THE DAlLT mENlNG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA,' MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1868..
SPIRIT OF TEE PRESS.
EWTORlAt OPINIOH8 OP THR LB1DISO JOURNALS
proH CUREEST TOPICS COMPILED KVBiT
- BAT FOB THg ETBNIKQ TKLROBAPa.
Campaign Entlinslasm. '
From the N. T. HuUon.
Three months gV tuatij good Republicans
Were troubled by what they oODsidered a want
of enthusiasm for Grant meaning, of coarse,
an absenoe of nervous excitement about his
same or his person, and an Indisposition to
give violent and uproariom expression to the
feeling of admiration oreated by the contem
plation of his career. This defect was sap
posed to be particularly remarkable in the
West, whioh has usually. bsen considered,
owing to the greater freshness of its popula
tion, the home of enthusiasm; and we remem
ber meeting with more than one shrewd
observer who came back from that region
troubled by the calm with whioh the
mention of the Republican candidate was
received. There did not seem, they said, to be
any "magnetism" about him magnetism, in
politioal parlanoe, meaning that personal
quality which in Europe causes the populacs
to take the horses from a man's oarriage and
draw it themselves, and whioh here exoites
intense eagerness to shake hands with him,
and get his autograph, or a lock of his hair,
or, in the case ef woman, to kiss him.
"Magnetism" does not seem to be necessarily
conneoted with any particular kind of intel
lectual constitution. Webster had it, and so
had, in a far greater degree, Clay. Jaokaon
had It, but Calhoun had not, and the want of
it Is constantly mentioned still aa a reason
why some of the ablest men in the country
need not look for a high place in the manige
ment of publio affairs.
Now there is no denying that Grant does
not possess "magnetism," in the sense in
which the word is ordinarily used. Ilia
general bearing is not that of a sympathetic
man, of a man on whose breast one is tempted
to lay one's head and weep. His looks does
not invite kisses, and his hair does not lend
itself to use a (Gallicism to being oat off ia
locks. lie makes a poor figure at receptions
when a few of his lellow-oitizens "desire to
take him by the, hand." lie shakes hands,
even on the greatest oocasions, with a cold,
stern, impassive air, whioh naturally begets
the impression that be does not enjoy shaking
hands with some hundreds of people whom he
never saw before, and this chills the more
gashing of his admirers. We have on more
than one occasion been present when the sight
of his unmoved, and apparently immovable
features has reduoed a smiling, glowing hand
shaker, who had just danced up to him with
extended arm and an inane bat carefully pre
pared oompliment on his lips, in the twink
ling of aa eye to a limp, broken-down bore,
for whom life had lost its charms and from
whom earth had withdrawn its welcome. In
fact, as a show candidate Grant is probably the
worst that ever took the field, and to the class
of politicians who attend to the speotaoular
part of a campaign, get up the serenades, the
prooessions, the great effaots and striking
situations, he mast be a source of oontlnual
trial and disappointment. For the use of
these gentlemen Seymour is worth ten Grants,
patting aside altogether Seymour's Immense
rhetorical superiority. Seymour really has
"magnetism." lie has the power of putting
on his faoe a show of interest in the small
affairs of other people, and of patting on an
air. of dignity which, strange as it may seem,
is worth more to a pablio man in Amerloa
than in any other country in the world; and he
has what is perhaps more valuable than all,
tears within easy reach. "As a weeper," to
rise Colonel Brown's lauguage, "he surpasses
Job Trotter;" and though tears shed publicly
have in all ages been regarded by the more
reflective of the race with extreme suspicion,
they are still, and will probably always remain,
very powerful with the multitude, i( used
Sparingly and with tact.
It is undoubtedly this want of availability
for speotaoular purposes on Grant's part
whioh created the doubt about his popularity
which existed three months ago, ana whioh
have even made their way to Europe, and
have been made the subject of wondering
comment in a recent number of the London
Spectator. There has never been a Presiden
tial candidate with whom those whose busi
ness it is to shift the soenes and arrange the
lights and roll the thunder-barrels of the can
vass have found it harder to deal. Compared,
for instance, from their point of view, , with
Fremont, he seems a heavy burden for manu
facturers of enthusiasm to carry. Fremont's
way of wearing his hair was o itself sufficient
to exert a powerful inlluenoe on the popular
mind, while Grant's straight, and not particu
larly well-kempt locks, parted low down at the
side, are singularly wanting in plo
taresqaeness. Then, Fremont's faoe
is one of those which, particularly
to women, suggest vast possibilities, and it
really did suggest vast possibilities during his
canvass, as was shown by the expectations
entertained of him when he went West to
take the command at the beginning of the
war. lie was confidently expected by the
sentimental portion of the Republican party,
although he had never set a squadron in the
field, to sweep through the Confederacy like a
whirlwind, and the tenacity with wbioh the
same set of enthusiasts elung to his "Body
Guard," as one of the wonders of the contest,
long after the general's ewn military preten
sions had been reduoed to ashes, was a
striking illustration of the kind of stuff of
Which politioal enthusiasm is made.
Moreover, Fremont hat the immsnse advan
tage i-we are still looking at the matter from
the theatrical point of view of resting his
elaimi to confidence on an exploit of which
lew people had heard till his nomination, and
the nature of whioh was only imperfeotly un
derstood at any time, lie waa sung all ever
the land as "The Pathfinder of the Rooky
Mountains." What this was exactly not many
knew, but it had an awful sound, and olosed
the mouths or doubters as effectually as M.
Jourdain's was olosed by being raised to the
dignity of "Mammamouihi." Grant's ex
ploits, on the other hand, were so well known,
so long dwelt on, so familiar in oar mouths
before he was presented to us as a Presidential
candidate at all, that none of us is maoh
moved or exoited when he is asked to vote
for the hero of Vicksbnrg and Chattanooga
-that is, for the man who has performed
wt f the Rreat mllit4T exploits of a century
wniou i8 crowded with the greatest wars of
1U8l07Tl,1 U would be hard to cite a more re
markable ptoof 0t the Injurious effect on re
putations whiov the exoeeding publioity of oar
day causes. The newspapers literally take all
the polish off great Mm8; Md W8ar 0ut the
fame of the most famoi. men ,n half.a.doien
ftf VW g t0 ite Ja.1a aition to which
their iteration reduces the poniar fooultitf of
wonder and admiration. Ther. i8 hardly a
great military name in history wuvh woaid
retain much of its lustre if it had bvu ex.
posed to the aotion of the periodical press,
vatse there has to be In all really shining ana.
enduring fame all fame by which the imagina
tion is really roused a touch of mystery. Gas
tavus Adolphus, Wallenstein, the First Napo
leon, Nelson, and even Wellington were
happy in having lived and fought before the
age of newspapers, and thus leaviDg memories
dimly peen through the fog of oral tradition, I
of brif despatches, of ill-compiled ohroniclea, I
cd of popular songs.
In our daytbe whole world stands by the
hero ou the quarter-deck or at his headquar
ters, pores over the map with him, reals his
if ports over his shoulder, watches him chang
ing his shirt and eating his breakfast, holds
bis bottles up against the light to see what
lqnor he drinks, debates the probable effeots
ot alcohol on the coats of his stomach and his
nervous fibre, and in two or three years hat
beard the story of his battles so often that
nine men out of ten begin to feel as if they
could have won them the mselves. Tests of
this kind, of course, nothing but the first
order of genius can endure. The minor
heroes of even the greatest contests suooamb
under them. We know of few things ia Ue
annals of war more pathetic than the fate of
Corse, of AUatoona. He is now, we believe, a
revenue assessor or oollector somewhere in
the West, an obscure and almost forgotten man,
and yet had he done in any of the great Euro
pean campaigns what he did in Sherman's, he
would have been raised to lasting eminence.
He held through a long day, with a handful
of men, a position, on the retention of whioh
Sherman's fortunes depended, against the as
saults of a whole army, and this not as a
solitary and unlooked-for display of resolution,
but as the legitimate result of a faithfal and
dauntless charaoter, for Sherman, when he
saw from the heights of Kenesaw the smoke
of Ibattle round AUatoona, said he felt
no anxiety, for he knew that Corse was there.
We are, and always have been, however,
of the number of those who have not been
troubled about the absence of enthusiasm
about Grant personally, and for two reasons.
One is that we look on the qualities which
do most arouse enthusiasm, in the politician's
sense of the word, as defects in a Presidential
candidate; and the other is that the rapid
growth ot the community in intelligence, ex
perience, and self-possession, has made en
thusiasm unnecessary for the winning of
politioal viotories. It is one of the unpleasant
but suggestive truths of history, that the
very worst enemies of the human raoe have
been those who oommanded the popular en
thusiasm, and that it has, on the whole, done
rather more for bad than for good causes.
The exploits of . "popular idols" have not
always resulted in maoh good for humanity.
The history of progress is, in fact, the
history of the growing supremacy of reason
over the affairs of men, of the relegation of
feeling to the background, of the ap
pearance of Judgment as sovereign In
fields once wholly given up to pas
sion. Perhaps the most striking and
significant feature ot the Amerioan Revolution
was the conduct of it by a silent, methodioal,
repelling-mannered man, who carried on war
as a disagreeable business, and eagerly aban
doned affairs of state for the raising of to
bacco. It is diflioult to avoid peeing in the
selection of another man of a similar oharaoter
for the place once held by Washington, at this
second great crisis in the national affairs, an
indication that his type of character is, after
all, that which occupies the highest and most
permanent place in the popular mind, and
that after sixty years of gushing, noisy,
"magnetio" politicians, with tears in their
eyes for every woe, a long yarn for every
passenger, and an empty harangue for every
stump, the kind of public man whom, after
all, most Americans would like to see their
sous imitate, is a man like Washington or
Grant, who has done much end said little,
aadtowhom the effects of his acts on his
"prospects'- are amongst tne last ana least 01
considerations.
One other thing tells powerfully in Grant's
favor, and that is the rapid growth not of this
community only, but of all civilized com
munities, in those qualities whioh come with
age in the individual man, that is, in distrust
of mere sentiment in the management of
affairs, and in the habit of weighing conse
quences and balancing pros and cons. The
saying of Fletcher of Saltoun, whioh maga
zine writers have so long delighted to quote,
"Let me make a -people's songs, and I oare
not who makes their laws," has beoome, in
fact, utterly worthless, considered as an epi
grammatio statement of the proposition that
the world is governed rather by sentiment
than by reason. Nations cannot now be
governed by songs. He who seeks to rule
men in our day must convince them, not
simply move them. Poetry itself, in becom
ing more metapbysioal, shows the depth of
the change whioh has come over the modern
world.. The same remark may be mde of the
popular novel, whioh perhaps more than any
other species of literature influences popular
thought. Even popular amusements grow
more and more intellectual. Those whioh
appealed wholly to the feelings have almost
died out. Convivial songs, as we remarked
the other day, whioh played so prominent a
part in society in the last century, are no
longer heard, or, if heard, the singing of them
is looked on as a speoies of buf
foonery. In. faot, human character in
the civilized world takes everywhere a
graver cast, and the effect of the ohange ia natu
rally seen more distinctly in politios than in
any other field of human activity. The chant
ing, weeping voter, carrying "the great states
man" on his shoulders, or following him
blindly to the polls and banging on his lips
round the stump, is a speotacle whioh grows
daily less and leas familiar even to the mind's
eye. In a few years more he will take his
place in his historical niche, in the same row
with the lord and serf, a creature of this world
no longer. Even in the campaign now pend
ing one sees in the speeches of the orators
abundant sigus that they are conscious of his
vanishing. The vast majority of the ad
dresses are argumentative to a degree never
known before; per (tonalities and clap trap
have never In any ether campaign played so
small a part; calm, unimpassioned appeals to
the reason have never played so great a one;
and this novel character of the oratory is made
all the more striking by the fact that the con
test follows close on a bloody war, and that
the leaders on both sides are largely men who
were conspicuous on opposing sides on the
battle-field.
Votes of llie Unreconstructed States.
From the N. T. Time. -
Mr. Pendleton's advioe to the Texans,
"Vote, by all means," and the assurance
which aooompanles it "we shall see that
Texas is represented" are indorsed by the
Express, with a farther application to Virginia
and Mississippi:
"Weirnst that Virginia and Mississippi will
alto vote. Virginia tiu never lost tier stilus la
I lie Union, having ever been represented la
Congress, even tluriug mo Kebelllon, end has
as much tight to vote as Mu-acbuHeUs. MU
Blmlppi wait r el iiwed representation ouly ueoause
she voted down the negro constitution. Let all
vote. We shall eee whether the Uump dare
re) use the count."
But the law says distinotly that the votes of
these States shall not be oeunted. There ia
no room for controversy on that point. When,
therefore, Mr. Pendleton asserts that the
Democracy will "see that Texas is repre
sented," and when the Express, referring to
the three unreconstructed States, dares Con-fc-ess
to "refuse the count," they foreshadow
a ctnfliot between the Demoorats and the law.
Congres, ha8 ita fluty defined by statute,
and the votes of these States will not
be received. Is this to be made a pretext for
disturbance ?
Besides, the three States named oaunst vote
without coming into collision with the military
authority. There is no civil government in
any of them. And General Gillem, in refusing
to authorize the holding of an eleotlon in Mis
sissippi, discharged a duty whioh the Generals
commanding Virginia and Texas must similarly
perform. And by whom, then, are polls to be
opened f If by persons pretending to derive
authority from officials whom Congress de
posed, under Governments which Congress
abolished, it is fair to puppose that the distrlot
commanders will forbid aud prevent proceed
ings having no warrant in law. , They may be
expected to do so as well because polls so
conduoted would be illegal as because the
holding of them would imperil the publio
peace. How does Mr. Pendleton propose to
overcome this dlffionltyf 1
The truth is, that this scheme for obtaining
an exclusive white vote,under Rebel influ
ences, in States not yet restored to the Union,
with a full knowledge that it will not be reoog
nlzed by the Electoral College, is one of the
devices with which the Southern Demooratio
leaders propose to create trouble. They have
no expectation of snocess, but they are
anxious to make the election of Grant a pre
text for quarrelling over the exclusion of the
unreconstructed States. We oaloulate upon a
Republican majority so large in the Northern
States as to render the Southern vote imma
terial. Bat it is well to know of the mine
which the Demoorats propose to spring if a
different contingency arise.
The Stiffrapo Sophism.
From IheN. T. World.
It has been stated as one of the reasons
justifying negro suffrage that It was necessary
to promote the internal peaoe of the Southern
States. One great reason why this peace was
so desirable is given in the necessity of quiet
before that fertile region could lie open to the
Northern immigrant. Now let us consider
this argument. It is, as you perceive, that
peace must be had in order that if you or I
desire to move South we can do so, and that
negro suffrage Is a guarantee of this peaoe.
So far from this being the case, let any fair
minded man but consider what established
negro suffrage would do when it does what it
is now doing on probation. Let him further
consider whether he is at all tempted at the
prospect of moving ' out of a oommunlty
where the negroes are few and unenfranchised
into a community where they are in great
numbers and air invested with the ballot.
Further than this, let him ask if there is any
thing in the rich fields and soft air of that
beautiful oouutry to desirable as to be worth
the surrender of his ballot; for, let it be here
repeated, that in one form or another disfran
chisements the inevitable concomitant in the
reoonttructed South of a disbelief in negra
equality. , .,
If, considering these things, the . reader
comes to the oonolusion that the enfranchised
negro is more riotous than the unenfranchised;
that so long as negro suffrage exists carpet
baggerr will flourish; and that, though the
South be tempting, it is not tempting enough
to tempt diefranohi3emmr.l he will have
reaohed conclusions that mast forbid 7 any
acquiescence on his part in the shallow
sophism that negro suffrage Is peaoe. So far
from being peaue it is war; war upon that good
order which invites immigratiou, encourages
investment, and rewards toil ; , war on
the traditional principles of this coun
try; war on the accumulated lessons of his
tory; and war not alone upon our interests
but upon our own selves. Oar feelings are a
part of us; uu ..,,... .Sli ,r
our Intuitions are all component parts of us,
and the revolt these give when this abomi
nable heresy of negro suffrage ia brought
before them, warns us that it is a thing that
nature abhors. Suffrage is mastery. When
ever a man is brought into the body pelitio
he becomes, to the extent of his suffrage, the
master of all other men in it; and the ques
tion is, whether you, by the introduction of a
great many thousand barbarians, are willing
to put your neck, even contingently, under
the feet of these grandohildren of cannibals ?
If so, so be it; you have a right, perhaps, to
debase yourself, but have you any right to
abase me too f
Maine and Pcunsjlranla.
From the IT. Y. World.
The Reoonstruotion acts have never yet
been voted on by the whole American people.
In other elections these issues were disguised
or did not appear. In the coming November
eleotion they appear, and cannot be disguised
by sophistry.
Bo yen, O Amerioan people I endorse a
purely partisan reconstruction, f Do you com
mend this disunion prolonged this Union
delayed this peaoeful revival of all prosper
ous industries North and South averted, in
order that the Republican party might make
its blaok alliance wherewith and whereupon
to perpetuate its power f
Do you, O American people ! approve of
the Rump's usurpation from thirty-seven
States of their control of the distribution of
the ballot. . .'
Do you approve of their denying it to com
petency and bestowing it upon incompe
tency T , .. ,
Do you approve of ereoting in ten States a
military despotism wherewitu to establish an
ignorant negro supremaoy over thirty-seven f
Do yon approve of paying enormous taxes
in order to. keep up this negro .supremacy
which your sharp and costly bayonets alone
can save from suicide, as in Georgia t
Do you approve of giving to three or four
millions of blacks tea times the voting power
over your own vast concerns in the United
States Senate whioh New York's four millions
of freemen there have t
These issues are in debate. We have never
doubted that the American people would de
cide them Justly and righteously altogether,
and the Maine eleotion confirms our faith.
The Infamous reconstruction aots, whioh
gave birth and being to these manifold wrongs,
the members elected in 1806 voted for.
These members have oome up for re-election
in 18G8, and the people by thousands
have voted against them despite the faot that
they are covered by the prestige of Grant.
More people have voted against them than
ever did before enough more people to make
majorities elsewhere, though gains merely in
Maine.
The same quantum of popular condemna
tion will, for example, defeat Kelley, Myers,
Taylor, and O'Neill, running for Congress in
Philadelphia. We do not question the Justice
of the patient, slow verdiot of an intelligent
people. The facts are known. The oase is
argued. The people will judge, and we be
lieve their Judgment will everywhere oondemn
their faithless servants.
The Wages of Sin.
Ffm the If. T. Tribune.
Mr. B. H. Hill argues that his Georgia
brethren didn't butoher the Republloaus at
Camilla wantonly and without provocation,
because it was not their interest to do so.
We agree to his premise, but rejeot his oon
olusion. For
I. It was not their interest to rebel and try
to dissolve the Union. The most oomplete
success in that enterprise would have left
them In worse condition than that in which
they originated the movement.
II. Having plunged into rebellion and civil
was", It was their interest to abolish slavery
and attaoh the blacks to their cause by giving
them lands in addition to their freedom. Yet
when M. D. Conway offered to bring th Abo
litionists to agree to Southern independence if
the Rebels Would agree to emancipation, the
proffer was not merely spurned, but its rejec
tion was blazoned to Europe, so as to oon
found the Rebel sympathizers by showing that
ueiuou was slavery and slavery was the
Rebellion.
Hi. When the Rebellion had utterly broken
down, burying slavery in its ruins, it wa the
clear interest of the Rebels to treat the blaok 4
humanely, so as to secure their confidence an !
good will. Instead of that. Afr.
Rebel legislatures began at onoe to pass vagrant
eve, apprenuoesntp acts, aots respecting
testimony, arms-bearing, etc, etc, all saving
to the blaoka as plainly as could be, "The
Yankees have freed von wa nun't ha)n tint
but we have said that you would bs worse off
id ireeaom man in slavery, and now we will
make good our prophecy." This was most
mistaken policy; but defeat, and mortification,
and v'ndiotive chagrin are aooustomsd to
gratify feeling at the expense of interest.
IV. The Camilla massaore was, in every ai
peot a blunder as well as a crime. Its con
trivers want to eleot Seymour and Blair, and
this butchery will darken their prospect, dim
as it was before. They want to pretend that
they have been subjected to "negro supre
macy;" but this butchery gives a ghastly as
pect to that absurd falsehood. They have
succeeded only in reddening their own hands
afresh, and adding a new proof to the many
old ones that "Whom the gods would deBtroy,
they first make mad."
General (Jrant and the Himlness Interests
oi the Country "Let Us Have Ttace."
From the IT. T. Herald.
With the announcement of the ticket and
platform of the Democratic National Conven
tion, gold began to go up and our national
securities began to go down. The Vermont
election checked this upward tendenoy of
gold, and since the Maine eleotion the Wall
street gold gamblers, operating for a rise,
have been reduoed to a very narrow margin of
incidental fluctuations. There was some
degree of uneasiness among the holders of the
five-twenties and the ten forties, but it has
ceased to exist. There were some misgivings
among capitalists and merchants touohing the
safety of money investments, involving in
their profits or repayment the hazards of a
revolution in our financial system, as one of
the probable consequences of this year's
political elections for the next Presidency and
the next Congress; but all such misgivings
since the Maine election seem to have disap
peared. Among all our finanoial and business
classes a sense of security appears to be felt in
the future which can only be explained upon
the basis of a prevailing confidence in Gene
ral Grant's election.
But why this confidence in General Grant ?
It is because from bis proposition for peace
"Let us have peace" the people believe that
with his election there will be peaoe. lie does
n6t contemplate any violent oollision nor any
embarrassing conflict with Congress; he has no
idea of any attempt to upset the Southern re
construction aots of Congress according to the
policy of Johnson or the polioy of Blair. On
the contrary, from General Grant's letter of
acceptance of the Chicago nomination there is
every reason to expect that on the money
question and the reoonstruotion question he
will be content to wait a while before disturb
jutf me existing oraer 01 mmgs, i0mb ov
gres?; trade, and the political troubles of the
South, for a time, to the natural laws of
gravitation. Nevertheless there is a powerful
impression abroad that General Grant, from
his well-defined conservative oharaoter and
liberal opinions, will not countenance any
further radical extravaganoe or excesses in
money matters or in politioal matters, bat
will with a firm hand hold the two houses to
an honest interpretation of the Chioago plat
form, and to a general line of polioy whioh
will give us peace.
The Tammany Convention, we say, under
the acceptable banner of Chase, in satisfying
all the conservative business olasses and inte
rests that a change in the Government would
bring no violent change in business affairs,
could have carried the day even against Gen.
Grant as the representative of the radicals.
But with a degree of folly and stupidity
which exceeds almost any foolish thing re
corded of the Bourbons, the jugglers of the
Tammany Convention contemptuously cast
away the prize within their grasp. A powerful
body of the conservative Republicans stood
ready to join the Democracy under the banner
of Chief Justioe Chase, in opposition even to
Gen. Grant as the radioal candidate, and for the
purpose of putting an end to the corruptions,
spoliations, and usurpations of the radioal
party by putting them out of power. Bat
the Tammany Convention would not have it
so. They preferred, under a representative
Peace Democrat during the war, to fight ever
again their .disastrous oampaigu of 18G4, on
the platform that the war was a failure, and
that in laying down their arms, after a four
years' struggle against the Constitution, the
.Rebel States, as if nothing had happened but
an election riot, were restored to all their
rights in the Union on the same footing with
the loyal States.
Upon this issue the Republicans are con
ducting the campaign, and we see that the
Tammany ticket and platform, and the Demo
cratic journals, leaders and stump orators,
North and South, in their belligerent threat
euings, have furnished the neoesiary politioal
capital for the election of . General Grant.
The Democratic organization, with the odium
revived against it as the peaoe party of the
war, has placed itself under the additional
stigma of the war party against the peaoe in
proclaiming all the reoonstruotion acts . of
Congress growing out of the war "uncon
stitutional, revolutionary,, null and void."
The Union party of the war, therefore, thus
challenged again upon the issues of lSu'l and
8o't, have rallied and are rallying, as under
Lincoln, around the banner of Grant. This
fact being apparent on all sides, the oonolu
sion is inevitable that Grant must be triumph
antly elected. Oar fioauolal and buaiuesj
men see that such Is the drift of the popular
tide, and in the record and the charaoter and
conservative ideas of General Grant they feel
that ULder him the interests of the people
will be safe, that this Presidential eleotion
will be followed by nothing like a financial
panio, nor by politioal chaos, but by better
timer, acpured prosperity, and a substantial
peace. Henoe there are no unusual excite
ments from day to day In Wall street, and no
apprehensions to disturb the business opera
tions or calculations of our bankers, capital
ists, merchants, manufacturers, or agricul
tural classes.
The Frnits of Itaillcallsm.
From the Jfanhville Union.
' If any oue lacks evldenoe that three
vears of radical rule in a time of peaoe has
beea calamitous, let him read the oolamus of
any daily journal of the first class. From one
end of the oonntry to the other, we are
greeted with recitals of every form of lawless
ness murder, rape, arson, theft. Law,
diviDe and human, is flagrantly set at defi
ance on all hands. A general demoralization ;
1 218 & 220
S. FRONT ST.
2(8 & 220'
S. FRONT ST.
WINES, ETC.
' JAME8 CAR8TAIR8. JR..
Kos. 12C WALNUT and 21 GRANITE Sts.,
IMPOBTEROF
Brandies, J Ines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc Efc?.,
ANB
COMMISSION MERCHANT
OR THE BALK OF
rURE OLD BYE, WHEAT, AND BOUE-
BON WHISKIES. . ...
LUMBER.
186a
JOIBT.
WjHUCSIJOIJI.
Hit LOOK.
HJLMJXXJJC.
18(58.
& cQ.
OFFER TO TELK TRADE, m LOTS,
niVE RYE AM) BOURBON WHISKIES, O. ROM
Of 180C, 1800, 1807, and I8O8.
ALSO, HIE FINE EYE AND BOlRBOiY WHISKIES,
Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 18G4 to 1845.
Liberal con tracts will be entered Into for lota, in bond at Distillery, of this years' manufactorf.'t
prevails. The older communities, ' north of
the Ohio river, exhibit it only a few degrees
lees than the war-ravaged distriots of the
Bouth. It Is there manifested in social cor
ruptionhuge and shameless swindles, do
mestio infidelities, and orimes of nameless
variety, with not infrequent dispays of mob
violence, all evincing that society has
slipped its cable and Is tossed wildly
on the waves of license aud passion.
Ia the South and Southwest . . it, of
course, assumes more startling shapes.
Thousands of white men, debauched
by the vices of army experience, and famil
iarized for four years with soenes of blood and
rapine, are without employment and subject
to every temptation that despair and vioious
surroundings can supply. Intermixed with
these are millions of ignorant negroes sud
denly freed from the restraints of masterdom,
idle, thriftless, vagrant, corrupted by loose
and false ideas of their new station, and their
cupidity and sensual pas ions stimulated by
designing knaves to every lawless resort for
their gratification. The better class of society
is measurably impoverished by the war, hu
miliated by the oppression to whioh they are
condemned, and weighed to the earth with
despondency. In this compost-heap of misery
and vice, crime rankles, flourishes, and no
wonder. Judging from the perusal of the
chronioles of the day, this is not an exaggerated
picture of the social condition of the people
who can justly boast of being the most intelli
gent cn the face of the earth.
Why is it f Is all this the work of olvil
war, and Is it irremediable! Experience
teaohes that the moral poison distilled from
such an evil permeates all the social body
through, but is there not virtue enough left
to resist and overcome it In three years of
peace 1 Have the ohildren of the founders of
the freest, wisest, and best system of govern
ment ever devised, no conservative foroe left t
Has one civil strife utterly undone them
politically and socially f Is the Govern
ment to go to wreck and society to seethe
and rot to ' shreds in crime and confusion f
If these things are not to be, and we do
not believe they are, why is it that the
salutary reouperation ia delayed ? Why is
there, in the midst of peaoe, - aa muoh
lawlessness and social degeneraoy as
during war f The answer is ready and
obvious. It is not that men and women.
North and South, were inoarably distempered
by the licentiousness of the war period. Iu
such a community as that of the United
States, its innate intelligence and virtue were
prap&rnd to retrieve the disaster at onoe. The
healthful work commenced auspiciously in
18(15. Radioal mlsgovernment oheoked it,
and the dominant politioal leaders have rain
ously, wickedly, criminally fomented agita
tion contemned the supreme law; violated
the dearest and highest rights of citizens; and
prot-t rated the intellect and worth of the
country at the feet ef ignorance and vice. And
this is why the Amerioan press daily spreads
to the mental gaze of the world a panorama of
crime and sooial wretchedness.
EDUCATIONAL.
gTETE USD ALE INSTITUTE.
BOARDING SCHOOL FOB YOUNG LADIS9.
Terme Board, Tuition, etc per ecUolaitlc year, I 00.
NO EXTRAS.
Circulars at Messrs, Fairbanks fc EwIdk'i. No. 715
CHiBNUTBtreei; also at Messrs. T, a. Peieraon A
Brother' ,No. SOS CHILSSUT Bireet.
Addrefcs, personally or by note,
N. FOSTER BitOWNK, Principal,
l8hmtt fekmih Amooy. N, J.
JJAMILTON INSTITUXE DLI AND BOARD-
iDg-Scbool for Young Ladles. Ko. S810 CHE3NTJT
Street, Philadelphia, wUl reopen on MOMDA Y. Sep
tember 7, 1888. For terms, ete , apply to
8 24tf PHILIP A. OREGAR. A. M.. PrinrHn.1.
TANE M. HARPER WILT, RRnPP.NT ttrb
J School for Boys aad Olrls, No. 17ZS CHitaauT
Direct, eepiemDer (mum month) Slat. -Aj
plication for admission can be made at the
rui n i nik Lii 17Lh anil mm t.nm in ,n . k. A.
alter the school commences. is lm
CHEBMCT STREET FEMALE SEMINARY,
Miss UuMKBV and Mlsa DILLAYJS will reopea
lliclr Boarding aud l)y Bclioul (1'hlriy-seyeaw
t-etiHion), (September 14, at No, 1411 Uhaauut elreat,
Particulars lrom circulars, 1 10 to 10 1
ACADfcMY OF THK PROTESTANT EP1S
oUi'AL CHUiiCH. LtAJLfvr aud JUIruH
b'reets.
The Autumnal Session opened an BEPTEMBUR 7.
9 7 mwMw n.ed Maa'-er.
Vf IBS ELIZA W. SMITH'S FRENCH AND
XVX KNOLilBil RUAKbliSli Ai 1AY bUAOOL
Ko. 1&4 bPRUCE titreet,
will reopen on MUflDAY, September 14. S a tw
ST. JOHN'S ACADEMY FOR BOYS AND
yuubg nieu Berlin, M. J. 7o to lltu a eai fur
m.l'll ai.U Tuilluu. Addu ltuv. T M. kKI l.l.T
B. D, Rector. m,BJ.
mi! MISSES ROJliRS, NO. 19U PINE
btreei, will reuiwu ilielr htcbool lor Yuuu
lkdles aud Children, un MONDAY, eeptemoor 7.
IM lulliblm K. A J, ROOKK9.
"JLA8SICAL INSriIUTE, D4JAN STREET,
lbe duuebol liia Classical loHllate wlU be resumed
September 7. J. W. FAlRas. 1. U.
ini Principal,
LAW DEPARTMENT, UNIVERSITY OF
PiNNoYL VAlxlA.-A term will couiniruce ou
lilUKt-lA.. Oii.ohur I. lutroduciory by protestor
frt'KAlEKtolLLmt.atSu'ulocttP. ' 8t
rpHE MISSES JOHNSTON'S BOARDING.
L aud liny jicuool tor i uuuc Ladle), Ho. mil
bi'ltLCiC ialiett, will reopen (D, V.J geite.aber
14, 1600. o u
yMUSICAL INSTRUCTION.
JpSS JENNIE T. BECK, TEACHER OF
PIANO-FORTE, N0.7U FLOHIDA Street, between
Eleventh and Twelfth, below Fltzwater. (i
PROFESSOR E. CAHILl WILL COMMENCE
hi Singing Lenaone on the 14 ih of tfeplember.
Address No. 1103 CHEMUVV St. est. Circulars oan
be obtained In all Muslo Stores. 9 7 mwllm
XOOO. BH,ABOfiJU CLK4.SplS lfifift
CHOICK PATrjOtl" Piic AwO.
BPANKia CJCDAJt. iOR PATTKRiaa i
BHD dKPAJtT "BBMi1 '
i8ea
JTfOKliA FLiXIKliNtt.
FLORIDA FLOOH1AW
CAROLINA FLOORlAi.
V1ROIJS1A FLOORING
DJfiLA WAR FLuORLNa.
ash floorikUT"'
walmi1 flooring.
rail plank
186a
1868.
WALK TJTBLB. AAD PLANK "
WALK UT BLsT AAD VLAXlL 186R
WALNUT RUAkLh. ' At,Ua
WlIiKPT PLANK?
186a
TJNBKRTAKFRM' LUHBKh. i r,,.
vItfWgBB& 186a
WALNUT AND PINK,
1868. .-S. 186a
WHITa QAVLANKANI BOARDS, ,
ans. i86a
Iftfvft CAROLINA SCANTLING. 1 Drtri
XOOO. CAROLINA H. T. SILlS J fifift
i86a
vo. a.SVua.A A All A al MiiM-
NORWAY eUANTLLNttT
CEDAR SHINGLES. 1 nnn.
UYFRitsa sHiNuuca lonft.
NO. S6Q9 BOOTH BtraU.
""JNITIfP STATUS BUILDERS' MTTxTi
Nos. 24, 2G, and 28 S. FIFTEEKin St.,
PHILADELPHIA.
ESLtXR & BROTHER
MAWurAcruMM or
WOOD MOULDINGS, BBACKBTS, STAIR BALTJ8.
TUBS, NEWJLLL POSTo, GKNKRaL TCBW.
INQ AND SCROLL WORK. Km
The largest assortment of WOOD MOULDINGS la
this city constantly on hand Ilm
FLAGS, BANNERS, ETC.
1868.
PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST.
FLAGS, BANNERS, TRAKSPAEENCIES,
AAD LANTERNS,
Campaign Badges, Medals, and 1'Ihs,
OI BOTH CANDIDATES.
Agents wanted everywhere.
BuuUl n4 8Uk-M
Political Uuba fitted out with verytalng they m
require.
CALL Oil OB ADDRESS
W. F. 8CHEI0LE.
So. 48 S0DTH TULR1) STREET,
'UrP PHILADELPHIA.
BOARDING.
XTO. 1121 GIRAKD STREET, CESTRALLY
located, within twe squares of the ConUuenil
and Ulrard House An nnlurnlahed
6XCON D-BTOR Y FRONT ROOM,
with flrat-claaa Board,
Vactnole for Gentlemen and Table Boarder.
1 Reference requirea. gll
GAS FIXTURES.
GAS Jf I x T D Jt . k h
ALUxKKY, MICRIULL Tij ACkLARA
No. 71 CiiiHStf TJT blree. '
aiaauhtotarer or tias Fixtures, Lanina ate in
fi,itU of tb. pub'l Whelr U?i'e VSl
siegant aiworuueul ot Gas jiijuidellro, laanal.
Brackets, etc. Xuey ib0 lnir,uuc plpus " in
wellinifs and public bulMlnifs, and attttal loaxtiEev!
Ing, atmrlng. and repairing gaa'pineeT
Ail wot warranted. , m
SOAP.
QUEEN OP ENGLAND SOAP
QUKEN OF KNULAND rtOAP.
QtlJCKN OF JiNGLAND HOAfI
For doing a family washing lu tlie btwi and eheam
em mariner. Guaiauteed quai lo auy iu lue w.Tldl
liaa allthestreuKthol the old roam eokp, wlih the
uilld aufl lathering qualltiee of gennlnaUla. Tr
tula splendid Moap. HOLD BY THS: v",ul '
ALL JUS OHFMJCAL WORKjs. NO. 48 NORTH
FRONT BTmHILADPHIA? ItVvLt
T bTKINKELIN. AFTEBrYsiDENCl
,SiD1f?H,aBSbTyiBJiTH ".Wwee.'aCAR.
Rlssuperlortty In the prompt acd perfeol cure ot
all recent, chronic, local, and consiltu Joual affue
llohs ot a special r attire. Is proverbial.
I Diseases of tbe elwn, appearing In a hundred dif
ferent forma, totally eraillcaud: mental and physical
Weakness, and all nervous deblliuon soleuiltloally
aad esslnUr treated, oihoe hours lruiu I lit,
to P.M.
s
18. P. B0MDIMELLA, TEACHER OV 8INQ.
1NU. PrlVMte Ifxaoun aud niu.. kuM.nn.
No. tuS H. TlilR'l KRNTli Hlreet. ill tut
)IANO.-MR. T. TON AMSBERQ HAS RB
Humid bin i.ehSous, No. 264 Suuin ibth st. pltlm
T BOWERS, TEA0UEU OK PIAVO AND
blNUlNU, No. ov b. TiLCiTH street. S U tf
QEORGE PLOWMAN.
CARPENTER AND BUILDS.
REMOVED
! To No. 184 DOCK Street,
PHILADELPHIA.
JOHN G ft U M Pa
CARPENTER AND BUILDER,
HOPMt H. SI IiODUl TKEBT, AH
0. 17 M ClIENBitTT NTKF.KT,
ttf PHILADKLPaiA.