THE DAlLT mENlNG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA,' MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1868.. SPIRIT OF TEE PRESS. EWTORlAt OPINIOH8 OP THR LB1DISO JOURNALS proH CUREEST TOPICS COMPILED KVBiT - BAT FOB THg ETBNIKQ TKLROBAPa. Campaign Entlinslasm. ' From the N. T. HuUon. Three months gV tuatij good Republicans Were troubled by what they oODsidered a want of enthusiasm for Grant meaning, of coarse, an absenoe of nervous excitement about his same or his person, and an Indisposition to give violent and uproariom expression to the feeling of admiration oreated by the contem plation of his career. This defect was sap posed to be particularly remarkable in the West, whioh has usually. bsen considered, owing to the greater freshness of its popula tion, the home of enthusiasm; and we remem ber meeting with more than one shrewd observer who came back from that region troubled by the calm with whioh the mention of the Republican candidate was received. There did not seem, they said, to be any "magnetism" about him magnetism, in politioal parlanoe, meaning that personal quality which in Europe causes the populacs to take the horses from a man's oarriage and draw it themselves, and whioh here exoites intense eagerness to shake hands with him, and get his autograph, or a lock of his hair, or, in the case ef woman, to kiss him. "Magnetism" does not seem to be necessarily conneoted with any particular kind of intel lectual constitution. Webster had it, and so had, in a far greater degree, Clay. Jaokaon had It, but Calhoun had not, and the want of it Is constantly mentioned still aa a reason why some of the ablest men in the country need not look for a high place in the manige ment of publio affairs. Now there is no denying that Grant does not possess "magnetism," in the sense in which the word is ordinarily used. Ilia general bearing is not that of a sympathetic man, of a man on whose breast one is tempted to lay one's head and weep. His looks does not invite kisses, and his hair does not lend itself to use a (Gallicism to being oat off ia locks. lie makes a poor figure at receptions when a few of his lellow-oitizens "desire to take him by the, hand." lie shakes hands, even on the greatest oocasions, with a cold, stern, impassive air, whioh naturally begets the impression that be does not enjoy shaking hands with some hundreds of people whom he never saw before, and this chills the more gashing of his admirers. We have on more than one occasion been present when the sight of his unmoved, and apparently immovable features has reduoed a smiling, glowing hand shaker, who had just danced up to him with extended arm and an inane bat carefully pre pared oompliment on his lips, in the twink ling of aa eye to a limp, broken-down bore, for whom life had lost its charms and from whom earth had withdrawn its welcome. In fact, as a show candidate Grant is probably the worst that ever took the field, and to the class of politicians who attend to the speotaoular part of a campaign, get up the serenades, the prooessions, the great effaots and striking situations, he mast be a source of oontlnual trial and disappointment. For the use of these gentlemen Seymour is worth ten Grants, patting aside altogether Seymour's Immense rhetorical superiority. Seymour really has "magnetism." lie has the power of putting on his faoe a show of interest in the small affairs of other people, and of patting on an air. of dignity which, strange as it may seem, is worth more to a pablio man in Amerloa than in any other country in the world; and he has what is perhaps more valuable than all, tears within easy reach. "As a weeper," to rise Colonel Brown's lauguage, "he surpasses Job Trotter;" and though tears shed publicly have in all ages been regarded by the more reflective of the race with extreme suspicion, they are still, and will probably always remain, very powerful with the multitude, i( used Sparingly and with tact. It is undoubtedly this want of availability for speotaoular purposes on Grant's part whioh created the doubt about his popularity which existed three months ago, ana whioh have even made their way to Europe, and have been made the subject of wondering comment in a recent number of the London Spectator. There has never been a Presiden tial candidate with whom those whose busi ness it is to shift the soenes and arrange the lights and roll the thunder-barrels of the can vass have found it harder to deal. Compared, for instance, from their point of view, , with Fremont, he seems a heavy burden for manu facturers of enthusiasm to carry. Fremont's way of wearing his hair was o itself sufficient to exert a powerful inlluenoe on the popular mind, while Grant's straight, and not particu larly well-kempt locks, parted low down at the