SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. EDITORIAL OPINIONS OT THI LEAPING .'OUBSALB Df ON CVHdHM TOPICS OOHPILKD RTSBT VAT FOB TFX KYBNINO TSLBflBAPW. The Value of SoiUIktii Declarations From the jY. K. Walton. Two hundred "iuflaeiitlal citlzona" of Charleston, 8. C, have held a metiiiK and leaned an address to the white people of the district, informing tbeui, in substance, that the blacks hare come to the conclusion that true happiness for the negro can only be found in "the most degrading vassalage of the white citizens of the State," and are "fired with a sentiment of hostility to the white popnlation of the city and State," and prophesying that, unless "timely averted, the purposes of wicked men will be accomplished in deadly strife, and in the streets of the city scenes will be enacted which all geod men will deplore." The docu ment is written in what, considering the season at which it appears, may perhaps be called campaign English, and it is therefore impossl ble to say what its value is, either as an expres sion of feeling or as a description of a state of things actually existing. The aooount it gives Of the sudeiings of the wkites and of the bad conduct of the blacks may have some truth in it, but the reader is furnished with so little means of guessing how much truth that he is almost driven into refusing it all credence whatever as the only sate course. What adds to his difficulty is that the picture the paper draws of white sufferings makes the advice to the whites to be "patient" and do nothing violent, with which it winds np, souud very nice me lamous admonition to the mob, on no account to nail the ears of the shorilfa offi jor to the pump. KINo matter to what Southern source one turns for information as to the real condition, moral as well as physical, of the South, one finds one's self plunged in the same per plexity. It is not simply that the language of Southern speeches and articles is inllateil, but the propositions they contain are in such direct opposition to familiar facts of Southern history that one could not believe them, even if the language in which they are stated were never so simple and direct. For instance, we Hud in the report of General Rocrans' inter views with General Lee at the White Sulphur Springs, published by the Richmond Whig, that "as to Southern animosity to the negro, nothing could be further from the faot.ani why should there be ? Said he, there is no rivalry between the races, but a reciprocal interest, growing out of the fact that each is dependent on the other to a grat extent," etc. etc. Now, whether General Lee aotually said this or no makes little differenod for the purpose of our argument. Southern men of his class are constantly saying it, and the newspapers keep repeating it, and it is Buoh a clear evasion of the real question that, hearing it so often, one is almost driven to the conclusion that discus sion with Southern men is useless, and that wild abuse of them, such as the llunnicuts and Underwoods Indulge in, is as good a way Of dealing with them as any. They are not enemies of the negro, it Is true, provided the negro accepts their theory of his rightful condition. 13 ut looking at enmity in this way, it may be said with equal truth that nobody has any enemies. All any man has to do, in order to put an end to all hostility to him, is to aceept the conclusions of those who do not like him as to the plaoe he ought to oocupy in sooiety. A proud man, for instance, is disliked because he thinks he is superior to his neighbors, and lets it he known that he thinks it; but if he beoame very humble in his manner, and acted every day as if he was the inferior of everybody he met, his former enemies would soon get to love him, or at least cease to hate him. A cloBe rich man is disliked, because people think he has acquired his wealth in an im proper manner, and that the generous and kind-hearted would have his money if jnstioe were done; so all he ha to do to make every body his friend is to divide his possessions amongst his neighbors, and leave himself poor and mean, as people think he deserves to be. This same difficulty Is t the bottom of most national antipathies. If Americans would frankly accept the English view of the Ameri can charaoter, and of the part which Ameri cans ought to play in the world, the English would like the Americans very much ; or if the English could be got to see themselves as the Americans see them, warmer friends than the two nations could not be found on earth. So, also, the long-standing hatred between France and England has been due simply to the resolute refusal of eaoh nation to adopt the other's view of its oharaoter, capacity aud rights. Cases of hatred, flowing from pure devilishness of disposition, are almost un known in civilized life. So that when the Southerner tells ns that he is the friend of the black man, he simply means that he is the friend of the black man as long as the black man remains in what he considers his proper place that of the member of an inferior raoe, Who is, for the benefit of his superiors, to be restrained and prevented from exerting all his faculties. In other words, the assertion is a mere quibble, and does not forward the dis cussion in the least. The war arose out of the fact that the North and South held two widely different theories of sooiety and government, and the existing strife and confusion is kept up by the fact that the South refuses to accept and apply the Northern theory as to the result of its defeat in the field; and yet in nearly every thing the Southern press and orators say about their aims and intentions this fact is kept out of sight. The North finding, at the close of the war, that the South was unwil ling to accept its social theory, applied the screw in the shape of negro enfranchisement and partial white disfranchisement. Now, this might be called, as the Southerners do call it, "reducing the Southern whites to 'vas salage,' " if it were done deliberately for the purpose of permanently degradiug the whites; but it is done for precisely the same reason that cannon was used against the Southern armies in the war to make them submit to the will of the stronger. To call it "vassal age," under these ciroumstanoes, is simply silly. ' What we want from Southern orators and statesmen is a declaration ef their feelings and intentions in language used in the same sense as that in which we use it. For in stance, we want to know, from General Lee and others, not whether they are friends of the negro seen from their point of view, but are they his friends seen from our point of view ? Are they willing to take him not as a blaok, but as an ignorant man of merourial tempera ment, and lay aside, for the purposes of legis lation, all their old theories as to his origin and destiny f To these questions no Southerner of prominence has, to our knowledge, ever given a definite answer. No Southern paper ever touches them in disoussion. We are left to find Nt which theory most Southerners entertain, 'entally, by watohing their oouduut negro, and listening to their talk 4 themselves about him. Everything n this way makes it all but certain js of the Southern people have not ' will not, if they can help it, Tiit the m&- ibefn theory of society; and ttfopv v -. 0 lno. to among" e lem ?MJvEN1NG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 13G3. I that their fair talk to us la due simply to their practioe of using words in a sense of their own, differing from ours. Now if they will say frankly, "Your social and poli tical theory we will never adopt," they would not only do a manly thing, but would do mucn to clear mo publio mind on both si tes of the line. Instead of this, they pretend to adopt it by a kind of equivocation. What we know of the nature of the South ern view of the neero'a nlace in sooietv we leain not from the speeches of the Lees, and Diepnenses, and Beauregards, but from the practice of the mass of the community, and the State pacers of the Governors and other public men; from the black codes of manv of the btates after the war; and from the actual legislation of Kentucky, which, not having been touched by the reconstruction prooess, gives us an Idea of what would be done all over the bouth were it not for radical intermeddling. There the negro is literally an outlaw, is de pendent for lile and limb on the humanity of any ruiuan wnom tie chances to meet his evi dence againBt white men not being received in the courts, or at all events, counting for no thing if it is received. Evidenoe of this kind. not being prepared, is worth volumes of addresses aud conversations with distin guished Southern statesmen. There are of course, the same things to be said against negro suffrage that are to hi said against all voting on the part of Iguorant men; but when you have said this you have not nnisnea tne argument. You have still to show how it would fare with the ignorant man if he were deprived of the right of voting. In highly civilized and highly orgautz-jd com munities liko New aud Old Euglau 1, or France and Germany, where respect for life aud pro perty has become a habit of the popular mind, and where the law is executed Tilth certainty and despatch, a nou elector may, and does enjoy security aud comtori. tie does not impress his opinions or wishes on the policy of the State, but he is sure of justice in the courts, aul of the aid of the police agaiust his enemies, lie is not asked to rely on the pity, or even on the kindly feeling, of his neighbors for protection. Now, no honest Southern man will pretend that the negro at the South will 'aid the same justice aud the same protection if left entirely in the hands of the Southern people that poor white men do. There is a prejudice against him at the South; there is contempt for him; aud there is also a habit of showing prejudice aud con tempt by acta of violence which the courts are not ready to puuish. On these points we do not need General Lee's opinion. We have the facts before us every day iu th newspa pers; and what we want to know of General Lee is not whether he loves tun negro and wants peace, but whether he in wiiliug to sub mit to the conditions imposed by the conquer ing party in tho lite war one of which is the acceptance and embodiment iu the law aud practice of the land of the Northern theory of society and government. The Meditated Fnuu.s in Our Comin-r Flection. rrom the 2V. T. Tribune. The World thus deals with 0'ir exposure of the conspiracy to corrupt, odY hallot-buxes aud falsify the verdict of our State at the ap proaching election: 'The Tribune boldly c)itr(e the Dduiocratiij parlj in 1'ils city wl.u ut'ii-.';-i,.i-i luteuiliiix 10 coriupl the Lail'U.bo.'.". In Nuvemoer. n chsrses Hie Democratic priy Willi lnt'-ndiuij to eltci Its cauiiid uo 1' r iuo Uovei'uoi'tthip by Jibuti. Tiictie cliai - jire iu..Je ug-Uusl a pir y wbioti outnumber itie ru'Jiut.l puty iwo loone In a city w her.', wltlu uilbe lutervenUm ot l.ue ltglnlailou ot rudiuiils horn ilie 1 ami dlsiio's, and without llio r.iJiCit! ciii:,ii3Hloiis 'Vhlou suun 1 gisiittlon lias f'nw u: u upon itiaUx-pav-t-rfcol tho oiiy, not radio! ou Mau utio ifelnud coulu oe elect.-;! u s.i mu ni n oillca us the toorkeeern!!p of a j oJIuh hi;-Hod. 1! ruoU olticf.s were eli ciive. In tue face of nuoli fiois, me tribune prcieiida tha1, mo Deinjorauo paity, which uaiutily give in tr.e city ra.ij -rlty nearly cquhI to the in'lrei rauloul vo'o. Leeds to resort to irftud t. elct lis ouUi dateti ! The Tribune kuous butler, ami itaows llial lis readers are not deceived bvistici pal pable gi'imuon. What-, toen, Is the Tribune's object in hJuuderlrjg two-thirds of tho honest voters of this city by charging them wnu tua intent to deliberately defraud tbe remaining one-third at the baiioibjxes iu Novotnoer? It is tb: The Tribune hopes, by unking au lu lemnuH chRtRe, to cover and excuse tue fact that our police, wuo are employed as our hired ser vantH li protect our live and property, aud paid for such services by the tax-payers in this overwhelmingly Democratic city, ure used by tho radicals fur their own private purposes. Kvery policeman is now eUKaueJ as a centtus- taker, not lor the city, not lor the tax-payers wuum utrvHui lie in, out tor ine radical parly, which Is en Insignificant minority in thecltv. and lor radical purposes, which ara of no as countexcepitolbisiusiKniiicaut miuority. This isa thing to tala of as 'iraul.' It is a swindle upon the people who employ these publio ser vants lor k'Kitlumte purposes, aud pay them good round wages therefor. It in lime that the fiolice, lrom 1'oliceman Kennedy down to Po iceinan Hmith or Jones, understood that they are the hurvauts of the city, not the runuers and lackeys of a party. Tney are hired to work: for the people who pay their wages, not for the party uhich swindles the employers by impro perly using the servants. The place for a police man is on his beat, la the street, not at area or nHii-uoors, or as a bell-boy and waiter at a poli tical club. And at whatever door these ln iulNi- tlve policemen apply lor the sake of propound- lug puny couuuurums, tuey snouiu ue plainly loid to go about their buiuss the business for which they are specially employed aud paid." Comments by the Tribune. j I. The city of New York will give a consid erable majority for Seymour and Blair; the State, outside of the city, if none but legal votes are polled, will give a still larger ma jority for Grant and Colfax. The game of certain magnates and wire-pullers of the Demooratio party is to swell by fraud the city majority for Seymour, so that it shall over balance the country majority for Grant. In lurtherance of this conspiracy, Brooklyn was most unjustly deprived of her Polioe Commis si oner by our late Democratic Legislature. In farther lurtherance of it, our oity and oouuty tax levies were swelled by millions of dollars, which the managers of the Democratic party are using to promote Illegal naturalizations, and hire "repeaters" to swindle the electors out of their rights by voting from poll to poll. The World's language given above proves it in guilty conspiracy with the swindlers. II. What is charged upon the Polioe Super intendent as a misdemeanor is simply an elibrt to prevent illegal voting nothing less, nothing more, lie is not even aocused of ask ing or seeking to know how any man will vote, but simply how many, iu a given locality, have a right to vote at all. It ia mat ter of reoord that over 100 voted last year from a house where no ten men lived that the vote of our city was swelled by monstrous, wholesale frauds. The Democratic vote here for President in '0"4 was 73,701); last fall, with neither President, Governor, nor even Con gress to choose, it was swelled to 85,704; and there was not so mauy legal votes for Nelson in '08 as there were for MoClellan in '64, when there was quite cheating enough. We firmly believe that the Fourth, Sixth, Eighth, and Fourteenth Wards eaoh returned a Demooratio majority exceeding the whole number of legal voters therein of all parties who went to the poll. We propose to put a stop to this whole sale villainy. Let the wounded pigeons flut ter if they must 1 III. The use of a polioe is to expose, resist, and prevent crime. And whtit is orima if rob bing the electors of their right of suU'rage is not ? An illegal vote destroys the legal vot er's right of eullrage m completely aa thoupu it took his ballot from him by force, as In ap proached the ballot-box, and prevented hU poinng u. vvnat is the runotlon or a police, if it Is to stand idly by and Bee the whole body tf legal voters robbed of their rights, and tha popular verdiot falsified in a orisls liki this t IV. The polioe mean to deteot ani expose the wholesale crime which is meditated a crime which strikea at the very foaudation stone of popular liberty. They have nothing to do with party or politics; it is their duty to prevent fraud and crime. Kvery illegal vote polled is a crime committed a gigantic, atro cious crime. The World virtually confesses that to prevent illegal votiug is to reduca the Demooratio majority, livery intelligent politician knows that this la so; that if 20,000 illegal votes are polled In this city, the Demo cratic majority will thereby be swelled at least 19,000. That is no business of the police, but the prevention of crime is. Oa behalf of all legal voters, who wish neither themselves to cheat, nor to profit by others' cheating, we entreat the Superintendent to do his whole duty. Can't Make a Jialanee Sheet. From the N, Y. World. Is it not time that the Republican papers made the amend honorable to Governor Sey mour for the outcry they raised agaiust his intimation, in his letter of acceptance, that it is impossible to learn the real .state of the na tional finances ? The correctness of that inti mation is fully demonstrated by the very papers that raised the outcry. What, for example, is the amount of the publio debt f On the 8th of August, the Tribune stated it at $2,500,528,820. On the 18th of August, the same Tribune stated it at $2,510,000,000. Be fore the month of August ended the same Tribune again stated it at $2,491,324,477. And all three of these contradictory statements, be it noted, professed to be the amount of the publio debt, less the money in the Treasury at the same identical date the first of August. This is a pretty jumble of contradictions for a paper that howled at Governor Seymour for intimating that it is not easy to get at the truth respecting the national finances. Not only does the Tribune thus contradict itself, but all the other authorities contradict it aud each other. Commissioner Wells sUted in his recent report that there W43 an excess of income over expenditures within the last year of $34,749,777; whioh, if true, would have diminished the publio debt by just that amount. But Seoreta-y MuCullooh states that the debt has been increased within th year $12,228,054, making au enormous dis crepancy of $4(5,977,831. Tho Tribune, teased and bewildered by irreconcilable contradic tions, was driven to confess, yesterday, that it knows not the truth 6u this subject and is without the means to get at it. It ought, then, to apologize to Governor. Seymour for its unmerited abuse. The Tritium has several times oontended that $32,000,000 which appear in the debt statement of Mr. MoCulloch doe3 not strictly belong there. We are tlearl v of opinion that it does, with the advantage . having the Sec retary on our side. But we will not argue the point now, because, even if we were to con cede the claim of the Tribune, there would still be a discrepanoy of $15,000,000 which that journal cannot account for; whereas with a system of honest and well-kept accounts, the people Bhould know to a dollar what use had been made of their moDey. The Evening 1'ost takes up the subject which the Ttibune seems to abandon in despair, and thinks it can account lor the discrepancy of $15,000,000. We copy the tosl's fancied elucidation: "There remains, In round numbers, a balance of fifteen ml lion dollars paid lor some purpose which the Tiibune and Its correspondent cau no" discover. Wuera is it ? "Tue answer U coutaiuod In the debt state ment Itself; which show that the amount o' three-years comuouud iutereit liotfw toIMi! drawo by fumllusj or payment during ihe year j ub.so uotttg appeared in ttm slateineiitH or a year aao as capital at six per cent, interest: but in fct thev him i.im no. cuinulaud Interest of from two to throe ye irs upou lueiu. xuis interest nag dogu paid or lunded during tho year, and lias thus ap peared la tue sLaternent of the debt. It was as really due a year auo as it is now. ami it.a uppeurauce Is but a nominal, not a real, lu cre!! se. "Had these notes all matured before pay ment, tho Interest thus made principal would have amounted to noarlv elsht dollars; but ns some of them were received iu payment for Uve-twentles before maturity, it is but lair to suppose that they are about enough to account for tho fifteen millions of dollars la question." This will not do. In the first nlaoe. it is purely conjectural and supported by no fig ures. Iu the next place, it is in fatal oollisiou with the statement of Commissioner Wells, who included, in his aocount of expenditures, the interest on the compound notes. lie said that there was a surplus of nearly thirtv-five millions over and above all expenditure for in terest as a means oi reconciling the contradic tion. The part of the debt whioh draws in terest is only about $2,100,000, which, if it were all at six per cent. ( some of it ia oulv at three) would make the annual interest aooount only $120,000,000. But Mr. Wells makes the interest paid last year $141,625,551 an exoe33 in the interest aooount of nearly $10,000,000. This excess can be explained only by the pay ment of the accrued interest on the compound notes. The Post's explanation therefore falls to the ground, and the confusing contradic tions remain. The Georgia Legislature aud Its Colored Members. From the N. 7. Times. The action of the Georgia House of Repre sentatives, in declaring colored members in eligible, cannot fail to excite intense feeling throughout the South, and to aggravate the quarrel which the Southern Democracy appears resolved to provoke. It is a step in the direc tion of that war of races whioh Northern sup porters of Seymour declare imminent; and the negro, it will be remembered, is the eull'erer, not the aggressor. The pretence ou which the House has pro ceeded, is that the State Constitution does not specifically alhrni the title of colored citizens to seats in the Legislature. The Atlanta Von utitutiun appeals to the proceedings of the late Convention to show that it refused to affirm the title in question; in proof of which it cites the expunging, by a vote of 12G to 12, of a section which, as originally reported, pro vided that "all qualified electors, and none others, shall be eligible to any office iu this State, unless disqualified by the Constitution of this State or by the Constitution of the United States." The rejeotion of this clause, tho Macon TtUyraph contends, considered in connection with the re-enaotment of the pre vious Code of Georgia, "re-establishes all the old legislation of the State not inconsistent with the Constitution of the United States aud of Georgia, and concluded the business, so far as negro olllue-holding in Georgia under that Constitution was concerned." Aside from this, the advocates of exclusion in the Legis lature insisted that notwithstanding emanci pation, this is still a white man's government, and that the negro has no political rights in common with white citizens, unless conferred by the State, whioh, they allege, has not been done in Georgia. This ground, however, cannot be sustained. So much of the old legislation of the State as affirmed the nuperior status of white men, and confirmed upon them exclusive privileges, is clearly abrogated by the new Constitution as well as by the Fourteenth Amendment, to tin ratification of whioh Georgia was a prty. The decUration of fundamental principles compil ing the first article of the new Constitution provides (section 2) that "all persons bora or naturalized in the United States, ani resi leut in this State, are hereby declared citizeni of this State, and no law shall be made or en forced which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States or of this State." The first seotiou of the Four teenth Amendment lays down the same prin ciple in the same words. "Ad persons born or nalura'lzoil In the United nirn, nuu buujcci 1U tut) J U T 1 BU 1U I lOU tUBieOI, are citizens ol the United H'ales, and of I lie Btate wherein they reside. No fcUaie shall make or enforce any law which snail abridge tue Privileges or immunities of citizens of the I Mil tt Utntn It The citizenship of the colored man is thus made as Valid an that nf Mm nrlifta man and the two stand on an equality, in the light uuvii ui me reaerai ana otate uonstltutions, lu respect of political privileges. Exclusion from the Legislature, or from oflioe, because oi coior, is uevona aouoi an abridgment or tue privileges or immunities of the colored people, and is therefore in conflict with the organio law. So much of the old legislation as denied the citizennhin or tha olioitiilitv tn nm.m r - - - V J V colored persons, is as effeotually abrogated by m now vonsuiuiion ana ine f ourteenth Amenament as though it were in terms indi cated. The omission of all reference to color in the Constitution proves nothing. The distinction is throughout ignored. The franchise, like the citizenship, is oonferced without mention oi coior, Biinpiy nscause color lias ceased to be a basis of difference in tha States. If the old law may act as a barrier to the acquisition of office by oolored men, it may also operate for their disfranchisement. The plea would be as valid in the one case as in the other. Beside, the new Constitution of the State J3il T 1. ,. tt . . . ueuues wuo are ineligible to seats in tue Ajrieiiuure, auu coior is not inciuaea in the enumeration. If tlir wra nn nthar - - v vmmuA tVMtlVU, therefore, we should conclude, on the general pnucipie ui strict construction, mat negroes, not being, as a race, ruled out of seats, are as eligible as others, subjeot to qualifications ap plicable to all. But their right is not a matter of inference, still less of hair-splitting. It rests on the fundamental law, and all speoial pleading derived from the old Slave Code is inapplicable and worthless. The adoption of it vy ine ueorgia iiouse oi itepresentatives as giounu oi expulsion, is as unconstitutional as it is irritating and unjust. It is especially outrageous because shared by members elected by colored votes, in a State where the freed men have used their newly-acquired power wuu luirness ana moaeration. But the end is not yet. The colored Repre eematives have been expelled, but the real difficulties inoident to expulsion remain to be encountered. The question raised by Tamer, one of tho colored members, demands an answer. "Am -I a man ?" is the inquiry which, though for a time stilled in the Legis lature, will be raised throughout the State, wherever colored voters are found. And they will have sympathizers and supporters wher ever the policy of Congress is honestly upheld. The fitness of colored iwonln for nfK na la nn a thing; their exclusion from office, because of ,.i .i t . -, . . i uviiu, m utuauce oi constitutional guarantees, is another and much more serious thing, and one that caDuot be endured without a sur render whioh to Itepnblioans would be dis graceful. It is possible that a consideration suggested by the Augusta (Ga.) Hepublican may bring the majority of the Legislature to their eeuses. Here it is: "If these colored men had not been admitted to seats guaranteed to them by the Govern ment, the CouMiliitlonHl Amendment could not have been adopted; nnd if that amendment hud not been adopied, our repre seutatlves would not have been admitted nor the troopi withdrawn, It follows, too, if these members are not now entitled to neats, they were not then: If they were not then, the fourteenth article has not been legally ratified.'' And if Georgia has not legally ratified the Constitutional amendment, Georgia is not legally entitled to representation in Congress, and will net be entitled to participation iu the Presidential election. On this supposi tion the session of the Legislature amounts to nothing, and the State may be required to resume its place under military government. These are matters, however, which Congress will probably decide. In conjunction with the proceeding which gives them prominenoe, they may turn the balance in the Congres sional mind in favor of an early rev3sembling at Washington. The Radical Reproach of Democracy, Its Crowning Honor. From the Wastiington National Intelligencer. There is no meaner subterfuge to whioh a gentleman can Btoop than the effort to make party capital against the Democracy out of the lact that "llebels" took part in the proceed ings of the Convention of New York. The object, of course, is plain. It is to make out that the Demouraoy are hand in glove with those who sought to overthrow the Govern ment, and that, therefore, they are un worthy of the publio confidence. A few may be deluded by the shallow devioe, but sensible people are aware that the true method of pacifioating a country whioh has been rent by the strifes of war is to bring the belligerents into harmonious co-operation. If the Demo cracy sacrifice nothing of principle or patriot ism by bringing the opponents of the Govern ment into fellowship with them, it hi to their everlasting honor that they have wrought the magic change which converts quondam enemies into lasting friends. It could only be a oause of reproach that Wade Hampton and General Forrest Bat side by side in the New York Con vention with the Northern leaders, if tha lat ter had abandoned their life-long devotion to the Constitution and the laws, and given countenance to the spirit of hostility which arrayed the former against the Federal Gov ernmnt. But what is the faot? It is not the Democracy which has ohanged front, but the Confederate leaders, who have laid down their arms, accepted the results of the war, and gladly now clasp hands with those who are willing to accord them all their -rights under the Constitution. It is not, therefore, cause of reproach, but of boasting, that the great Demooratio party of the country is wil ling, when arms are laid one Bide, to forget the bitterness and hostility of war, and ex tend the hand of fraternal kindness to the men with whom they have been engaged In a deadly struggle. Republican orators reproach us for not evincing the spirit of barbarous hate in the midst ef Christian institutions. They arraign the Democratic party for not practising the vengeance familiar to the dark ages, amid the blaze of the nineteenth century. They clamor for the "fruits of viotory," while seeking to kindle passions above which even an Athenian populace and a Roman Senate so often rose. They proclaim the baseness of their natures by professing their unwillingness to trust their own oountrymen. They soil the glory of the American name by their slanderous im putations upon the honor of our Southern brethren; for they are our brethren brethren by the ties of blood and by a community of Interests; brethren by the rich association of a common language and the glorious memo- 218 S 220 S. FRONT ST. 4 218 220 i c rrmiiT ot f o. rnuu IOI. Sr CO OFFES TO TUB TRADE, m LOTS, FIKE RYE AKD BOlIiBON WHISKIES, IX ROAD, Or 18GS, I800, 18C7, mi (1 1808. AISN TME FIKE ME AXD EGIRBGS W1IISKIES, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 18G4 to 1845. Liberal contraot will be entered Into for lots, in bond at Distillery, of thla years' manufacture ries of a common renown; brethren by years of dangers shared, and of a prosperity without a parallel in human history; and though the storm of battle has rent us asunder, aud thousands have fallen in a fratricidal strife, yet we share alike the glories of a common valor, and forgetting the sad tragedies of a war which never should have been, will cleave to gether as children of the same mother in the enjoyment of a common Constitution, whioh guaranties to all alike the precious heritage of free institutions. Palsied be the tongue and blistered the throat of the recreant Amerioan who would make it a matter of reproach to a compatriot that he seeks to bring his estranged countrymen together in the bonds of a heart felt Union; that he seeks to reconcile dill'er ences, soothe exasperated feelings, harmonize clashing interests, aud awaken the inspirations of a common patriotism. "Blessed are the peace-makers," says the Divine Word. On the other hand, he who would protraot strife, who would for any cause keep alive the ani mosities and the bitterness engendered by war, when the roar of battle is no longer heard, is accursed of God, and should be despised by men. The Republican party has fulfilled Its mis sion. It carried on the war for the Union blunderingly and with enormous expense; but it has spent four years in trying iu vain to restore peace. Its legislation reeks of the spirit of war. It deals in military domination and drum-head court martials. It substitutes the order of the camp for the decree of the court. It deals in vindictive disfranchisements and senseless disabilities. After years of war like struggle, followed by domination over one-half the republic, its leaders seem so far incapable of a peaceful solution of the national troubles that tliey reproached the Democracy for affiliating with the men whom it Bhould be the object of wise legislation to make contented citizens. Such leaders may make good fron tiersmen or Apache chiers, but they are utterly unfit to control the councils of a Christian people WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. -tvns LAD0MUS & co; 'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWELERS.Y WATCHES, JKWBLUY BILVElt WAKK. ,WAT0HES and JEWELSY REPAIRED,. J02 Chestnut St., Phila. Wonld Invite particular attention to their laree and elegant Mnorlmeut ot ' LADLE AND GENTS' WATCHES of A me'ican and Foreign Makers of thel3nt quality ii viuiu huu silver A variety rjf Indennnrfnnt H fifuvmri. fnr hnmm tlDilng. i,riiev ana uents' chains oi latest atvlm. la 14 ana 18 kU BTTTON AND EYELET STUDS In great variety newest patterns. SOLID SILVER WARE for Bridal presents; Fiated-ware. eta Kenalrlue dona in ihe best manner, and war. ranted. l jJip ; wedding'rings. We have for a long time made a specialty of Solid lS.Karat FIuo Gold Wedding aud Engagement Rings, Ard In order to supply Immediate wants, we keep A FELL Ag&OBTMEHT OF SIZES always on band. FARR & BROTHER, MAKERS, 11 UsmthjrpI No. 82 OHK3NUT8t below Fourth. SPECIAL NOTICE. UNTIL SEPTEMBER 1, 1868, I WILL CLOSE DAILY AT 5 T. M. fcJ. W. RUSSELL, Importer and Dealer In French Clocks, Watches ine Jewelry, ana silver Ware, Ko. 22 Korlh SIXTH Street, 261 PHILADELPHIA. GROCERIES, ETC. EXTRA FINE NEW MESS MACKEREL IN KITTS. HTJrp ALBEBI C. BOBEBTS, Dealer In Fine Groceries, ELEVENTH and VINE Streets, DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., K.E. Corner of FOURTH and RACE Sts., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURER!) Off White Lead and Colored faints, rutty, Varnishes, L,tc AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED FRENCH ZLNC FAINTS , VK.' LEftU AMD CONSUMERS BUPPMirn at LOW AST PRICES FOR CASH. t!6t GAS FIXTURES. AB FIXTURES. f MISKKY, MERRILL A TUACKARA t);ut' irfaiitii rte nf Llnnriu r . ....... : . oii thl! ibe atwn.tli.n or the publio Id their larise hoi fiifc-snt RMburtiuent ol Uaa Chandeliers. Pmidauis, Brm-ktita, etc, Tney alno Introituue v&s-plpM luir, dwelliDKS aud publio bmidluics, and atwud lotlin lujf, aterlu(. and repairing cus-tilDea. Allwo. warranted, tw WINES, ETC. SO NOMA WOE COMPANY. Established tor the sale of PUKE CtLIFORMl WIN KM, This Company oner for sale pnre California Win WJJITK. CLARK T, Catawba, jok t BHERHy, MUPCATEL, ANGELICA, CHAU.PAQNB, ANT) PUBE GRAPE BRANDT, wholesale ana retail, all of their own crowint an HAH n n?t Ka Btrt Pielphla. xlAHN fc QUAI&, Agents 8 8 lairp JAMES CARSTAIR8. JR., Jfos. 120 WALM'T aud 21 GRANITE Sts., IMPORTER OF llraudleg, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc, AND COMMISSION MERCHANT IOR THE SALE OF FIRE OLD RYE, WHEAT, AND DOUR. BOJi WHISKIES. 4 11 LUMBER. i86a SPRUCE JOIST BPRUOEJOW HEMLOCK. HEMLOCK. 1868. SSiSSgSgRSSgg. Iraq CHOICE PATTERN PINir OO, IV I M U HU MA 1 tuvr. . DELAWARE FLOOKU&J ASH FLOORIN a,' WALNUT FLOORING. PIX)RIDA STEP BOAKD8. KAIL PLANKT WALNUT PLAMk; 18C8. Sffi l86a WALNUT AND PINK. lftfft SEASONED POPLAR. inn lOOO. BEAftONEDCHERR. 186a WHITE OAKhPLANK AND BOARDS, SPANISH Cm BOX BOARDS1000, FUR SALE LOW. I Riii CAROLINA SCANTLING TTTTTT lOOO. CAROLINA 11. T. blLlii 1868 NORWAY SCANTLINGL XUUO IRfift CEDAR SH1NGLE6L ToTTT lOOO. CYPRES fclllNGUra. 1868 , MACLE,. BROTHER & VO?,' -ii! . fto. 2oQ0 SOUTH Street. os. 21, 2G, aud 28 s. FIFTEENTH St., PHILADELPHIA. EGLER & BROTHER KAKur acx UKBBe or WOOD MOULDINGS. BRACKETS, STAIR BALUS TER8, NEWELL POBTa, GENERAL TURN- INQ AND St ROLL WORK. ETC. The largest assortment of WOOD MOULDINGS In this city coPB'.antly on band 9 2 2m T. P. GALVIN & CO., LUfoBER CCKMIS8I0N MERCHANTS. SHACKAMAXON STREET WHARF, BELOW SLOATS MILLS, (SO-CALLKD), PHILADRLPTTT A AGENTS FOR SOUTHERN AND EASTERN Mann. SOUTHER -KOOK-INU: AVnVSV'JS? ums, jiABUtltN LATHS. PICK juts BKli-Br i (SPRUCE, HEMLOCK, SELECT MTCH IH A w a CANADA PLANK AND BOARDS. A JNn w?,? " 1 Hi BLUL11J ALL OF Wnlf'II Wllf. u AT AN T PART OF TUB CITY PBOiHJPTIiY, Tainted photos. NEW THING I N A R T. BERLIN PAINTED PHOTOS, A. S. EOBINSON, No 910 CHE8NUT Street. Has Just received a superb collection of BERLIN PAINTED PHOTOGRAPHd Off FLOWERS. They are exquisite gems of art, rivalling ta beauty, naturalness of lint, and perfection o form a great variety of the choicest exoilo flowering plant. They are mounted on boards of three alios, and sold from 86 cents to 13 and l eaoh. For framing and the album they are Incomparably eautlluU g 1 1868: 4 i F. WILLIAMS, SEVENTEENTH ANU SPKIKG GARDEN 1 OFFERS FOB HALE PATTERN LUMBER OF ALL KINDS. EXTRA BEASONED PANEL PLANK, BUILDING LUMBER Off EVERT DE3CRIP. TION. CAROLINA 4-4 and S i FLOORING. HEMLOCK JOISTS, ALL SIZES. CEDAB SHINGLES, CYPREfeS BUNCH SHIN. GLES, PLABTEBING LATH, POSTS, ALSO, A FULL LINE Off WALKUT AD OTHER HARD WOODS. LUMBER WORKED TO ORDER AT SHORT NOTICE. . UA 727mwl2m
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers