters is set forth in the Constitution,
and the Chief Justice is not above the duty of
regard thereto, as "the seat of government of
the United States" (Art. I., sec. 8, Pir. Hi;
Art. AIL Amendments, par. 1), and ot the
national capital; "the authority of the Uuitil
States" (Art. I., seo. 6, par. i!; Art. VI., par.
z) not the national authority; and "lhe Gov
ernment of the Uuited States" (Art. I., Peo.
6, par. 10, 16., par 17), not the National Gov
ernment all of which latter are bosh, and.
while exceedingly unbecoming in the mouth
ot the Chief Justice at any tit are most
especially so when, as iu this case of Keppell
vs. The Petersburg Kauroai Company, the
giSt of hia opinion turns upon legal herme
nentics. He is discussing the nature of a da
facto government, and how impertinent, le
gally speaking, iu such connection this ait) of
unwarrantable colloquialisms!
lhe second point made by the Chief Justice
Is, so far as it is possible to discern a cloudy
meaning, that the Confederate Government
was not a de f acto government. Aa it is also
his opinion that it was not a de jure govern
ment, what was it f It ia undeniable that, in
the words of the Chief Justice himself, iu this
very case, it was "actually organized aa a
government, and actually exercising the
powers of a government, within a large extent
of territory, not merely in hostility to the
legular and lawful government, but in com
plete exclusion of it from the whole terii-
tory subject to the insurgent control;" aud
it would Btem that, on this showing, it was,
beyond all doubt, de. facto, but the Chief Jus
tice hesitates a doubt. Perhaps he thinks
it a myth, for myth it was unless a de facto
or a da jure government, aud he oannot ex
actly concede, that it was either. The poiut
is of importance for this reanon. In law,
allegiance aud protection are reciprocal, aud
where a government fails or refuses to
protect the citizen, such fault or inability
works, for its continuance, a solution of
allegiance. 8 the Government of the United
States was unable for some years to protect
many citizens, those citizens it is contrary to
public law to now punish for acts then done
in obedience to that Government whioh, pro
ttnqtore, prevailed, the presumption being
always that each citizen would have been faith
ful to his allegiance unless therein prevented
by what is technically known as the vis
major, or lorce. ihia lust, sensible, aud teu-
der rule originated iu the wara of the Roses,
and of force in English law for four centuries
Chief Justice Chase sees fit to trample
under foot, aud, at a time when peane ia the
heart's desire, to reopen the keenest sores of
the war. Interest reivublkce finis sit litium is the
rule that should receive its weight; but, to far
from this, a direct invitation is extended in
Keppell vs. The Petersburg Railroad Com
pany to the institution of the most annoying,
complicated, and, for the most part, worthless
suits.
Before the floodgates open, it is to be
hoped the Supreme Court may have the op
portunity to review so very remarkable a de
cision.
lhe Four I'epublican llinjs.
From the X. Y, BeraltX.
There are four Republican rings in New
York, all anxious to serve their country under
the new dispensation, and to control General
Grant's administration. Jiach ot these rings
has its organ in the city one headed by
Greeley, another by Raymond, a third by
Dana, and a fourth by Weed eaoh ha3 its'
game to play, the stakes being the comfort
able pickings from the brokerage 01 the Fede
ral patronage, and the rich drippings from
whisky, tobacoo, and revenue matters gene
rally. Their first point was to obtain some
Eort of official recognition irom the r resident
elect; and when he was in this city all the
rival organists waited upon him at hia hotel
in the hope of being enabled to make some sort
of public announcement indicating that they
had gained the inside track in the great raoe.
But they could get nothing but a polite "good
morning" and the pleasant whiff of an excel
lent cigar as he stepped into Bonner's hand
some wagon, to be whirled away on the road
inside a two-iorty gait. Thus bamed,the heads
of the rings next set themselves to work to
create the impression that they had been ohosen
as the seleot and special organ grinders of the
new administration. Two of them caused it
to be given out that they were about to be
come the proprietors of the whisky ring paper
at Wathmgton, which was to be recognized aa
the offioial mouthpiece of General Grant; while
a third desired it to be understood that his
own Washington bureau was all the organ
that General Grant needed or desired. All of
them got mixed up in an impertinent discus
sion of the domestio eoonomy of the White
House, and entered into a general scramble for
the position of chief cook and bottle-washer of
Grant s kitchen cabinet, iney are now par
ticularly engaged in nominating themselves
and their friends for the best offices in the
gift of the new Federal administration, and
are likely to prove as monopolizing in this
direotion as were the Blairs in the good old
days, or as would be the Washburnes in these
modern times.
The first pitched battle between these four
rings will be fought in Albany in January
next, over the question of the United States
Senatorship. This struggle opened some time
since With a great oontest between Fenton and
Morgan, which seems to have had a termina
tion similar to that resulting from the famous
combat between the Kilkenny oats. At all
events. Fenton has been finally disposed of,
with not even the most extreme point of his
tail left to tell the story of his valor, and if
Morgan still lives it is only through the gal
vanizing properties of gold-bearing Govern
ment bonds. The Greeley ring, originally
inolined towards Fenton, have gone back on
their favorite in his hour of need, and will
nfnnt,ntr&ta their strength upon Noah Davis.
of Orleans, who was pitted against Roseoe
Conkllng in the last Senatorial struggle, but
only served to kill off Ira Harris. The Dana
ring aud the old Tammany Hall Joint Stock
Real Estate aud Mutual Admiration Society
are prepared to bet their pile on Morgan, win
or lose. Raymond and hia combination would
like for Senator Attorney-General Evarts or
any other good-hearted gentleman who is
easily managed, believes in the United States
EaBtern district for the State of New York,
aud does not credit all the idle gossip about
revenue frauds, veed is, as usual, beating
about the bush, willing to pick up Marshall
(). Roberts and his stamps, or any other
man. and to claim the candidate as hia own
si'tcial rrorsity, whoever he may be. There
a -
218 & 220
S. FRONT ST.
is a rumor floating around that this bunch of BRANDY, WHISKY, WINE, ETC.!
patriots actually contemplate doctoring up -i
Secretary Seward, cuttimr hia oorns. aul en- flARSTAIRS a McCALL.'
tering him for the Senatorial sweepstake. j
The struggle between the four rings over the Kos. 120 W JJ'UT anfl 21 tiRAMTE StW
w&iinet appointment wnicu is expected to ia.u
to the thare of New York, and for the rich impobtkus cf
office of Collector of the Port, will be post
poned until after the Senatorial contest shall Unnidics, V. IneF, (iln, Oilve Oil. Ltc EteJ
have been decided. The victory in Albany 1 -'t
will be half the battle. In the meantime the
expectant secretaries 01 the treasury ana rosi- COMMISSION' IVT KWr. a intd
tiifiatar.l lanurn a will liavd tn tvAt.ili anil rrxv. 4. i,j
and the aspirants for the Custom House will '0R Tn& BAJja
be compelled to occupy the anxloua seat. It 1TKE OLD Jtt'F. WHEAT, AAD HOUR,
would be curious, alter all, if General Graut ...
ehould discard all these rings as bogus, and iUJ MUlfrkllaL t m .
Bhould refuse to have anything to do with me M
gilt enterprise Epeoulators who offer them on JQrtOiJlA 'JVIfJE COfrlPAFtY
the market. .,.,..,.. .... ., .
Puro California Wines.
Th'a CotxipaDy oC.-r fur sale pure California Wluea.
iMtr.
A
T-1A A, 218 8 220
b 4 jS. FB0.-1T 3T
5V '
OFl'EH TO THK TRADB, IN I.OT3,
FIXE RYE 1M) B0U11B0H WII ISEIE S, O
Oi 1WOG, 1WOO, UCJ7 and 1868.
ALSO, ITJ E HIVE UVE AAD B0U1.BOX WniSKlES. -
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from to 1S.; J
IUoeral contracts wlU b nterc into tor lour, in 6ond ml DirOUary, ottuu .ua' r&tnaraotaf t
4
Y.
p. ia.
Y. P.
Y. p.
n 1
TOl'NtrN 11 UK HiLT WHISKY.
youau'n ! i ui: tMi. r n iiiNiir,
Tel'NU N I'UIill 3IA1.T WlllMiV.
Thf r m no onoitlon relntlve to tnis merits of t'ifl
CelebraUd Y. P M. It IS Uih I UI fni riimlliy of Wnlnkr.
ti KiiulBtured from trip hrm graa f.n.iui"i nv 1 in
Flillhiie'lililn market and It Is sola fit. tn low m'o 01
j iJtr gallon, or 11x1 p- r qnnri, ai loenuiwruuuui
11 IS Ji5 PUI-ALz-bPHIA.
xv t: 1 1 1.,
A1AWI1A,
MIIKUl,
A-1.1CA
MtM.tTEl,,
WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC.
-fcWlS LAD0MUS& CO
.WATCHES and JEWELEY EEPAIEED,
?02 Chestnut St., Phi?'
Watches,
Diamonds,
iu4P Jewelry,
Solid Silver & Plated Ware.
WEDDING-RINGS.
We have for a long time made a specialty of
Solid 18-Earat Fine Hold Wedding and
Engagement Rings,
And In order to Bapply Immediate wauta, we keep A
FULL AjbbOBTMEST OF SIZES always on hand.
FAItB A BROTHER,"
MAKERS,
11 UamtbSrpi No. 814 CHKSNUT St., below Fonrth.
FRENCH CLOCKS.
a. W. RUSSELL,
No. 22 KORTII SIXT1I STREET,
Importer and Bralerln FINE WATCHES, JEW-
E-UY, AND BILVEU-WAIUC, offer the Urges
aaaorlmeut of 16 I
In P-lladeipula.JVVlioleaalo and Retail.
FURS.
JJANCY FURS 1 FANCY FURS I
U.A KJUDUiaiUiN 1JN fitiUHia.
JOHN PAREIRA,
Athlaold and well-known FUR HOUSE,
IVo. 71S A11C1I Street,
Ia now closing out tbe balance of hU Immense
absoi tuient of
IT'.A.IVCY FURS,
For Ladies' and Children's wear, at a great
rtuueuou 01 prices.
Tills stock muul atl be sold before New Year
to make 100m lor great alteration) in our esu
bilbtiuient next eur. Tue character of my
Furs In 100 well known to require praise.
Kerueinber the name ana nuinoor.
JOHN PAREIRA,
No. 718 ARCH STREET,
11 30 241 rp
PHILADELPHIA.
CLOTHS, CASSIMEBES, ETC.
18G3. cloth house,
STRAWBRIDGE & CLOTHIER
WUh to keep before tbe publio the fact tnat they
aim to keep tbe largeut and most varied Block of all
utcripilo ot
CLOTHS
TO BB FOUJND IN PHIL-DELPHI.
UEN'B COATINGS AND CAB-IMERK9,
WOUUH WK BO Yd' WEAR,
ADI-B' CLOAKINH- Ok' KV-UY KIND,
Always on band,
STRAWBRIDGE & CLOTHIER
CEKTRAJL CLOTH HOUSE,
COB.E1GIITU AND MABUKT STREET,
X PHILADELPHIA.
JEAVKiiS, CHINCHILLAS, ETC.
BTC
rrnn ; ka.it, ukaxdy,
Wliolcjal uar-il. mi 01 it, ir own r nvl-c and
grm'e11 C0"lam t,olj"iK ""l Hie puro Julie of 1L9
J 1 H iS lit WUAlb, Ag. mi,
12 1 tf
OOO fS AMD HOE3.
L A D I E 3' SHOES.
NliW STOKE. !
HENRY WIREfVlAW,
MANUFAC'ITKKU AND IMPORTER OP
LADIES' JiOOTS AXD SHOES,
Xo. 118 South TIIIRTIESTU Street,
S. W. Comer Sixth aud Uulloanood Sts.,
PHILADELPHIA.
AND
487 Eleventh Street, Washington, I. c.,
Haa opened his KLKOANT KKW STORE, No. 118
ouulu liuiH-uiu fcueet, betwoea Ouesnnt and
Walnut oueetdi lih a large aasonoiuiit ot tke
FlNkST QUALITY OP L&.DIKH' HOOT- AND
t lOi4, of bis own xiiar.u'acturi".
Also, JUdT lilCU-IVJiD ROM PAB13, large
a&sort-tc-t ol
Ladles' Boots, Shoes, and Slippers,
Made expressly to order by tbe beat and meet cele
braicd ranulacmi8ig, u 7 irarp
HAV1G ALTEKED AND ENLARGED M
blore, Ko, wu NINTH otreet, I Invite atu.11
lion to my lucreuoed stock (of my own aiauuiaoiuret
ol line B0OT0, biiOKo. UAlTd, Jtic.. of tbe lui
yiB, and at tbe loweat price. --
la BRNB8T BOPP.
FURNISHING GOODS, SHIRTS.&Q
Ha 8a Ka Qa
Harris' Seamless Kid Gloves.
EVERT PAIM WABBANTEO.
JCSCLUBIV-K AGENltJ OR GENTS' GLOVES.
J. W. SCOTT & CO..
pAIUM T SHOULDER. SEAM
SHIRT MANUFACTORY,
AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STORE.
Pi-lliKCT FITTI&U BHIRTS AND DRAW-UtS
made liniu measurement ai Vttry tburt noiluu.
All olbttr aruclta of GNl'Li.LN'tJ DRESS
GOO 'b lu full variety.
WINCHESTER & CO.,
. HI No.7inCH.K3N UT -tree.
DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC.
ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO.,
N. 1 Corner of FOURTH and KJ.CE Sts.,
PHILADELPHIA,
WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS.
IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OJT
White Lead and Colored Talnta, Potty
VamicJieb, Etc
AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED
FBEJiCIl ZLNC PAINTS.
DEALERS AND CONSUMER? SUPPLIED AT
LOWEST PRICJUi POR GA-H. Ut
STOVLS, RANGES, ETC.
JAMES & LEE,
WO. 11 MOBIU SECOND MTBEBT,
Bicn of the Golden. Lambi
Are now receiving a large assortment of
Hearers, Chinchilla, and other Orercoat
lugs. Also, a full lino of 3-4 and 6-1
liluck Doeskins, ail of the best makes.
Tbe attention of Merchant Tailor and Clothier are
tltclally Invltod USD
AT WHQLEdALSjAND RETAIL.
KOTICE. THE UNDERSIGNED
worn, call it. auenilon ot tbe publio to hia
NKW ouLliiK A(i UKNAC'K.
Thin 1. an .nLirMlv uew iiiitr. Uii iii mh.
(truvted as 10 atooce cu irueud lueli logeueral favor,
belug a ciiubinailou ot wrouit-t a-d caat lrou. It la
very dimple In it conNtruciiuu, aul la perfectly air
t)Ktt; elf-cleanlug. havMlgluo r ipen or druui8 to be
taken out aud uli anetl. ll is o arruuged wllu upright
filli. a. Ill lirnflllfH lunrur .nifinikL.tf iiu.t r.ni ...
came welgut ol coal than auy furnace now In una. I
Tbe bygiumetlo oouulliun ot tbe air ui pruduoed by i
my new arraLgeaitut ot evaporation will at onoe d
niviiitrale that It la tie Only Uut Air Furnace that
will prtauce a pielctly beauuy anuutphere.
'IiohmIu wautot a oomplete He Hug Apparatus
would do well to call aud examine tbe Uoldau Eaitle.
CHARLES WILLIAMS,
Hoe. 1182 auu UU MARK ET tUreet,
. . Philadelphia.
A large auortment ol Cooking Range, fire-board
BUve,I.ow Down Urate, Ventilator, eto., alway
N. D. Jobbing of all kind promptly done. J lo
DR. KINKEL1N. AFTER A RESIDENCE!
and practice of thirty year at tue Northwest
corner of Third and Union street, ha lately re
moved to bk'uth ELEVENTH btreet. betweeu MAR
KET nd t'H EBN (J T.
Jil superiority la the prompt and perfect enre ol
all rfruIlL. rtirnntn liu-.I jwiiiaLlLiitlim l tfkw
tlon ot a special catnro. 1 proverbial. . ' 'J
lti.i a K . . . . i .. i. I., m nnnnrtjl 4M 1
firenl form, totally eradicated; menial and physical
weakntwa, and all nervous debilities aulentldoally
aud ucctatuUy treai-d. OiBue bout Irom li,u
mr.M,
QEORGC PLOWMAN,
CARPENTER AND BUILDER,
KtlttOVLl) TO Ko; 134 DOCK Street,
U PHILADELPHIA
Ml t