side, are singularly wanting in plo taresqaeness. Then, Fremont's faoe is one of those which, particularly to women, suggest vast possibilities, and it really did suggest vast possibilities during his canvass, as was shown by the expectations entertained of him when he went West to take the command at the beginning of the war. lie was confidently expected by the sentimental portion of the Republican party, although he had never set a squadron in the field, to sweep through the Confederacy like a whirlwind, and the tenacity with wbioh the same set of enthusiasts elung to his "Body Guard," as one of the wonders of the contest, long after the general's ewn military preten sions had been reduoed to ashes, was a striking illustration of the kind of stuff of Which politioal enthusiasm is made. Moreover, Fremont hat the immsnse advan tage i-we are still looking at the matter from the theatrical point of view of resting his elaimi to confidence on an exploit of which lew people had heard till his nomination, and the nature of whioh was only imperfeotly un derstood at any time, lie waa sung all ever the land as "The Pathfinder of the Rooky Mountains." What this was exactly not many knew, but it had an awful sound, and olosed the mouths or doubters as effectually as M. Jourdain's was olosed by being raised to the dignity of "Mammamouihi." Grant's ex ploits, on the other hand, were so well known, so long dwelt on, so familiar in oar mouths before he was presented to us as a Presidential candidate at all, that none of us is maoh moved or exoited when he is asked to vote for the hero of Vicksbnrg and Chattanooga -that is, for the man who has performed wt f the Rreat mllit4T exploits of a century wniou i8 crowded with the greatest wars of 1U8l07Tl,1 U would be hard to cite a more re markable ptoof 0t the Injurious effect on re putations whiov the exoeeding publioity of oar day causes. The newspapers literally take all the polish off great Mm8; Md W8ar 0ut the fame of the most famoi. men ,n half.a.doien ftf VW g t0 ite Ja.1a aition to which their iteration reduces the poniar fooultitf of wonder and admiration. Ther. i8 hardly a great military name in history wuvh woaid retain much of its lustre if it had bvu ex. posed to the aotion of the periodical press, vatse there has to be In all really shining ana. enduring fame all fame by which the imagina tion is really roused a touch of mystery. Gas tavus Adolphus, Wallenstein, the First Napo leon, Nelson, and even Wellington were happy in having lived and fought before the age of newspapers, and thus leaviDg memories dimly peen through the fog of oral tradition, I of brif despatches, of ill-compiled ohroniclea, I cd of popular songs. In our daytbe whole world stands by the hero ou the quarter-deck or at his headquar ters, pores over the map with him, reals his if ports over his shoulder, watches him chang ing his shirt and eating his breakfast, holds bis bottles up against the light to see what lqnor he drinks, debates the probable effeots ot alcohol on the coats of his stomach and his nervous fibre, and in two or three years hat beard the story of his battles so often that nine men out of ten begin to feel as if they could have won them the mselves. Tests of this kind, of course, nothing but the first order of genius can endure. The minor heroes of even the greatest contests suooamb under them. We know of few things ia Ue annals of war more pathetic than the fate of Corse, of AUatoona. He is now, we believe, a revenue assessor or oollector somewhere in the West, an obscure and almost forgotten man, and yet had he done in any of the great Euro pean campaigns what he did in Sherman's, he would have been raised to lasting eminence. He held through a long day, with a handful of men, a position, on the retention of whioh Sherman's fortunes depended, against the as saults of a whole army, and this not as a solitary and unlooked-for display of resolution, but as the legitimate result of a faithfal and dauntless charaoter, for Sherman, when he saw from the heights of Kenesaw the smoke of Ibattle round AUatoona, said he felt no anxiety, for he knew that Corse was there. We are, and always have been, however, of the number of those who have not been troubled about the absence of enthusiasm about Grant personally, and for two reasons. One is that we look on the qualities which do most arouse enthusiasm, in the politician's sense of the word, as defects in a Presidential candidate; and the other is that the rapid growth ot the community in intelligence, ex perience, and self-possession, has made en thusiasm unnecessary for the winning of politioal viotories. It is one of the unpleasant but suggestive truths of history, that the very worst enemies of the human raoe have been those who oommanded the popular en thusiasm, and that it has, on the whole, done rather more for bad than for good causes. The exploits of . "popular idols" have not always resulted in maoh good for humanity. The history of progress is, in fact, the history of the growing supremacy of reason over the affairs of men, of the relegation of feeling to the background, of the ap pearance of Judgment as sovereign In fields once wholly given up to pas sion. Perhaps the most striking and significant feature ot the Amerioan Revolution was the conduct of it by a silent, methodioal, repelling-mannered man, who carried on war as a disagreeable business, and eagerly aban doned affairs of state for the raising of to bacco. It is diflioult to avoid peeing in the selection of another man of a similar oharaoter for the place once held by Washington, at this second great crisis in the national affairs, an indication that his type of character is, after all, that which occupies the highest and most permanent place in the popular mind, and that after sixty years of gushing, noisy, "magnetio" politicians, with tears in their eyes for every woe, a long yarn for every passenger, and an empty harangue for every stump, the kind of public man whom, after all, most Americans would like to see their sous imitate, is a man like Washington or Grant, who has done much end said little, aadtowhom the effects of his acts on his "prospects'- are amongst tne last ana least 01 considerations. One other thing tells powerfully in Grant's favor, and that is the rapid growth not of this community only, but of all civilized com munities, in those qualities whioh come with age in the individual man, that is, in distrust of mere sentiment in the management of affairs, and in the habit of weighing conse quences and balancing pros and cons. The saying of Fletcher of Saltoun, whioh maga zine writers have so long delighted to quote, "Let me make a -people's songs, and I oare not who makes their laws," has beoome, in fact, utterly worthless, considered as an epi grammatio statement of the proposition that the world is governed rather by sentiment than by reason. Nations cannot now be governed by songs. He who seeks to rule men in our day must convince them, not simply move them. Poetry itself, in becom ing more metapbysioal, shows the depth of the change whioh has come over the modern world.. The same remark may be mde of the popular novel, whioh perhaps more than any other species of literature influences popular thought. Even popular amusements grow more and more intellectual. Those whioh appealed wholly to the feelings have almost died out. Convivial songs, as we remarked the other day, whioh played so prominent a part in society in the last century, are no longer heard, or, if heard, the singing of them is looked on as a speoies of buf foonery. In. faot, human character in the civilized world takes everywhere a graver cast, and the effect of the ohange ia natu rally seen more distinctly in politios than in any other field of human activity. The chant ing, weeping voter, carrying "the great states man" on his shoulders, or following him blindly to the polls and banging on his lips round the stump, is a speotacle whioh grows daily less and leas familiar even to the mind's eye. In a few years more he will take his place in his historical niche, in the same row with the lord and serf, a creature of this world no longer. Even in the campaign now pend ing one sees in the speeches of the orators abundant sigus that they are conscious of his vanishing. The vast majority of the ad dresses are argumentative to a degree never known before; per (tonalities and clap trap have never In any ether campaign played so small a part; calm, unimpassioned appeals to the reason have never played so great a one; and this novel character of the oratory is made all the more striking by the fact that the con test follows close on a bloody war, and that the leaders on both sides are largely men who were conspicuous on opposing sides on the battle-field. Votes of llie Unreconstructed States. From the N. T. Time. - Mr. Pendleton's advioe to the Texans, "Vote, by all means," and the assurance which aooompanles it "we shall see that Texas is represented" are indorsed by the Express, with a farther application to Virginia and Mississippi: "Weirnst that Virginia and Mississippi will alto vote. Virginia tiu never lost tier stilus la I lie Union, having ever been represented la Congress, even tluriug mo Kebelllon, end has as much tight to vote as Mu-acbuHeUs. MU Blmlppi wait r el iiwed representation ouly ueoause she voted down the negro constitution. Let all vote. We shall eee whether the Uump dare re) use the count." But the law says distinotly that the votes of these States shall not be oeunted. There ia no room for controversy on that point. When, therefore, Mr. Pendleton asserts that the Democracy will "see that Texas is repre sented," and when the Express, referring to the three unreconstructed States, dares Con-fc-ess to "refuse the count," they foreshadow a ctnfliot between the Demoorats and the law. Congres, ha8 ita fluty defined by statute, and the votes of these States will not be received. Is this to be made a pretext for disturbance ? Besides, the three States named oaunst vote without coming into collision with the military authority. There is no civil government in any of them. And General Gillem, in refusing to authorize the holding of an eleotlon in Mis sissippi, discharged a duty whioh the Generals commanding Virginia and Texas must similarly perform. And by whom, then, are polls to be opened f If by persons pretending to derive authority from officials whom Congress de posed, under Governments which Congress abolished, it is fair to puppose that the distrlot commanders will forbid aud prevent proceed ings having no warrant in law. , They may be expected to do so as well because polls so conduoted would be illegal as because the holding of them would imperil the publio peace. How does Mr. Pendleton propose to overcome this dlffionltyf 1 The truth is, that this scheme for obtaining an exclusive white vote,under Rebel influ ences, in States not yet restored to the Union, with a full knowledge that it will not be reoog nlzed by the Electoral College, is one of the devices with which the Southern Demooratio leaders propose to create trouble. They have no expectation of snocess, but they are anxious to make the election of Grant a pre text for quarrelling over the exclusion of the unreconstructed States. We oaloulate upon a Republican majority so large in the Northern States as to render the Southern vote imma terial. Bat it is well to know of the mine which the Demoorats propose to spring if a different contingency arise. The Stiffrapo Sophism. From IheN. T. World. It has been stated as one of the reasons justifying negro suffrage that It was necessary to promote the internal peaoe of the Southern States. One great reason why this peace was so desirable is given in the necessity of quiet before that fertile region could lie open to the Northern immigrant. Now let us consider this argument. It is, as you perceive, that peace must be had in order that if you or I desire to move South we can do so, and that negro suffrage Is a guarantee of this peaoe. So far from this being the case, let any fair minded man but consider what established negro suffrage would do when it does what it is now doing on probation. Let him further consider whether he is at all tempted at the prospect of moving ' out of a oommunlty where the negroes are few and unenfranchised into a community where they are in great numbers and air invested with the ballot. Further than this, let him ask if there is any thing in the rich fields and soft air of that beautiful oouutry to desirable as to be worth the surrender of his ballot; for, let it be here repeated, that in one form or another disfran chisements the inevitable concomitant in the reoonttructed South of a disbelief in negra equality. , ., If, considering these things, the . reader comes to the oonolusion that the enfranchised negro is more riotous than the unenfranchised; that so long as negro suffrage exists carpet baggerr will flourish; and that, though the South be tempting, it is not tempting enough to tempt diefranohi3emmr.l he will have reaohed conclusions that mast forbid 7 any acquiescence on his part in the shallow sophism that negro suffrage Is peaoe. So far from being peaue it is war; war upon that good order which invites immigratiou, encourages investment, and rewards toil ; , war on the traditional principles of this coun try; war on the accumulated lessons of his tory; and war not alone upon our interests but upon our own selves. Oar feelings are a part of us; uu ..,,... .Sli ,r our Intuitions are all component parts of us, and the revolt these give when this abomi nable heresy of negro suffrage ia brought before them, warns us that it is a thing that nature abhors. Suffrage is mastery. When ever a man is brought into the body pelitio he becomes, to the extent of his suffrage, the master of all other men in it; and the ques tion is, whether you, by the introduction of a great many thousand barbarians, are willing to put your neck, even contingently, under the feet of these grandohildren of cannibals ? If so, so be it; you have a right, perhaps, to debase yourself, but have you any right to abase me too f Maine and Pcunsjlranla. From the IT. Y. World. The Reoonstruotion acts have never yet been voted on by the whole American people. In other elections these issues were disguised or did not appear. In the coming November eleotion they appear, and cannot be disguised by sophistry. Bo yen, O Amerioan people I endorse a purely partisan reconstruction, f Do you com mend this disunion prolonged this Union delayed this peaoeful revival of all prosper ous industries North and South averted, in order that the Republican party might make its blaok alliance wherewith and whereupon to perpetuate its power f Do you, O American people ! approve of the Rump's usurpation from thirty-seven States of their control of the distribution of the ballot. . .' Do you approve of their denying it to com petency and bestowing it upon incompe tency T , .. , Do you approve of ereoting in ten States a military despotism wherewitu to establish an ignorant negro supremaoy over thirty-seven f Do yon approve of paying enormous taxes in order to. keep up this negro .supremacy which your sharp and costly bayonets alone can save from suicide, as in Georgia t Do you approve of giving to three or four millions of blacks tea times the voting power over your own vast concerns in the United States Senate whioh New York's four millions of freemen there have t These issues are in debate. We have never doubted that the American people would de cide them Justly and righteously altogether, and the Maine eleotion confirms our faith. The Infamous reconstruction aots, whioh gave birth and being to these manifold wrongs, the members elected in 1806 voted for. These members have oome up for re-election in 18G8, and the people by thousands have voted against them despite the faot that they are covered by the prestige of Grant. More people have voted against them than ever did before enough more people to make majorities elsewhere, though gains merely in Maine. The same quantum of popular condemna tion will, for example, defeat Kelley, Myers, Taylor, and O'Neill, running for Congress in Philadelphia. We do not question the Justice of the patient, slow verdiot of an intelligent people. The facts are known. The oase is argued. The people will judge, and we be lieve their Judgment will everywhere oondemn their faithless servants. The Wages of Sin. Ffm the If. T. Tribune. Mr. B. H. Hill argues that his Georgia brethren didn't butoher the Republloaus at Camilla wantonly and without provocation, because it was not their interest to do so. We agree to his premise, but rejeot his oon olusion. For I. It was not their interest to rebel and try to dissolve the Union. The most oomplete success in that enterprise would have left them In worse condition than that in which they originated the movement. II. Having plunged into rebellion and civil was", It was their interest to abolish slavery and attaoh the blacks to their cause by giving them lands in addition to their freedom. Yet when M. D. Conway offered to bring th Abo litionists to agree to Southern independence if the Rebels Would agree to emancipation, the proffer was not merely spurned, but its rejec tion was blazoned to Europe, so as to oon found the Rebel sympathizers by showing that ueiuou was slavery and slavery was the Rebellion. Hi. When the Rebellion had utterly broken down, burying slavery in its ruins, it wa the clear interest of the Rebels to treat the blaok 4 humanely, so as to secure their confidence an ! good will. Instead of that. Afr. Rebel legislatures began at onoe to pass vagrant eve, apprenuoesntp acts, aots respecting testimony, arms-bearing, etc, etc, all saving to the blaoka as plainly as could be, "The Yankees have freed von wa nun't ha)n tint but we have said that you would bs worse off id ireeaom man in slavery, and now we will make good our prophecy." This was most mistaken policy; but defeat, and mortification, and v'ndiotive chagrin are aooustomsd to gratify feeling at the expense of interest. IV. The Camilla massaore was, in every ai peot a blunder as well as a crime. Its con trivers want to eleot Seymour and Blair, and this butchery will darken their prospect, dim as it was before. They want to pretend that they have been subjected to "negro supre macy;" but this butchery gives a ghastly as pect to that absurd falsehood. They have succeeded only in reddening their own hands afresh, and adding a new proof to the many old ones that "Whom the gods would deBtroy, they first make mad." General (Jrant and the Himlness Interests oi the Country "Let Us Have Ttace." From the IT. T. Herald. With the announcement of the ticket and platform of the Democratic National Conven tion, gold began to go up and our national securities began to go down. The Vermont election checked this upward tendenoy of gold, and since the Maine eleotion the Wall street gold gamblers, operating for a rise, have been reduoed to a very narrow margin of incidental fluctuations. There was some degree of uneasiness among the holders of the five-twenties and the ten forties, but it has ceased to exist. There were some misgivings among capitalists and merchants touohing the safety of money investments, involving in their profits or repayment the hazards of a revolution in our financial system, as one of the probable consequences of this year's political elections for the next Presidency and the next Congress; but all such misgivings since the Maine election seem to have disap peared. Among all our finanoial and business classes a sense of security appears to be felt in the future which can only be explained upon the basis of a prevailing confidence in Gene ral Grant's election. But why this confidence in General Grant ? It is because from bis proposition for peace "Let us have peace" the people believe that with his election there will be peaoe. lie does n6t contemplate any violent oollision nor any embarrassing conflict with Congress; he has no idea of any attempt to upset the Southern re construction aots of Congress according to the policy of Johnson or the polioy of Blair. On the contrary, from General Grant's letter of acceptance of the Chicago nomination there is every reason to expect that on the money question and the reoonstruotion question he will be content to wait a while before disturb jutf me existing oraer 01 mmgs, i0mb ov gres?; trade, and the political troubles of the South, for a time, to the natural laws of gravitation. Nevertheless there is a powerful impression abroad that General Grant, from his well-defined conservative oharaoter and liberal opinions, will not countenance any further radical extravaganoe or excesses in money matters or in politioal matters, bat will with a firm hand hold the two houses to an honest interpretation of the Chioago plat form, and to a general line of polioy whioh will give us peace. The Tammany Convention, we say, under the acceptable banner of Chase, in satisfying all the conservative business olasses and inte rests that a change in the Government would bring no violent change in business affairs, could have carried the day even against Gen. Grant as the representative of the radicals. But with a degree of folly and stupidity which exceeds almost any foolish thing re corded of the Bourbons, the jugglers of the Tammany Convention contemptuously cast away the prize within their grasp. A powerful body of the conservative Republicans stood ready to join the Democracy under the banner of Chief Justioe Chase, in opposition even to Gen. Grant as the radioal candidate, and for the purpose of putting an end to the corruptions, spoliations, and usurpations of the radioal party by putting them out of power. Bat the Tammany Convention would not have it so. They preferred, under a representative Peace Democrat during the war, to fight ever again their .disastrous oampaigu of 18G4, on the platform that the war was a failure, and that in laying down their arms, after a four years' struggle against the Constitution, the .Rebel States, as if nothing had happened but an election riot, were restored to all their rights in the Union on the same footing with the loyal States. Upon this issue the Republicans are con ducting the campaign, and we see that the Tammany ticket and platform, and the Demo cratic journals, leaders and stump orators, North and South, in their belligerent threat euings, have furnished the neoesiary politioal capital for the election of . General Grant. The Democratic organization, with the odium revived against it as the peaoe party of the war, has placed itself under the additional stigma of the war party against the peaoe in proclaiming all the reoonstruotion acts . of Congress growing out of the war "uncon stitutional, revolutionary,, null and void." The Union party of the war, therefore, thus challenged again upon the issues of lSu'l and 8o't, have rallied and are rallying, as under Lincoln, around the banner of Grant. This fact being apparent on all sides, the oonolu sion is inevitable that Grant must be triumph antly elected. Oar fioauolal and buaiuesj men see that such Is the drift of the popular tide, and in the record and the charaoter and conservative ideas of General Grant they feel that ULder him the interests of the people will be safe, that this Presidential eleotion will be followed by nothing like a financial panio, nor by politioal chaos, but by better timer, acpured prosperity, and a substantial peace. Henoe there are no unusual excite ments from day to day In Wall street, and no apprehensions to disturb the business opera tions or calculations of our bankers, capital ists, merchants, manufacturers, or agricul tural classes. The Frnits of Itaillcallsm. From the Jfanhville Union. ' If any oue lacks evldenoe that three vears of radical rule in a time of peaoe has beea calamitous, let him read the oolamus of any daily journal of the first class. From one end of the oonntry to the other, we are greeted with recitals of every form of lawless ness murder, rape, arson, theft. Law, diviDe and human, is flagrantly set at defi ance on all hands. A general demoralization ; 1 218 & 220 S. FRONT ST. 2(8 & 220' S. FRONT ST. WINES, ETC. ' JAME8 CAR8TAIR8. JR.. Kos. 12C WALNUT and 21 GRANITE Sts., IMPOBTEROF Brandies, J Ines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc Efc?., ANB COMMISSION MERCHANT OR THE BALK OF rURE OLD BYE, WHEAT, AND BOUE- BON WHISKIES. . ... LUMBER. 186a JOIBT. WjHUCSIJOIJI. Hit LOOK. HJLMJXXJJC. 18(58. & cQ. OFFER TO TELK TRADE, m LOTS, niVE RYE AM) BOURBON WHISKIES, O. ROM Of 180C, 1800, 1807, and I8O8. ALSO, HIE FINE EYE AND BOlRBOiY WHISKIES, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 18G4 to 1845. Liberal con tracts will be entered Into for lota, in bond at Distillery, of this years' manufactorf.'t prevails. The older communities, ' north of the Ohio river, exhibit it only a few degrees lees than the war-ravaged distriots of the Bouth. It Is there manifested in social cor ruptionhuge and shameless swindles, do mestio infidelities, and orimes of nameless variety, with not infrequent dispays of mob violence, all evincing that society has slipped its cable and Is tossed wildly on the waves of license aud passion. Ia the South and Southwest . . it, of course, assumes more startling shapes. Thousands of white men, debauched by the vices of army experience, and famil iarized for four years with soenes of blood and rapine, are without employment and subject to every temptation that despair and vioious surroundings can supply. Intermixed with these are millions of ignorant negroes sud denly freed from the restraints of masterdom, idle, thriftless, vagrant, corrupted by loose and false ideas of their new station, and their cupidity and sensual pas ions stimulated by designing knaves to every lawless resort for their gratification. The better class of society is measurably impoverished by the war, hu miliated by the oppression to whioh they are condemned, and weighed to the earth with despondency. In this compost-heap of misery and vice, crime rankles, flourishes, and no wonder. Judging from the perusal of the chronioles of the day, this is not an exaggerated picture of the social condition of the people who can justly boast of being the most intelli gent cn the face of the earth. Why is it f Is all this the work of olvil war, and Is it irremediable! Experience teaohes that the moral poison distilled from such an evil permeates all the social body through, but is there not virtue enough left to resist and overcome it In three years of peace 1 Have the ohildren of the founders of the freest, wisest, and best system of govern ment ever devised, no conservative foroe left t Has one civil strife utterly undone them politically and socially f Is the Govern ment to go to wreck and society to seethe and rot to ' shreds in crime and confusion f If these things are not to be, and we do not believe they are, why is it that the salutary reouperation ia delayed ? Why is there, in the midst of peaoe, - aa muoh lawlessness and social degeneraoy as during war f The answer is ready and obvious. It is not that men and women. North and South, were inoarably distempered by the licentiousness of the war period. Iu such a community as that of the United States, its innate intelligence and virtue were prap&rnd to retrieve the disaster at onoe. The healthful work commenced auspiciously in 18(15. Radioal mlsgovernment oheoked it, and the dominant politioal leaders have rain ously, wickedly, criminally fomented agita tion contemned the supreme law; violated the dearest and highest rights of citizens; and prot-t rated the intellect and worth of the country at the feet ef ignorance and vice. And this is why the Amerioan press daily spreads to the mental gaze of the world a panorama of crime and sooial wretchedness. EDUCATIONAL. gTETE USD ALE INSTITUTE. BOARDING SCHOOL FOB YOUNG LADIS9. Terme Board, Tuition, etc per ecUolaitlc year, I 00. NO EXTRAS. Circulars at Messrs, Fairbanks fc EwIdk'i. No. 715 CHiBNUTBtreei; also at Messrs. T, a. Peieraon A Brother' ,No. SOS CHILSSUT Bireet. Addrefcs, personally or by note, N. FOSTER BitOWNK, Principal, l8hmtt fekmih Amooy. N, J. JJAMILTON INSTITUXE DLI AND BOARD- iDg-Scbool for Young Ladles. Ko. S810 CHE3NTJT Street, Philadelphia, wUl reopen on MOMDA Y. Sep tember 7, 1888. For terms, ete , apply to 8 24tf PHILIP A. OREGAR. A. M.. PrinrHn.1. TANE M. HARPER WILT, RRnPP.NT ttrb J School for Boys aad Olrls, No. 17ZS CHitaauT Direct, eepiemDer (mum month) Slat. -Aj plication for admission can be made at the rui n i nik Lii 17Lh anil mm t.nm in ,n . k. A. alter the school commences. is lm CHEBMCT STREET FEMALE SEMINARY, Miss UuMKBV and Mlsa DILLAYJS will reopea lliclr Boarding aud l)y Bclioul (1'hlriy-seyeaw t-etiHion), (September 14, at No, 1411 Uhaauut elreat, Particulars lrom circulars, 1 10 to 10 1 ACADfcMY OF THK PROTESTANT EP1S oUi'AL CHUiiCH. LtAJLfvr aud JUIruH b'reets. The Autumnal Session opened an BEPTEMBUR 7. 9 7 mwMw n.ed Maa'-er. Vf IBS ELIZA W. SMITH'S FRENCH AND XVX KNOLilBil RUAKbliSli Ai 1AY bUAOOL Ko. 1&4 bPRUCE titreet, will reopen on MUflDAY, September 14. S a tw ST. JOHN'S ACADEMY FOR BOYS AND yuubg nieu Berlin, M. J. 7o to lltu a eai fur m.l'll ai.U Tuilluu. Addu ltuv. T M. kKI l.l.T B. D, Rector. m,BJ. mi! MISSES ROJliRS, NO. 19U PINE btreei, will reuiwu ilielr htcbool lor Yuuu lkdles aud Children, un MONDAY, eeptemoor 7. IM lulliblm K. A J, ROOKK9. "JLA8SICAL INSriIUTE, D4JAN STREET, lbe duuebol liia Classical loHllate wlU be resumed September 7. J. W. FAlRas. 1. U. ini Principal, LAW DEPARTMENT, UNIVERSITY OF PiNNoYL VAlxlA.-A term will couiniruce ou lilUKt-lA.. Oii.ohur I. lutroduciory by protestor frt'KAlEKtolLLmt.atSu'ulocttP. ' 8t rpHE MISSES JOHNSTON'S BOARDING. L aud liny jicuool tor i uuuc Ladle), Ho. mil bi'ltLCiC ialiett, will reopen (D, V.J geite.aber 14, 1600. o u yMUSICAL INSTRUCTION. JpSS JENNIE T. BECK, TEACHER OF PIANO-FORTE, N0.7U FLOHIDA Street, between Eleventh and Twelfth, below Fltzwater. (i PROFESSOR E. CAHILl WILL COMMENCE hi Singing Lenaone on the 14 ih of tfeplember. Address No. 1103 CHEMUVV St. est. Circulars oan be obtained In all Muslo Stores. 9 7 mwllm XOOO. BH,ABOfiJU CLK4.SplS lfifift CHOICK PATrjOtl" Piic AwO. BPANKia CJCDAJt. iOR PATTKRiaa i BHD dKPAJtT "BBMi1 ' i8ea JTfOKliA FLiXIKliNtt. FLORIDA FLOOH1AW CAROLINA FLOORlAi. V1ROIJS1A FLOORING DJfiLA WAR FLuORLNa. ash floorikUT"' walmi1 flooring. rail plank 186a 1868. WALK TJTBLB. AAD PLANK " WALK UT BLsT AAD VLAXlL 186R WALNUT RUAkLh. ' At,Ua WlIiKPT PLANK? 186a TJNBKRTAKFRM' LUHBKh. i r,,. vItfWgBB& 186a WALNUT AND PINK, 1868. .-S. 186a WHITa QAVLANKANI BOARDS, , ans. i86a Iftfvft CAROLINA SCANTLING. 1 Drtri XOOO. CAROLINA H. T. SILlS J fifift i86a vo. a.SVua.A A All A al MiiM- NORWAY eUANTLLNttT CEDAR SHINGLES. 1 nnn. UYFRitsa sHiNuuca lonft. NO. S6Q9 BOOTH BtraU. ""JNITIfP STATUS BUILDERS' MTTxTi Nos. 24, 2G, and 28 S. FIFTEEKin St., PHILADELPHIA. ESLtXR & BROTHER MAWurAcruMM or WOOD MOULDINGS, BBACKBTS, STAIR BALTJ8. TUBS, NEWJLLL POSTo, GKNKRaL TCBW. INQ AND SCROLL WORK. Km The largest assortment of WOOD MOULDINGS la this city constantly on hand Ilm FLAGS, BANNERS, ETC. 1868. PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. FLAGS, BANNERS, TRAKSPAEENCIES, AAD LANTERNS, Campaign Badges, Medals, and 1'Ihs, OI BOTH CANDIDATES. Agents wanted everywhere. BuuUl n4 8Uk-M Political Uuba fitted out with verytalng they m require. CALL Oil OB ADDRESS W. F. 8CHEI0LE. So. 48 S0DTH TULR1) STREET, 'UrP PHILADELPHIA. BOARDING. XTO. 1121 GIRAKD STREET, CESTRALLY located, within twe squares of the ConUuenil and Ulrard House An nnlurnlahed 6XCON D-BTOR Y FRONT ROOM, with flrat-claaa Board, Vactnole for Gentlemen and Table Boarder. 1 Reference requirea. gll GAS FIXTURES. GAS Jf I x T D Jt . k h ALUxKKY, MICRIULL Tij ACkLARA No. 71 CiiiHStf TJT blree. ' aiaauhtotarer or tias Fixtures, Lanina ate in fi,itU of tb. pub'l Whelr U?i'e VSl siegant aiworuueul ot Gas jiijuidellro, laanal. Brackets, etc. Xuey ib0 lnir,uuc plpus " in wellinifs and public bulMlnifs, and attttal loaxtiEev! Ing, atmrlng. and repairing gaa'pineeT Ail wot warranted. , m SOAP. QUEEN OP ENGLAND SOAP QUKEN OF KNULAND rtOAP. QtlJCKN OF JiNGLAND HOAfI For doing a family washing lu tlie btwi and eheam em mariner. Guaiauteed quai lo auy iu lue w.Tldl liaa allthestreuKthol the old roam eokp, wlih the uilld aufl lathering qualltiee of gennlnaUla. Tr tula splendid Moap. HOLD BY THS: v",ul ' ALL JUS OHFMJCAL WORKjs. NO. 48 NORTH FRONT BTmHILADPHIA? ItVvLt T bTKINKELIN. AFTEBrYsiDENCl ,SiD1f?H,aBSbTyiBJiTH ".Wwee.'aCAR. Rlssuperlortty In the prompt acd perfeol cure ot all recent, chronic, local, and consiltu Joual affue llohs ot a special r attire. Is proverbial. I Diseases of tbe elwn, appearing In a hundred dif ferent forma, totally eraillcaud: mental and physical Weakness, and all nervous deblliuon soleuiltloally aad esslnUr treated, oihoe hours lruiu I lit, to P.M. s 18. P. B0MDIMELLA, TEACHER OV 8INQ. 1NU. PrlVMte Ifxaoun aud niu.. kuM.nn. No. tuS H. TlilR'l KRNTli Hlreet. ill tut )IANO.-MR. T. TON AMSBERQ HAS RB Humid bin i.ehSous, No. 264 Suuin ibth st. pltlm T BOWERS, TEA0UEU OK PIAVO AND blNUlNU, No. ov b. TiLCiTH street. S U tf QEORGE PLOWMAN. CARPENTER AND BUILDS. REMOVED ! To No. 184 DOCK Street, PHILADELPHIA. JOHN G ft U M Pa CARPENTER AND BUILDER, HOPMt H. SI IiODUl TKEBT, AH 0. 17 M ClIENBitTT NTKF.KT, ttf PHILADKLPaiA.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers